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MEMOIRS 


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HUGUENOT     FAMILY 


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xn.  Original   likeness    in,    tlut   possession  j£  Miss  Fontaine .  Bixley ,  Engla-no!. 
OP.     PUTNAM   &C« 


MEMOIRS 


» 

OF  A 


HUGUENOT    FAMILY: 


TRANSLATED  AND  COMPILED  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  THE 


REV.  JAMES  FONTAINE, 


AND    OTHER    FAMILY    MANUSCRIPTS  J    COMPRISING    AN    ORIGINAL    JOURNAL   OF 
TRAVELS    LN   VIRGINIA,    NEW-YORK,    ETC.,    IN    1715    AND    1716. 


BY 

ANN    MAURY. 


WITH   AN 

APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING    A    TRANSLATION    OF    THE    EDICT    OF    NANTES,    THE 

EDICT   OF   REVOCATION,    AND    OTHER   INTERESTING 

HISTORICAL    DOCUMENTS. 


NEW-YORK  : 
GEORGE  P.  PUTNAM  &  CO.,  10  PARK  PLACE. 

1853. 


,   I    . 


f        c        • 


• 


,     „,.      <        ,  •     •  •  « 

- 
«    .  «  «  * 

...... 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  CoDgress,  in  the  year  1852,  by 

A.  MAUKY, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of 

New  York. 


PREFACE. 


-♦-•-•- 


hs  bringing  before  the  public  this  history  of  a  private 
family,  part  of  which  was  published  some  years  ago, 
we  feel  it  to  be  possible,  that  in  our  own  admiration 
of  the  virtues  of  our  forefathers,  and  our  deep  interest 
in  the  vicissitudes  of  their  fortunes,  we  may  over-esti- 
mate the  pleasure  a  perusal  is  likely  to  afford  the  gene- 
ral reader.  There  are,  however,  so  many  individuals 
in  the  United  States  who  are  lineally  descended  from 
James  Fontaine,  that  we  think  the  publication  is  re- 
quired for  them  alone.  TVe  believe,  also,  that  the 
work  will  address  itself  to  the  hearts  of  a  numerous 
body  of  Christians,  who  glory,  like  ourselves,  in  a 
Huguenot  origin,  and  who,  in  reading  the  following 
pages,  may  realize,  more  fully  than  they  have  hitherto 
done,  the  trials  of  their  own  ancestors  in  leaving  the 
homes  of  their  fathers  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel,  and 
be  thereby  incited  to  more  steadfast  faith. 

We  have  been  so  much  struck  with  some  remarks 
upon  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  family  history  in 

212610 


6  PREFACE. 

a  preface  to  the  "  Lives  of  the  Lindsays,"  that  we  ven- 
ture to  make  a  quotation  which  we  think  equally  ap- 
plicable to  the  volume  we  are  now  introducing  to  the 
reader. 

"Every  family  should  have  a  record  of  its  own. 
Each  has  its  peculiar  spirit,  running  through  the  whole 
line,  and,  in  more  or  less  development,  perceptible  in 
every  generation.  Rightly  viewed,  as  a  most  powerful 
but  much  neglected  instrument  of  education,  I  can 
imagine  no  study  more  rife  with  pleasure  and  instruc- 
tion. Nor  need  our  ancestors  have  been  Scipios  or 
Fabii  to  interest  us  in  their  fortunes.  We  do  not  love 
our  kindred  for  their  glory  or  their  genius,  but  for  their 
domestic  affections  and  private  virtues,  that,  unobserv- 
ed by  the  world,  expand  in  confidence  towards  our- 
selves, and  often  root  themselves,  like  the  banian  of  the 
East,  and  flourish  with  independent  vigor  in  the  heart 
to  which  a  kind  Providence  has  guided  them.  An 
affectionate  regard  to  their  memory  is  natural  to  the 
heart ;  it  is  an  emotion  totally  distinct  from  pride, — an 
ideal  love,  free  from  that  consciousness  of  requited 
affection  and  reciprocal  esteem,  which  constitutes  so 
much  of  the  satisfaction  we  derive  from  the  love  of  the 
living.  They  are  denied,  it  is  true,  to  our  personal 
acquaintance,  but  the  light  they  shed  during  their 
lives  survives  within  their  tombs,  and  will  reward 
our  search  if  we  explore  them.  Be  their  light,  then, 
our  beacon — not  the  glaring  light  of  heroism  which 
emblazons  their  names  in  the  page  of  history  with  a 


PREFACE. 


lustre  as  cold,  though  as  dazzling,  as  the  gold  of  an 
heraldic  illuminator ;  but  the  pure  and  sacred  flame 
that  descends  from  heaven  on  the  altar  of  a  Christian 
heart,  and  that  warmed  their  naturally  frozen  affec- 
tions, till  they  produced  the  fruits  of  piety,  purity,  and 
love — evinced  in  holy  thoughts  and  good  actions,  of 
which  many  a  record  might  be  found  in  the  annals  of 
the  past,  would  we  but  search  for  them,  and  in  which 
we  may  find  as  strong  incentives  to  virtuous  emulation 
as  we  gather  every  day  from  those  bright  examples  of 
living  worth,  which  it  is  the  study  of  every  good  man 
to  imitate.     And  if  the  virtues  of  strangers  be  so  at- 
tractive to  us,  how  infinitely  more  so  should  be  those 
of  our  own  kindred,  and  with  what  additional  energy 
should  the  precepts  of  our  parents  influence  us,  when 
we  trace  the  transmission  of  those  precepts  from  father 
to  son  through  successive  generations,  each  bearing  the 
testimony  of  a  virtuous,  useful  and  honorable  life  to 
their  truth  and  influence,  and  all  uniting  in  a  kind  and 
earnest  exhortation  to  their  descendants  so  to  live  on 
earth,  that — followers  of  Him  through   whose   grace 
alone  we  have  power  to  obey  Him — we  may  at  last  be 
reunited  with  those  who  have  been  before,  and  those 
who  shall  come  after  us — 

"No  wanderer  lost, 
A  family  in  heaven." 

Be  grateful,  then,  for  your  descent  from  religious, 
as  well  as  noble  ancestors;  it  is  your  duty  to  be  et 


8  PREFACE. 

and  this  is  the  only  worthy  tribute  you  can  now  pay 
their  ashes." 

On  the  former  appearance  of  a  portion  of  the  pre- 
sent book,  many  supposed  it  to  be  a  work  of  imagina- 
tion merely,  presented  under  the  guise  of  autobiogra- 
phy. It  is  therefore  proper,  now,  to  state  that  it  is  in 
truth  what,  on  the  title-page,  it  purports  to  be,  an  au- 
thentic narrative  of  actual  occurrences,  and  is  drawn 
entirely  from  family  manuscripts. 

~We  have  translated  and  printed  in  an  Appendix 
various  documents  and  edicts  throwing  light  upon  the 
history  of  the  times,  some  of  which,  we  believe,  have 
not  been  published  at  length  in  the  English  language 
for  more  than  a  century.  We  took  infinite  pains,  with- 
out success,  to  procure  a  translation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  and  were  therefore  induced  to  translate  it  for 
ourselves,  and  we  think  it  desirable  to  place  it  within 
the  general  reach  of  the  descendants  of  Huguenots,  as 
a  document  in  which  they  cannot  fail  to  take  an  in- 
terest. 


CONTENTS. 


-•-•-•- 


CHAPTER   I. 

PAGE. 

Eeason  for  writing  these  memoirs — Xoble  origin  of  our  family — John  de  la  Fon- 
taine born — Obtains  a  commission  in  the  household  of  Francis  I. — Embraces 
Protestantism— Persecution— January  edict — John  de  la  Fontaine  resigns  his 
commission— Assassination— Flight  of  his  sons  to  Eochelle — Marriage  of  James 
de  la  Fontaine— Attempt  to  poison  him— Henry  IV.  at  Eochelle,         .  .13 


CHAPTER   II. 

James  de  la  Fontaine— Fond  of  study— Travels  abroad— Called  to  the  Churches  of 
Vaux  and  Eoyan— First  marriage— Children  by  it— Second  marriage— Children 
by  it— My  father's  person— Habits— Labors  in  the  ministry— Summons  before 
the  Governor— Second  Summons — Death, 24 


CHAPTER   III. 

My  birth — Lameness — Imitation  of  my  father's  prayers — Meditations  upon  the  hea- 
venly bodies — Sent  to  school — Anecdotes  of  boyhood — Disgusted  with  study- 
Letter  to  sister — Mr.  De  la  Bussiere — Admirable  preceptor — College — Take  de- 
gree of  Master  of  Arts — My  mothers  death — Division  of  property,     .        .        .39 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Study  with   Mr.  Forestier — His  persecutions — "Wife's  firmness — Eeturn  home- 
Pray  with  neighbors — Absent  at  Easter — Poor  people  assemble  in  the  woods 
— A  spy — Warrants  issued — A  mason  taken  up — Eecantation— Eepentance — 
My  return  home — "Warrant  against  me — Grand  Provost  and  Archers  appear— 
Prison — Permitted  to    pray 54 

1* 


10  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   V. 

Provost  and  Archers  make  another  tour — Twenty  country  people  brought  to  prison 
—Well  supplied  by  Protestant  brethren — Prayer — Indictment — Confrontation — 
Recollement — Examination  of  witnesses — Apply  to  be  set  at  liberty — Accusation 
of  the  Bang's  adyocate — Dungeon — Removed  to  Town  Hall— Bribery  proposed 
to  me, 69 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Trial   before  the   Presidency— Digression— Defence— Angry  discussion  with  the 
President — Query — Eeply — Sentence, 83 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Appeal  to  Parliament — Factum — President's  remark — Sentence  reversed — Eegister 
refuses  copy  of  decree— Apply  for  redress — Eeturn  home, 90 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Persecution  of  1685 — Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders — My  Opinion  opposed  to  the 
Majority — Meeting  of  Protestants  at  Eoyan— Mr.  Certani  dissuades  from  Emi- 
gration— Interview  with  him — Gloomy  Forebodings — Departure  of  Protestants 
— Dragoons  appear — I  leave  Home — Yisit  Sisters — Traverse  the  Country — My 
betrothed, 99 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Eevocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes — Preparations  for  flight — Difficulties  and  dan- 
gers of  embarkation — Land  in  England — Cheapness  of  bread — Speculation  in 
grain — Cruelty  of  a  captain  of  a  vessel, 113 


CHAPTER  X. 

Singular  proposal  from  a  lady— Marriage— Mode  of  Living— Eemoval  to  Bridgewa 
ter — Assistance  from  Committee — Why  discontinued— Application  for  Relief— 
Unkindness — Attempt  to  recover  property, 128 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Remove  to  Taunton — Receive  Ordination — Keep  a  Shop — Manufactory — Prosperi- 
ty— Summoned  before  the  Mayor — Defence — Speech  of  Recorder — Discharge,       142 


CONTENTS 


11 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Revolution  of  1683— Landing  of  the  Dutch— Unexpected  visitor— Soldiers  billeted 
on  me— Retirement  from  business— Calimanco— Profitable  manufacture— Crip- 
pled Weaver— Secret  discovered— Visit  Dublin  and  Cork— Send  sons  to  Hol- 
land— Increase  of  family, 153 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Arrival  at  Cork— Pastoral  charge— Manufactory— Happiness — Dissension  in  the 
Church— Resignation— Reply— Remarkable  Dream— Visit  fishing  station- 
Death  of  Aaron— Become  Fisherman— Removal  to  Bear  Haven— Loss  of  the 
Robert— Bad  season— Trading  voyage— Successful  fishery— Loss— Irish  neigh- 
bors,            ...  168 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

Attacked  by  a  French  Privateer— Defence— Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond— Am- 
munition furnished  by  Government— Small  Fort— Visit  Dublin— London— Pen- 
sion—Copy  of  Warrant— Return  Home, 193 


CHAPTER   XV. 

Attacked  by  a  second  privateer— Out-houses  fired— Breach  in  the  wall— Wound- 
ed—Surrender— Carried  off  to  the  vessel— Expostulation  with  Captain— Ran- 
som—Peter  left  as  a  hostage, 2°9 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

Affidavit  before  Magistrates— Retaliation  on  French  prisoners— Removal  to  Dub- 
lin—Haunted house— Appear  before  Grand  Jury— Award— School— Education 
of  children— Peter  enters  college— John  gets  a  commission  in  the  army— Moses 
and  Francis  enter  college— Moses  studies  law— Emigration  to  America^Mar- 
riage  of  children— Death  of  my  wife— Failure  of  health— Conclusion,         .       .  227 


JOURNAL,   SERMON,   LETTERS,   APPENDIX. 


JoiTBNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE, 

Intebesting  Family  Meeting,    . 

Sebmon, 

Lettees  of  Maey  Ann  Maitey, 
Lettees  of  Rev.  Petee  Fontaine, 
Lettees  of  Petee  Fontaine,  Jcn., 
Lettees  of  Rev.  James  Mauby, 


.  245 

.  311 
.  312 
.  825 


.  857 
.  878 


12  CONTENTS. 

Letter  from  Joitn  Fontainf.  to  Vv.v.  James  Maury,  442 

Letter  from  Colonel  William  Fontaine, 444 

Conclusion, 443 

Appendix, 463 

Edict  of  Nantes, 453 

Secret  Articles,  taken  from  the  General  oiks,  that  the  King  granted  to  those  of 
the  pretended  Reformed  relid"'! 4S3 

Writ  of  grant  from  Ik-nry  the  Groat,  to  his  subjects  of  the  pretended  Reformed 
religion,  the  30th  April,  159S, 494 

The  King's  Proclamation  forbidding  more  than  twelve  persons  to  be  present  at 
4he  Weddings  and  Baptisms  of  persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,     499 

Proclamation  of  the  Sieur  President  and  Lieutenant-General  of  Sedan,  forbid- 
ding persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  to  expose,  retail  or  6ell  ani- 
mal food  or  game  on  days  when  the  use  of  it  is  prohibited  by  the  Church,       499 

Copy  of  Memorandum,  sent  by  Mr.  Pelisson  to  various  Bishops  in  Languedoc, 
dated  12th  June,  1G77 501 

Proclamation  of  the  King  forbidding  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  reli- 
gion to  act  as  Accoucheurs  or  Nurse, 503 

Declaration  of  the  King  to  the  effect  that  children  of  the  age  of  seven  years 
may  be  converted  from  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  Sec,         .        .        .  504 

Decree  of  the  Council  of  State,  forbidding  private  individuals  to  receive  the  sick 
of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  into  their  houses, 506 

Edict  of  the  King,  which  revokes  that  of  Nantes,  and  all  consequent  upon  it, 
and  forbids  all  public  exercise  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  in  the 
kingdom 506 

Confession  of  Fa:th  renuired  to  be  subscribed  to  by  converts  from  the  Protes- 
tant Church  ;  a  very  little  modified,  in  the  articles  upon  Purgatory  and  the 
Invocation  of  Saints,  from  that  which  was  prepared  under  Pius  IV.  after  the 
Council  of  Trent, 511 


■k  •     .  •       .  ->  •   »     • 


t  > 


MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 


-•-©-• — 


CHAPTER  I. 

Eeason  for  writing  these  memoirs— Noble  origin  of  our  family— John  de  la  Fontaine 
born— Obtains  a  commission  in  the  household  of  Francis  L — Embraces  Protestant- 
ism—Persecution—January edict— John  de  la  Fontaine  resigns  his  commission- 
Assassination— Flight  of  his  sons  to  Eochelle— Marriage  of  James  de  la  Fontaine- 
Attempt  to  poison  him — Henry  IV.  at  Eochelle. 

Let  our  beginning  be  in   the  name  of  the  Lord  who  made 
heaven  and  earth. 

SEVENTY-EIGHTH  PSALM. 

Give  ear,  0  my  people,  to  my  law :  incline  your  ears  to  the  words  of 
my  mouth. 

I  will  open  my  mouth  in  a  parable  ;  I  will  utter  dark  sayings  of  old ; 

Which  we  have  heard,  and  known,  and  our  fathers  have  told  us. 

"We  will  not  hide  them  from  their  children,  showing  to  the  generation 
to  come  the  praises  of  the  Lord,  and  his  strength,  and  his  wonderful 
works  that  he  hath  done. 

For  he  established  a  testimony  in  Jacob,  and  appointed  a  law  in  Israel, 
which  he  commanded  our  fathers,  that  they  should  make  them  known  to 
their  children ; 

That  the  generation  to  come  might  know  them,  even  the  children 
which  should  be  born,  who  should  arise  and  declare  them  to  their  children ; 

That  they  might  set  their  hope  in  God,  and  not  forget  the  works  of 
God,  but  keep  his  commandments.     Amen. 

I,  James  Fontaine,  have  commenced  writing  this  history, 
for  the  use  of  all  my  children,  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of 
March,  1722  ;  being  sixty-four  years  old. 


li  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 


My  dear   Child;;:::,  --    ' 

Whenever  I  have  1  (dated  my  own  adventures  to  you,  or 
given  you  details  of  tLc  incident  that  befell  your  ancestors, 
vou  have  evinced  so  dfi4T>  an  interest  in  them,  that  I  feel  I 
ought  not  to  neglect  making  a  record  of  the  past  for  your 
use  ;  and  I  am  determined  to  employ  my  leisure  time  in  this 
way.  I  would  fain  hope  that  the  pious  examples  of  those 
from  whom  we  are  descended,  may  warm  your  hearts  and  in- 
fluence your  lives.  I  hope  you  will  resolve  to  dedicate  your- 
selves, wholly  and  unreservedly,  to  the  service  of  that  God 
whom  they  worshipped  at  the  risk  of  their  lives,  and  that  you, 
and  those  who  come  after  you,  will  be  steadfast  in  the  profes- 
sion of  that  pure  reformed  religion,  for  which  they  endured, 
with  unshaken  constancy,  the  most  severe  trials.  You  cannot 
fail  to  notice,  in  the  course  of  their  lives,  the  watchful  hand 
of  God's  Providence,  supporting  and  preserving  them  through 
hardship  and  suffering. 

You  need  not  look  farther  back  than  the  period  over  which 
your  own  memories  can  stray,  for  numberless  instances  of  the 
providential  care  of  that  same  God,  whose  "  hand  is  not 
shortened." 

I  have  gained  the  knowledge  of  those  events  which  occurred 
before  my  day  from  my  mother,  my  older  brothers,  and  my 
aunt  Bouquet,  my  father's  sister  ;  and  I  have  the  most  per- 
fect conviction  of  the  truth  of  all  which  I  relate. 

For  my  own  part,  I  trust  that,  while  recording  the  past 
mercies  of  God  for  the  benefit  of  my  descendants,  I  may  de- 
rive personal  advantage  from  the  review.  The  frailties  and 
sins  of  the  different  periods  of  my  life,  thus  brought  to  mind, 
ought  to  cause  me  to  humble  myself  before  the  throne  of 
grace,  and  tremblingly  implore  pardon  for  the  past,  through 


NOBLE    ORIGIN.  15 

the  mediation  of  niy  blessed  Saviour ;  and  the  assistance  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  to  make  me  watchful  and  circumspect  for  the 
time  to  come.  When  I  look  back  upon  the  numberless,  un- 
common, and  unmerited  mercies  bestowed  upon  me  during 
the  whole  course  of  my  life,  I  hope  that  my  gratitude  will  be 
increased  towards  my  Almighty  Benefactor,  and  my  confi- 
dence in  him  so  strengthened,  that  I  may  be  enabled  for  the 
future  to  cast  all  my  care  upon  him.  Great  as  is  my  debt  of 
gratitude  for  the  things  of  this  life,  its  manifold  comforts  and 
conveniences,  how  incalculably  greater  is  it  for  the  mercy  to 
my  immortal  soul,  in  God  having  shed  the  blood  of  his  only 
begotten  Son  to  redeem  it  !  Oh,  my  God  !  I  entreat  thee  to 
continue  thy  fatherly  protection  to  me  during  the  few  days  I 
have  yet  to  live,  and,  at  last,  to  receive  my  soul  into  thine 
everlasting  arms.     Amen. 

I  shall  begin  the  narrative  as  far  back  as  I  have  been  able 
to  ascertain  the  facts  with  certainty.  I  must  remind  you  at 
the  outset,  that  our  name  was  originally  De  la  Fontaine,  and 
not  Fontaine  only.  You  might  find  the  original  name  on  re- 
cord in  Rochelle,  where  my  grandfather  held  some  command 
in  the  Tower.  I  have  seen  his  name,  signed  Jaques  de  la 
Fontaine,  to  the  deed  made  out  when  he  purchased  the  house 
adjoining  the  fish-market  in  Rochelle,  which  house  was  part  of 
the  marriage  portion  of  my  sister  Gachot.  My  father  always 
signed  his  name  De  la  Fontaine,  during  the  life  of  my  grand- 
father, but  afterwards,  from  motives  of  humility,  he  cut  off 
the  De  la,  the  indication  of  the  ancient  nobility  of  the  family. 
My  brothers  wished  to  resume  it  when  they  married,  but  my 
father  would  not  consent,  thinking  there  was  more  of  vanity 
than  utility  in  it  for  one  like  himself,  with  a  large  family  and 
very  little  property.     You  must  know  that  in  France,  an  in- 


16  MEMOIRS  OF    a    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

dividual  of  noble   family  cannot   engage   in   trade  or  the  me- 
chanic arts,  without  forfeiting  his  claim  to  nobility. 

I  have  insinuated  that  our  family  was  of  noble  origin,  and 
it  is  true  ;  but  I  would  not  have  you  glory  in  that  knowledge, 
but  rather  in  the  much  greater  and  more  glorious  nobility 
which  I  am  going  to  lay  before  you — the  suffering  and  mar- 
tyrdom for  the  cause  of  true  religion  of  those  from  whom  we 
are  descended. 

The  father  of  my  great-grandfather  could  not  bear  the  idea 
of  bringing  up  his  sons,  according  to  the  usual  habit  of  the 
nobility,  without  any  employment,  and  therefore  placed  his 
son  in  the  king's  service.  It  is  with  this  son  I  commence 
these  annals. 

John  de  la  Fontaine  was  born  in  the  province  of  Maine, 
near  the  borders  of  Normandy,  about  the  year  1500 ;  and  as 
soon  as  he  was  old  enough  to  bear  arms,  his  father  procured 
him  a  commission  in  the  household  of  Francis  L,  in  what  was 
then  called  "  Les  Ordonnances  du  Roi."  It  was  in  the  tenth 
or  twelfth  year  of  that  monarch's  reign  that  he  entered  his 
service,  and  he  conducted  himself  with  such  uniform  honor 
and  uprightness,  that  he  retained  his  command,  not  only  to 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  Francis  I.,  but  during  the  reigns  of 
Henry  II.,  Francis  II.,  and  until  the  second  year  of  Charles 
IX.,  when  he  voluntarily  resigned.  He  and  his  father  had 
become  converts  to  Protestantism  on  the  first  preaching  of 
the  Reformed  religion  in  France, — about  1535.  He  had 
married,  and  had  at  least  four  sons  born  to  him,  during  his 
residence  in  the  Court.  He  wished  to  retire  to  private  life 
at  an  earlier  period,  but  being  in  the  king's  service  was  a  sort 
of  safeguard  from  persecution.  He  and  his  family  not  only 
ran  less  risk  from  his  remaining  near  the  king's  person,  but  it 


PERSECUTION.  17 

gave  hirti  the  means  of  showing  kindness  to  his  Protestant 
brethren,  and  oftentimes  shielding  them  from  oppression.  He 
was  much  beloved  by  his  brother  officers,  and  by  the  men  un- 
der his  command,  which  made  the  Roman  Catholic  party 
afraid  of  disturbing  him  ;  though,  at  the  same  time,  his  exem- 
plary piety  and  benevolence  marked  him  as  one  for  whose 
blood  they  thirsted. 

You  may  read  in  history  how  the  kingdom  of  France  was 
laid  waste  by  abominable  persecutions  and  civil  wars,  on  ac- 
count of  religion.*     In  the  interval,  between  the  year   1534 


*  Open  hostilities  were  occasioned  by  an  event  which  occurred  at  the 
little  town  of  Vassy,  in  Champagne,  in  the  year  1562.  The  Protestants 
were  engaged  in  prayer  outside  the  walls,  in  conformity  with  the  king's 
edict,  when  the  Duke  of  Guise  approached.  Some  of  his  suite  insulted  the 
worshippers,  and  from  insults  they  proceeded  to  blows,  and  the  Duke  him- 
self was  accidentally  wounded  in  the  cheek.  The  sight  of  his  blood  enraged 
his  followers,  and  a  general  massacre  of  the  inhabitants  of  Vassy  ensued. 
The  report  of  this  roused  the  suffering  Huguenots  throughout  the  king- 
dom, and  a  savage  and  bloody  war  followed,  during  which,  Anthony  of 
Bourbon,  King  of  Navarre,  fell,  fighting  in  the  Catholic  ranks,  leaving  a  son 
eight  years  old — the  future  Henry  IV. — that  great  supporter  of  the  Protes- 
tant cause.  The  constable  Montmorency  was  taken  prisoner,  and  the  Duke 
of  Guise  slain :  thus  the  Catholics  were  without  a  leader.  The  Prince  of 
Conde  being  also  a  prisoner,  and  the  Protestant  Coligny  the  only  chief  re- 
maining on  either  side,  an  accommodation  appeared  indispensable  ;  and  in 
March,  1563,  an  edict  was  granted,  which  allowed  the  Huguenots  to  wor- 
ship within  the  towns  they  were  possessed  of,  up  to  that  day.  This  per- 
mission led  some  of  the  bishops  and  other  clergy  who  had  embraced  Pro- 
testantism, to  celebrate  divine  worship  in  the  cathedrals,  according  to  the 
rites  of  the  Eeformed  Church.  Such  an  extension  of  the  meaning  of 
the  edict  had  never  been  contemplated,  and  it  was  soon  modified  by  a  de- 
claration, that  ancient  cathedrals  should  in  no  case  be  used  as  Protestant 
churches. 

Another  edict  was  passed  very  shortly,  which  imposed  greater  restric- 
tions, and  the  Huguenots,  finding  that  they  were  likely  to  lose  by  edicts  all 
that  they  had  wrested  from  the  king  by  the  sword,  prepared  to  take  up  arms 
again,  and  in  1567  another  struggle  commenced,  which,  with  a  very  short 
interval  of  peace,  lasted  until  1570,  when  a  treaty  was  concluded  upon  terms 
so  favorable  to  the  Huguenots,  as  to  excite  some  suspicion  in  their  minds 
that  all  was  not  right.     Thev  were  to  have  liberty  of  conscience,  and  their 


18  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

and  1598,  when  Henry  IV.  granted  the  celebrated  Edict  of 
Nantes,  the  professors  of  the  pure  faith  were  most  particu- 
larly subjected  to  every  kind  of  cruelty  and  injustice.  These 
persecutions  were  carried  on  with  some  of  the  forms  of  law, 


worship  was  allowed  in  all  the  towns  they  had  held  during  the  war;  and 
they  were  permitted  to  retain  and  garrison  Eochelle,  Montauban,  Cognac, 
and  La  Charitc,  as  guarantees  for  the  observance  of  the  treaty. 

All  had  now  the  appearance  of  peace ;  but  it  was  the  delusive  calm 
which  preceded  a  storm  :  vengeance  was  preparing,  and  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew's  day  followed  with  all  its  horrors,  which  are  too  well  known 
to  need  repetition.  The  number  of  Huguenots  slaughtered,  has  been  esti- 
mated at  50,000.  Those  who  survived  were  for  a  moment  paralyzed  by  the 
blow,  and  the  Catholics  themselves  seemed  stupefied  with  shame  and  re- 
morse. Charles  was  as  one  struck  by  avenging  retribution ;  he  became  rest- 
less, sullen,  and  dejected,  and  labored  under  a  slow  fever  to  the  day  of  his 
death.  He  tried  to  excuse  his  perfidy  on  the  plea  of  its  having  been  ne- 
cessary for  self-preservation  :  and  he  sent  instructions  to  his  ambassador 
in  England,  to  give  such  an  explanation  to  Queen  Elizabeth.  Hume,  speak- 
ing of  this  interview,  says,  "  Nothing  could  be  more  awful  and  affecting  than 
his  audience.  A  melancholy  sorrow  sat  on  every  face :  silence,  as  in  the 
dead  of  night,  reigned  through  all  the  chambers  of  the  royal  apartments — 
the  courtiers  and  ladies  clad  in  deep  mourning  were  ranged  on  each  side, 
and  allowed  him  to  pass  without  affording  him  one  salute  or  favorable  look, 
till  he  was  admitted  to  the  Queen  herself." 

The  lives  of  the  young  Prince  of Conde  and  Henry  of  Navarre  had  been 
spared,  on  condition  of  becoming  Catholics,  a  condition  to  which  they  mere- 
ly pretended  to  accede,  as  both  attempted  to  escape  from  Paris  immediately 
afterwards.  Conde  alone  was  successful,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  Huguenots  ;  and  this  sect,  which  Charles  had  hoped  to  exterminate 
at  one  blow,  soon  mustered  an  army  of  18,000  men,  and  they  had  kept  pos- 
session of  Eochelle  and  Montauban,  besides  many  castles,  fortresses,  and 
smaller  towns.  Thus  Charles,  and  Catherine  his  mother,  gained  nothing 
by  their  infamous  treachery,  but  a  character  for  perfidy  and  cruelty  which 
has  been  unequalled  in  the  annals  of  history. 

After  the  death  of  Charles  IX.,  the  condition  of  the  Huguenots  was  ever 
changing ;  they  were  frequently  in  the  field,  and  when  successful,  obtained 
favorable  edicts,  which  were  broken  as  soon  as  they  laid  down  their  arms, 
and  then  they  would  resume  them,  and  fight  until  their  success  gained 
fresh  concessions. 

In  1576,  the  Catholic  league  was  formed,  having  for  its  main  object 
the  exclusion  from  the  throne  of  France  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  who  was 
next  heir  to  Henry  III.,  the  reigning  monarch.  War  was  carried  on  between 
the  League  and  the  Huguenots,  until  1594,  five  years  after  the  death  of 


JANUARY    EDICT. 


19 


but  the  gallows  was  erected  and  the  fires  were  kindled,  not 
to  support  the  law.  but  in  the  vain  hope  of  striking  from  the 
earth  the  very  name  of  Protestant.  The  means  which  were 
adopted,  however,  had  frequently  an  effect  exactly  the  oppo- 
site of  what  was  intended  and  expected,  increasing  rather  than 
diminishing  the  followers  of  the  true  faith.  The  martyrs,  by 
their  constancy,  proved,  in  many  cases,  the  instruments  which 
G-od  made  use  of  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  papists,  and  it  was 
no  uncommon  occurrence  to  see  those  who  had  aided  in  the 
destruction  of  others  rush  to  the  same  martyrdom  themselves. 

The  Protestants,  in  some  of  the  provinces,  were  irritated 
beyond  endurance,  and  took  up  arms,  not  against  their 
monarch,  but  in  self-defence  against  their  persecutors.  This 
led  to  an  Edict  of  Pacification,  granted  on  the  17th  of 
January,  1561-2,  commonly  known  in  history  as  the  January 
Edict.  Charles  IX.  was  then  in  his  minority.  The  Pro- 
testants, believing  this  to  be  in  good  faith,  very  generally  laid 
down  their  arms. 

John  de  la  Fontaine  resigned  his  commission  at  this  time. 
He  thought  himself  protected  by  the  Edict  in  the  exercise  of 
his  religion,  and  therefore  felt  himself  no  longer  under  the 
necessity  of  remaining  in  the  king's  service,  to  make  use  of  his 


Henry  III.,  when  Henry  IV.  from  motives  of  policy,  united  himself  to  the 
Catholic  church,  and  was  thereupon  generally  recognized  as  the  legitimate 
monarch.  He  still  felt  favorably  disposed  towards  his  old  friends,  and  in 
1598  granted  the  celebrated  edict  of  Nantes,  which  allowed  them  to  worship 
in  freedom  in  all  towns  where  their  creed  was  the  prevailing  one.  They 
were  to  pay  the  regular  tithe  to  the  established  church,  but  were  permitted 
to  raise  money  for  their  own  clergy,  and  to  hold  meetings  of  their  represen- 
tatives for  church  government.  In  all  lawsuits  Protestants  were  to  have 
the  privilege  of  one  half  the  judges  being  of  their  own  faith,  and  several 
towns  were  left  in  their  possession  for  a  limited  time  as  a  surety.  The  par- 
liament objected  to  registering  this  edict,  but  the  king  was  resolute,  and 
finally  overcame  their  obstinacy. 


20  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

military  profession  as  a  buckler  in  time  of  profound  peace. 
He  retired  to  his  paternal  i  states  in  Maine,  where  he  hoped 
to  end  his  days  peacefully  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  wor- 
shipping God  according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience,  with 
those  of  his  neighbors  and  friends  who  yet  survived.  He  was 
greatly  mistaken  in  his  anticipations  of  tranquillity  following 
the  Edict :  the  change  was  for  the  worse  ;  whereas,  heretofore 
the  proceedings  had  been  openly  carried  on,  and  with  the  sem- 
blance of  justice,  founded  upon  the  king's  proclamation 
against  the  (so-called)  heretics  ;  now,  all  was  secrecy,  prisons 
and  judges  were  alike  uncalled  for,  any  wretched  vagabond, 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  bigotry,  could  at  once  exercise  the 
functions  of  judge  and  executioner.  Armed  miscreants  broke 
into  the  houses  of  the  Protestants  at  midnight,  they  robbed 
and  murdered  the  inmates  with  attendant  circumstances  of 
cruelty,  at  which  humanity  shudders,  and  they  were  en- 
couraged in  their  atrocities  by  priests,  monks  and  bigots,  who 
made  them  promises  of  the  tenor  of  that  given  to  the  city 
watch  by  the  Sanhedrim  of  Jerusalem,  u  If  this  comes  to  the 
governor's  ears,  we  will  persuade  him  and  secure  you." 

No  inquiry  or  examination  followed  these  excesses,  and 
the  Protestants,  in  self-defence,  were  again  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  arms,  to  repel  nocturnal  insult  and  guard  against 
treachery. 

John  de  la  Fontaine  had  long  been  watched  by  sworn 
enemies  of  God  and  his  Gospel,  who  hated  him  on  account  of 
his  piety  and  his  zeal  for  the  pure  worship  of  God.  He  was 
a  stanch  supporter  of  the  Protestant  Church,  and  occupying 
an  elevated  position,  it  was  judged  expedient  to  get  rid  of 
such  a  man  as  soon  as  possible,  in  order  the  more  easily  to 
scatter  or  destroy  the  congregation  to  which  he  belonged. 


ASSASSINATION.  21 

4 

In  the  year  1563,  a  number  of  ruffians  were  dispatched 
from  the  city  of  Le  Maus  to  attack  his  house  at  night.  He 
was  taken  by  surprise,  dragged  out  of  doors,  and  his  throat 
cut.  His  poor  wife,  who  was  within  a  few  weeks  of  her  con- 
finement, rushed  after  him,  in  the  hope  of  softening  the  hearts 
of  these  midnight  assassins,  and  inducing  them  to  spare  the 
life  of  her  husband ;  but,  so  far  from  it,  they  murdered  her 
also,  and  a  faithful  valet  shared  the  same  fate.  Oh,  my  chil- 
dren !  let  us  never  forget  that  the  blood  of  martyrs  flows  in 
our  veins  !  And  may  God  of  his  infinite  mercy  grant  that 
the  remembrance  of  it  may  enliven  our  faith,  so  that  we  prove 
not  unworthy  scions  from  so  noble  a  stock. 

God  has  promised  to  bestow  special  blessings  upon  the 
seed  of  the  righteous,  and  we  can  generally  see  his  providen- 
tial care  guarding  the  children  of  those  whose  blood  has  been 
shed  in  his   service.     He   mercifully  preserved  the   lives   of 
the  three  younger  boys,  and  guided  their  steps  to  a  place  of 
safety.     The  oldest  was  about  eighteen,  and  of  his  fate  I  am 
uncertain,  but  have  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  from  home 
when  his  parents  were  murdered,  and  that  he  also  was  mas- 
sacred.    The  second  son,  James,  my  grandfather,  was  about 
fourteen   years   old  ;  Abraham   was    about   twelve,  and   the 
youngest  was   nine  years  old,  at  the  time   of  the  murder. 
They  were  filled  with  horror  and  consternation,  and  fled  from 
the  bloody  scene,  without  any  guide  save  the  providence  of 
God,  and  no  aim  but  to  get  as  far  as  possible  from  barbarians 
who  had    in   a  moment   deprived  them  of  both  father  and 
mother.     They  found  their  way  to  Rochelle,  which  was  then 
a  safe  place,  and,  indeed,  for  many  years  a  stronghold  of  Pro- 
testantism in  France,  containing  within  its  walls  many  devout 
and   faithful  servants   of  the  living  God.     These  poor  boys 


22  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

were  at  one  blow  deprived  of  parents  and  property,  and  from 
ease  and  affluence  plunged  into  poverty.  They  were  actually 
begging  their  bread  when  they  reached  Rochelle,  and  had  no 
recommendation  but  their  affliction  and  their  prepossessing 
exterior.  I  have  been  told  they  were  fair  and  handsome,  and 
had  evident  marks  of  belonging  .to  a  good  famfiy,  and  having 
been  well  brought  up.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  took  com- 
passion upon  them,  and  gave  them  food  and  shelter  in  return 
for  little  services  they  were  capable  of  performing.  A  shoe- 
maker, who  was  a  charitable  man,  fearing  God,  and  in  easy 
circumstances,  received  James  into  his  house,  treated  him 
with  much  kindness  and  affection,  and  taught  him  his  own 
trade,  but  without  binding  him  to  it  as  an  apprentice.  This 
was  no  time  for  pride  of  birth  or  titles  of  nobility  to  be 
thought  of,  but  rather  to  be  thankful  to  God  for  putting  it  in 
his  power  to  earn  his  daily  bread  by  honest  labor.  It  was 
not  long  before  he  was  in  receipt  of  sufficient  wages  to  enable 
him  to  support  his  younger  brothers,  but  in  a  very  moderate 
way,  for  they  all  three  lived  poorly  enough  until  James 
reached  manhood.  He  then  engaged  in  commerce,  and  his 
after  career  was  comparatively  prosperous. 

He  married  and  had  several  children,  but  only  three  who 
lived  to  be  marriageable,  two  daughters  and  one  son.  The 
latter  was  my  father,  and  was  born  in  the  year  1603,  long 
after  the  others.  He  married  again,  but  happily  had  no  addi- 
tion to  his  family.  It  would  have  been  much  better  for  him 
to  have  remained  a  widower,  for  his  last  wife  was  a  wicked 
woman  who  became  tired  of  him,  and  tried  to  poison  him,  and 
though  she  did  not  succeed,  for  medical  aid  was  promptly 
obtained,  yet  the  offence  became  too  notorious  to  be  hushed  up, 
and  she  was  taken  to  prison,  tried,  and  condemned  to  death 


HEXRY    IV.    AT    ROCHELLE.  23 

It  so  happened  that  Henry  IV.  was  then  at  Rochelle,  and  ap- 
plication was  made  to  him  for  a  pardon.  He  replied,  that 
before  making  an  answer,  he  should  like  to  see  the  husband 
she  was  so  anxious  to  get  rid  of,  to  judge  for  himself  whether 
there  was  any  excuse  for  her.  When  my  grandfather  ap- 
peared before  him,  he  called  out,  u  Let  her  be  hanged  !  Let 
her  be  hanged  !  Ventre  Saint  Gris  !*  He  is  the  handsomest 
man  in  my  kingdom." 

I  have  seen  a  picture  of  him.  which  should  now  be  in  the 
possession  of  my  sister  Madame  L'Hommeau's  descendants 
at  Jouzac,  in  Saintonge.  That  picture  represented  him  as 
very  handsome,  with  a  full  face,  pure  white  and  red  com- 
plexion, and  a  long  flaxen  beard  reaching  to  his  waist,  with 
a  few  hairs  white  from  age  intermixed  with  it.  He  was  also 
of  a  good  height,  and  well  proportioned. 

He  died  in  the  year  1633,  at  the  age  of  eighty-three.  He 
left  property  to  his  family  amounting  to  about  9000  livres. 

*  The  accustomed  oath  of  Henrv  IV. 


CHAPTER  II. 

James  de  la  Fontaine — Fond  of  6tudy — Travels  abroad — Called  to  the  Churches  of 
Vaux  and  Eoyan — First  marriage — Children  by  it — Second  marriage — Children  by 

it — My  father's  person— Habits — Labors  in  the  ministry Summons  before  tho 

Governor— Second  Summons — Death. 

I  continue  the  narrative  with  what  I  know  of  my  father,  the 
youngest  child  and  only  son  of  James  de  la  Fontaine,  who  re- 
ceived his  own  name,  James.  He  was  of  delicate  constitution, 
and  he  was  from  the  earliest  age  very  fond  of  books,  which 
circumstances  decided  his  father  not  to  bring  him  up  to  a 
trade  of  any  kind,  but  to  make  every  possible  effort  to  culti- 
vate his  taste  for  study,  and  to  give  him  an  education  to  fit 
him  for  one  of  the  learned  professions.  He  was  assisted  by 
several  friends  in  this  undertaking,  but  most  effectually  by  Mr. 
Merlin,  a  sincere  and  worthy  servant  of  God,  a  Protestant 
minister  in  Rochelle,  who  gave  James  gratuitous  instruction 
in  various  branches  of  knowledge.  * 

My  lather's  inclination  towards  the  office  of  the  holy 
ministry  soon  evinced  itself,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  follow 
the  pious  impulse,  though  fully  aware  of  the  dangers  incident 
to  the  vocation.  When  his  education  was  somewhat  advanced, 
his  pious  and  generous  friend,  Mr.  Merlin,  further  assisted  him 
by  recommending  him  to  the  Countess  of  Royan  as  a  suitable 
tutor  to  a  young  relation  of  hers.     In  that  capacity  he  accom- 


TRAVELS    ABROAD.  25 

parried  the  young  man  to  the  college  of  Saumur,  and  superin- 
tended his  studies  there,  while  he  availed  himself  of  the  ad- 
vantages, thus  opened  to  him,  of  completing  his  own  prepara- 
tion for  the  ministry. 

After  leaving  college,  he  travelled  with  his  pupil  through 
various  countries,  and  he  was  thus  enabled  to  perfect  himself 
in  several  living  languages.  In  the  course  of  their  travels 
they  went  to  London,  and  they  remained  there  long  enough  to 
allow  my  father  to  fall  in  love  with  a  very  interesting  and  ac- 
complished young  lady  named  Thompson.  She  was  of  good 
family,  spoke  the  French  language  with  fluency ;  she  played  very 
well  upon  the  Spinette,  and  was  altogether  a  remarkably  well 
educated  person.  My  father  was  obliged  to  return  to  France, 
but  before  they  parted  they  exchanged  portraits,  and  promised 
to  be  constant  to  each  other  until  they  could  meet  again. 

Very  soon  after  his  return  home,  he  received  a  call  from 
the  United  Churches  of  Vaux  and  Royan,  which  met  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Synod,  and  by  its  authority  he  was  installed 
as  pastor.  At  that  time  there  was  a  good  church  edifice  in 
each  of  these  small  places,  and  they  were  united  under  the 
charge  of  one  minister.  My  father  was  cherished  and  ten- 
derly beloved  by  the  whole  community,  from  his  first  appear- 
ance amongst  them  until  he  ended  his  days. 

He  steadily  performed,  the  duties  of  his  sacred  office  for 
one  year,  and  he  then  requested  his  flock  to  grant  him  a 
short  leave  of  absence,  to  allow  him  to  go  to  London  and 
fetch  that  dear  one  to  whom  he  had  plighted  his  troth.  He 
found  her,  as  he  expected,  true  to  her  promise,  ready  to  fulfil 
her  engagement,  and  return  with  him  to  his  own  country. 
They  were  married  in  London  in  the  year  1628,  and  imme- 
diately returned  to  the  borough  of  Vaux,  where  they  took  up 

2 


26  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

their  abode  in  a  Bmall,  and  not  very  convenient  house,  which 
they  hired.  They  continued  to  occupy  it  until  her  death, 
which  took  place  twelve  years  after  their  marriagi  They 
had  been  very  happy  together,  and  were  the  parents  of  several 
children,  five  of  whom  lived  to  mature  age,  and  perhaps  I 
may  as  well  name  them  here,  before  I  proceed  to  the  second 
marriage  of  my  father. 

1.  Jane  married  unfortunately  a  Mr.  L'Hommeau,  a  man 
of  good  property,  but  who  turned  out  to  be  an  idle,  drunken 
spendthrift,  who  wasted  his  substance  in  riotous  living,  and  in 
the  end  Jane  was  obliged  to  maintain  herself  and  family  by 
keeping  a  school. 

2.  Judith  married  Mr.  Guiennot,  and  was  left  a  widow 
with  four  children.  She  was  seized  during  the  persecution 
and  confined  in  a  convent,  from  which  she  only  obtained  release 
by  making  a  compulsory  abjuration.  She  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  escape  from  France,  and  she  and  her  daughters  main- 
tained themselves  by  needlework  in  London. 

I  would  here  pause,  and  call  your  attention  to  the  uncer- 
tainty of  this  world's  goods.  You  may  observe,  in  the  short 
history  I  have  already  given  of  the  fortunes  of  a  single 
family,  how  mutable  are  all  worldly  possessions.  Who  could 
have  foreseen,  when  the  father  of  my  grandfather  was  honored 
and  respected  in  the  Court  of  Francis  J.,  that  three  of  his 
children  would  have  to  beg  their  bread  from  door  to  door,  and 
be  glad  to  learn  how  to  support  themselves  by  mechanical  em- 
ployments ;  and  equally  in  my  father's  family  :  how  little 
could  it  have  been  anticipated,  when  Jane  and  Judith  married 
rich  men,  that  they  also  would  be  obliged  to  work  for  their 
living  ! 

3.  James  was  educated  for  the  ministry,  and  became  pastor 


CIIILDKEX    OF    FIRST    3IAKRIAGE.  27 

of  the  church  at  Archiac,  in  Saintonge.  He  had  the  infirmity 
of  stammering  when  he  repeated  any  thing  that  he  knew  by 
heart,  so  he  was  obliged  to  employ  another  person  to  repeat 
the  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  his  church ;  but  he  could 
preach  and  pray  extemporaneously  without  any  hesitation. 
He  died  before  the  great  persecution  came  on,  but  his  widow 
endured  cruel  sufferings  for  the  faith.  She  was  imprisoned 
for  three  years,  and  during  part  of  the  time  she  was  confined 
in  a  dungeon,  but  at  last  she  was  liberated  and  banished  from 
France.  She  reached  London  in  safety  with  three  sons,  one 
of  whom  became  a  Protestant  minister  in  Germany. 

4.  Elizabeth,  married  to  Mr.  Sautreau.  minister  at  Saujon, 
in  Saintonge.  under  whom  I  studied.  His  church  was  con- 
demned,  and  he  and  his  wife  and  children  went  to  Dublin, 
where  he  was  urged  to  receive  Episcopal  ordination,  but  he 
thought  the  Presbyterian  Church  more  like  that  to  which  he 
had  devoted  himself  in  his  own  country,  so  he  gave  it  the  pre- 
ference. He  determined  to  take  his  family  to  America  ;  and 
he.  his  wife  and  five  children  were  wrecked,  and  all  drowned, 
within  sight  of  the  harbor  of  Boston,  their  destined  port.  I 
think  we  may  add  these  seven  persons  to  the  list  of  martyrs 
in  our  family,  as  they  had  abandoned  their  home  and  posses- 
sions for  the  Gospel's  sake. 

5.  Peter,  who  was  also  brought  up  to  the  ministry,  had  no 
sooner  completed  his  preparation  than  he  was  appointed  to 
assist  my  father,  as  his  colleogue,  in  the  church  at  Vaux ; 
where  he  succeeded  him  at  his  death,  and  remained  until  the 
demolition  of  the  church.  When  it  was  about  to  be  con- 
demned, he  was  served  with  a  u  Lettre  de  Cachet,"  confined 
in  the  Isle  of  Oleron  six  months,  and  then  banished  from  the 
kingdom,   without   the    possibility  of  taking   his    two    older 


28  MEMOIE8   OF    \    HI  Ql  E  101     i \Mli.\  . 

daughters  with  him,  for  the  law  forbade  ministers  to  take  out 
of  the  country  any  of  their  children  who  were  above  twenty 
years  old;  but,  by  the  good  providence  of  God,  they  were 
able  to  join  him  afterwards  in  London,  where,  as  you  know, 
he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days,  filling  the  office  of  minister 
or  chaplain  at  the  Pest  House,  beloved  and  respected  by  all 
who  knew  him. 

His  youngest  daughter,  Esther,  became  the  wife  of  John 
Arnauld,  the  grandson  of  my  aunt  Bouquet,  a  highly  estima- 
ble  man,  of  whom  I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  again  in  the 
course  of  these  memoirs.  His  uprightness  and  correctness 
of  judgment  caused  him  to  be  frequently  called  upon,  to  act 
as  umpire,  when  differences  arose  between  any  of  the  French 
merchants  in  London. 

6.  Francis  ought  not  to  be  passed  over  without  mention, 
though  he  died  too  young  to  leave  any  descendants.  He  was 
gifted  with  the  most  astonishing  memory.  When  only  six  or 
seven  years  old  he  was  much  in  my  father's  study,  where  he 
heard  the  children  and  other  pupils  learning  their  lessons, 
and  so  retentive  was  his  memory,  that  from  simply  hearing 
them  repeat  aloud  what  they  were  going  to  recite,  he  acquired 
the  whole  so  perfectly,  that  when  any  boy  paused  for  a  word, 
he  supplied  the  deficiency  instantly ;  and  that,  not  in  English 
lessons  only,  but  in  Latin  and  Greek.  My  father  became 
apprehensive  that  he  would  have  a  jumble  of  words  in  his 
head,  without  any  ideas  attached  to  them,  and  therefore  posi 
tively  forbade  him  to  learn  the  lessons  of  others.  The  poor 
child,  nevertheless,  continued  to  do  it,  and  he  excused  himself, 
saying,  he  could  not  help  remembering  that  which  he  heard 
repeated  over  and  over  again  ;  so,  at  last  my  father  thought 
it  best  to  begin  to  teach  him  Latin,  in  order  that  his  memory 


SECOXD   MAKRIAGE.  29 

might  be  employed  connectedly  at  any  rate.  He  made  the 
most  rapid  progress,  and  soon  surpassed  boys  twice  his  age. 
In  due  time,  he  accompanied  his  elder  brother,  Peter,  to  col- 
lege, at  Saumur,  and  before  he  had  been  there  a  year,  he  be- 
came an  object  of  admiration  to  professors  and  students  alike. 
At  the  end  of  the  second  year,  he  had  distinguished  himself 
so  much,  that  he  was  looked  upon  as  a  prodigy  for  his  years, 
and  great  hopes  and  expectations  were  raised  as  to  his  future 
career,  all  of  which  God  saw  fit  to  disappoint  by  taking  him 
to  himself  soon  after.     He  was  too  good  for  this  world. 

My  father  was  married  to  his  second  wife.  Marie  Chaillon, 
my  mother,  in  the  year   1641.     She  was  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Pons,  in  Saintonge,  where  her  father  possessed  con- 
siderable property,  and  resided  at  a  country  place  named  Rue 
au  Eoy.  distant  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  town.     She 
was  a  handsome  brunette,  twelve   years   younger   than   her 
husband,  to  whom  she  brought  a  marriage  portion  of  four 
thousand  francs,  which  was  expended,  by  her  desire,  in  the 
purchase  of  the  small  estate  of  Jenouille,  and   the  adjacent 
manor   of   Jaffe.     My  father   made  an   addition   of   several 
rooms  to  the  house  already  built  upon  the  property,  so  that  it 
might  comfortably  accommodate  a  few  boarders  in  addition 
to  his  own  family ;    for  at  that   time  he  received  pupils  to 
educate  with  his  sons. 

The  issue  of  the  second  marriage  was  remarkably  similar 
to  the  first ;   five  children  by  each,  two  sons  and  three  daugh 
ters,  who  lived  to  a  marriageable  age. 

1.  Susan,  married  Stephen  Gachot,  a  grandson,  through 
his  mother,  of  that  most  excellent,  pious,  Christian  minister, 
Mr.  Merlin,  of  Eochelle.  This  circumstance  was  not  without 
its  influence  upon  my  father,  in  gaining  his  consent  to  what 


30  MEMOIRS   OF   A    BTTGUENOT    FAMILY. 

proved  a  miserable  marriage.  Gachot  was  drunken  and  dissi- 
pated, and  treated  my  sister  unkindly.  He  even  threatened 
her  life  with  a  pistol.  He  squandered  Lis  wife's  portion,  and 
had  mortgaged  his  own  property,  when  he  became  known  to  a 
man  named  Jeudy,  a  collector  to  the  farmers  of  the  Royal 
Domain,  who,  perceiving  him  to  be  an  acute,  clever,  and  un- 
Bcrupulous  sort  of  man,  engaged  his  services  as  a  clerk  or 
assistant  collector.  They  were  men  of  one  mind,  knowing 
how  to  fill  their  own  purses.  They  committed  acts  of  vio- 
lence in  making  their  collections,  that  made  them  worthy  of 
two  halters,  and  it  was  most  fortunate  for  Gachot,  that  at 
the  time  he  was  beginning  to  tremble  for  fear  of  inquiry,  a 
decree  was  issued  by  the  Court,  which  ordered  all  Protestants 
in  public  employments,  either  to  recant  or  resign.  Gachot 
was  only  too  glad  to  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  give 
up  his  employment,  and  pretend  to  be  a  good  Protestant. 
Jeudy  envied  him  his  escape  from  investigation  of  his  doings, 
and  wished  that  he  too  had  been  of  a  Protestant  family. 
After  a  while  the  dragoons  came,  and  Gachot  readily  changed 
his  religion  to  retain  his  ill-gotten  wealth.  He  jocularly  ob- 
served, "  I  can  accommodate  myself  easily  to  the  Church  of 
Rome,  for  I  do  not  understand  Latin,  and  so  I  cannot  be 
scandalized  by  her  services,  which  are  all  in  that  language." 
He  remained  in  France,  and  my  poor  sister  with  him. 

2.  Peter  was  light-complexioned,  and  of  a  very  pleasing 
countenance.  He  was  first  appointed  minister  of  St.  Saurin, 
in  Saintonge,  and  then  removed  to  the  church  at  Sallcs,  in 
Aunix.  He  married,  unhappily  for  himself,  a  little,  ugly, 
haughty,  jealous,  worldly-minded  woman  of  good  fortune,  who 
ruled  him.  She  would  not  tolerate  in  him  any  evidence  of 
affection  to  mother,  brothers  or  sisters.  She  must  be  all  in 
all  to  him. 


CHILDREN    OF    SECOND    MARRIAGE.  31 

On  one  occasion,  my  mother  went  to  St.  Saurin,  a  dis- 
tance of  four  leagues  from  our  house,  to  visit  this  dearly  be- 
loved son,  and  she  was  so  much  fatigued  and  exhausted  with 
her  ride,  that  she  went  to  lie  down  as  soon  as  she  alighted 
from  her  horse,  and  begged  to  have  a  little  herb  soup.  Her 
own  maid,  whom  she  had  taken  to  wait  upon  her,  was  busy 
preparing  it  for  her,  when  her  daughter-in-law  went  into  the 
kitchen,  in  a  very  bad  humor,  vexed  at  her  mother-in-law 
being  there,  and  still  more  that  her  husband  should  have  re- 
ceived his  mother  with  evident  marks  of  kindness  and  affec- 
tion, and,  in  this  mood,  she  took  a  fire-brand  out  of  the  fire, 
and  began  to  stir  the  broth  with  it.  The  servant  cried  out, 
'*  Madam  !  what  are  you  about  ?  here  is  a  spoon  for  you." 
She  answered  contemptuously,  u  It  is  good  enough  for  her." 
This  was  very  inconsiderately  repeated  to  my  poor  mother, 
who  was  so  much  wounded  by  it,  that  she  shortened  her  visit ; 
she  mounted  her  horse  to  return  home  next  day,  and  never 
again  went  to  the  house  of  this  dear  son.  Peter  knew  the 
cause  of  it,  and  he  was  deeply  grieved ;  but  still,  his  wife  had 
become  so  entirely  the  governing  power  in  his  house,  that  he 
made  no  effort  to  correct  the  grievance. 

Three  years  before  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
he  began  to  collect  money  with  which  he  intended  to  leave 
France.  He  sold  whatever  he  could,  and  he  had  raised  about 
15,000  francs  in  gold,  when  he  thought  it  was  time  to  apply 
for  a  passport.  He  obtained  one  from  the  king,  in  which 
his  wife  and  two  daughters  were  included,  and  they  all  four 
might  easily  have  quitted  the  kingdom,  but  he  had  still  some 
sums  of  money  due  to  him,  which  he  hoped  to  receive,  and  so  he 
lingered  on  from  day  to  day,  and  kept  it  a  secret  that  he  had 
procured  a  passport.    At  length  the  dragoons  made  their  appear- 


3li  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

ance  in  Rochelle,  and  he  felt  it  was  high  time  to  make  use  of 
the  passport ;  which  he  accordingly  produced  to  the  Intend  ant. 
He  looked  at  it  carefully,  and  discovered  that  it  was  dated 
six  months  before.  He  exclaimed,  ':  Oh  !  oh  !  Sir,  you  can 
derive  no  benefit  from  this,  it  is  of  old  date.  We  can  see 
through  your  designs,  you  have  not  used  your  passport  in  order 
to  take  time  to  collect  money,  to  carry  out  of  the  country  with 
you,  contrary  to  law.  You  must  now  either  change  your  religion, 
or  I  can  tell  you  the  dragoons  will  soon  have  your  treasure." 
He  turned  round,  and  gave  immediate  orders  that  ten  or 
twelve  dragoons  should  go  to  my  brother's  house.  They 
went  and  took  possession  of  every  thing  they  could  find,  but 
the  gold  was  too  carefully  concealed  for  them  to  discover  it 
My  brother  had  hidden  it  in  a  barrel  of  wine. 

During  the  succeeding  night  his  wife  was  a  greater  tor- 
ment than  the  dragoons.  She  left  no  argument  untried  to 
persuade  him  to  ask  time  for  consideration  on  the  subject  of 
religion,  and  then  she  told  him  they  could  find  an  opportuni- 
ty, in  all  probability,  to  escape  with  their  gold,  before  the 
time  allowed  to  consider  should  have  expired.  At  any  rate, 
she  said  if  he  would  only  get  the  dragoons  out  of  the  house, 
she  would  follow  him  where  he  pleased.  He  resisted  all  her 
entreaties  for  some  time,  and  told  her  he  would  rather  beg 
his  bread  in  a  foreign  land,  where  he  could  worship  according 
to  his  conscience,  than  have  the  greatest  wealth  at  home  if  he 
were  obliged  to  abjure  his  religion  to  gain  it. 

The  cursed  Eve  gained  her  point  by  morning,  and  lie  put 
forth  his  hand  to  the  forbidden  fruit.  He  went  to  the  In- 
tendant  at  an  early  hour,  and  told  him  he  wished  for  time  to 
study  the  subject,  and  see  whether  he  could  change  his  re- 


CHILDHEX    OF    SECOXD    MARRIAGE.  33 

ligion.      The    dragoons    were    thereupon    ordered    from    his 
house,  and  fifteen  days  allowed  to  him  for  consideration. 

Observe,  my  dear  children,  the  fatal  influence  of  a  bad 
wife  over  a  too  yielding  husband.  The  first  step  was  per- 
suading him  to  withhold,  from  his  affectionate,  widowed  mo- 
ther, that  respectful  tenderness  to  which  she  was  entitled. 
The  next  was  to  induce  him  to  temporize  for  the  sake  of  gold, 
and  finally,  he  was  forsaken  of  God.  He,  who  had  been  as  a 
shining  lamp  in  the  tabernacle,  preaching  to  others,  renounced 
the  pure  faith  he  had  taught,  and  signed  the  act  of  abjura- 
tion. It  is  always  thus ;  the  great  enemy  of  mankind  tempts 
us  first  to  commit  small  sins,  and  the  downward  path  be- 
comes easier  as  we  descend.  Let  us  lay  to  heart  the  lesson 
taught  in  the  fall  of  some  members  of  our  family,  and  learn 
from  it  distrust  of  self  and  dependence  upon  God,  for  the 
grace  of  his  Holy  Spirit,  to  sustain  us  through  temptation  and 
deliver  us  from  evil.  It  is  a  comfort  to  me  to  know  that  my 
brother  had  no  son ;  thus  there  is  not  one  descendant  of  my 
father,  bearing  the  honored  name  of  Fontaine,  who  is  now 
living  in  France  in  what  I  considerJdolatry. 

3.  Alary,  married  Peter  Forestier,  a  zealous  minister,  an 
able  preacher  and  a  sound  theologian,  of  whom  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  make  honorable  mention  hereafter. 

4.  Ann,  my  youngest  sister,  the  light  and  joy  of  the  house, 
married  Leon  Testard  Sieur  des  Meslars.  He  changed  his 
religion,  or  pretended  to  do  so,  when  the  dragoons  came,  but 
my  sister  remained  firm  in  her  faith,  and  could  not  give  up 
the  hope  of  escaping  from  France,  and  in  about  two  years 
after  the  abjuration  it  was  accomplished.  They  landed  in 
safety  at  Plymouth,  but  my  sister's  health  was  much  impaired, 
and  she  died  a  few  months  after  reaching  England,  well  satis- 

2* 


34:  MEMOIES    OF    A    BUGTJENOT    FAMILY. 

fied  to  leave  this  present  life  and  enter  upon  her  heavenly 
inheritance.  She  was  rejoiced  to  leave  her  children  in  a  land 
where   the  gospel  was  preached  in  all  its  purity. 

I,  James,  was  the  youngest  child  of  my  parents,  but  be- 
fore I  narrate  my  own  life  I  will  say  something  more  of  my 
father. 

He  was  a  man  of  fine  figure,  pure  red  and  white  complexion, 
and  of  very  dignified  deportment,  commanding  the  respect  of 
all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  He  was  a  remarkably 
abstemious  man  ;  he  lived  chiefly  upon  milk,  fruits  and  vege- 
tables, during  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  but  towards  its  close 
he  lived  more  generously,  in  conformity  with  the  advice  of  his 
physicians.  He  was  never  to  be  seen  amongst  his  flock  at 
feasts  or  entertainments,  but  he  made  it  an  invariable  rule  to 
pay  a  pastoral  visit  to  each  family  twice  in  the  year.  He 
hastened  to  the  sick  and  afflicted  as  soon  as  their  sorrows 
were  made  known  to  him.  Almost  all  the  people  were  Prot- 
estants in  the  neighborhood  where  he  lived,  so  all  belonged  to 
his  church,  and  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  praying  with 
any  sick  person,  crowds  would  flock  to  hear  him,  and  fre- 
quently the  houses  could  not  contain  those  who  came.  He 
wras  zealous  and  affectionate,  and  employed  all  his  gifts,  his 
time,  his  knowledge  and  his  talents,  in  the  service  of  God,  for 
the  good  of  his  people,  and  he  was  rewarded  even  in  this  life 
by  the  affectionate  attachment  of  his  flock.  He  was  a  man 
of  unusual  attainments  ;  he  had  great  learning,  quick  and 
ready  wit,  clear  and  sonorous  voice,  natural  and  graceful 
action  ;  he  always  made  use  of  the  most  chaste,  elegant  and 
appropriate  language  ;  and  genuine  humility,  crowning  the 
whole,  gave  an  indescribable  charm  to  his  discourses,  and  all 
who  heard  him  were  delighted. 


MY    FATHER  S    PREACHING.  35 

The  following  incident  may  serve  as  an  example  of  his 
facility  in  preaching.  On  the  afternon  of  a  Communion  Sun- 
day he  had  just  given  out  his  text,  which  had  been  selected 
with  reference  to  the  services  of  the  morning,  when  he  per- 
ceived some  Capuchins  and  Jesuits  enter  the  church.  He 
paused  and  addressed  his  own  people,  saying :  "  The  text  I 
have  read  to  you  is  of  a  kind  suitable  for  the  edification  of 
those  who,  by  the  grace  of  Grod,  have  been  already  well  in- 
structed in  pure  religion ;  but  I  see  persons  before  me  whom 
I  believe  to  be  still  in  a  state  of  superstition  and  ignorance  ; 
I  therefore  feel  it  my  duty,  for  this  time,  to  leave  the  ninety 
and  nine,  and  strive  to  bring  back  the  lost  sheep  to  the  fold." 
He  then  turned  over  the  leaves  of  his  Bible,  took  a  contro- 
versial text,  upon  which  he  gave  an  extempore  discourse,  and 
treated  the  subject  with  so  much  force  and  perspicuity,  that 
the  Fathers  were  obliged  to  confess,  on  going  out,  that  they 
had  never  heard  error  (as  they  called  it)  so  well  defended. 

The  Synod  thought  most  highly  of  his  judgment  and  discre- 
tion, and  on  that  account  they  usually  selected  him  for  the 
difficult  task  of  reconciling  differences  between  pastors  and 
their  flocks,  when  any  such  occurred. 

He  generally  succeeded  in  healing  the  breach,  and  his 
eloquence  frequently  drew  tears  from  the  eyes  of  his  auditors, 
at  the  same  time  that  it  softened  their  hearts  towards  each 
other. 

He  was  invited  to  take  charge  of  a  church  at  Rochelle, 
where  he  was  offered  a  salary  just  twice  as  large  as  that 
which  he  was  receiving,  but  he  refused  decidedly.  He  had 
not  the  heart  to  abandon  a  flock  who  loved  him  so  much. 

I  have  mentioned  that  he  was  Pastor  of  the  United 
Churches   of  Vaux  and   Royan.     At  the  commencement  of 


36  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

his  ministry  he  preached  in  one  church  in  the  morning,  ami 
the  other  in  the  afternoon,  taking  each  church  alternately  for 
the  morning  service.  They  were  distant  from  one  another 
two  short  miles.  In  course  of  time  an  Order  in  Council  was 
issued,  condemning  the  church  at  Royan,  and  it  was  pulled 
down  accordingly.  My  father  went  there  as  usual,  and  perse- 
vered in  holding  services  upon  the  ruins  of  the  church. 

The  Governor  was  much  enraged  when  he  heard  of  it.  and 
sent  him  a  summons  to  appear  before  him  at  Brouage,  to  an- 
swer for  the  offence.  My  father  rested  his  defence  upon  the 
ancient  privileges  and  liberties  accorded  to  the  people.  The 
Governor  said  he  knew  of  no  privilege  or  liberty  that  subjects 
could  claim  but  such  as  had  been  granted  by  the  king,  the 
council,  or  the  ancient  laws.  This  church  had  been  built,  he 
said,  without  the  king's  permission,  which  was  the  fact,  and 
therefore,  as  its  erection  had  been  an  act  of  usurpation  in  the 
first  instance,  no  one  could  consider  its  demolition  now  to  be 
an  arbitrary  stretch  of  power.  He  added,  that  the  distance 
was  so  short  from  Royan  to  Vaux.  that  it  could  not  be  con- 
sidered a  great  hardship  for  his  followers  at  the  former  place 
to  walk  to  the  latter  to  hear  him.  My  father  was  obliged  to 
acquiesce. 

Another  Order  in  Council  was  issued  soon  after,  which 
forbade  Protestant  ministers  to  wear  their  clerical  robes  in 
the  street.  My  father  looked  upon  this  as  an  indignity,  and 
appeared  abroad  in  his  robe  as  he  had  hitherto  done.  The 
Governor  summoned  him  to  appear  before  him  a  second  time 
to  answer  for  this  new  offence. 

He  went,  accompanied  by  the  elders  of  his  church,  and 
attired  in  his  robe.  The  wife  of  the  Governor  was  present 
at  the  examination,  and    so  much   was  she   touched  with  the 


ANTICIPATION    OF   PERSECUTION.  37 

dignified  eloquence  of  his  defence,  that  she  entreated  her 
husband  to  permit  him  to  continue  wearing  a  garb  to  which 
he  did  so  much  honor. 

The  often  repeated  occurrence  of  little  vexatious  trifles, 
such  as  those  named  above,  made  it  evident  to  my  father  that 
more  serious  persecution  was  at  hand.  He  did  every  thing 
in  his  power,  by  prayer  and  teaching,  to  prepare  his  flock  for 
the  day  of  trial.  His  labors  were  blessed  in  no  common  de- 
gree, and  the  effects  of  his  instruction  were  visible  long  after 
he  had  been  laid  in  the  grave.  When  the  great  persecution 
came  on,  eighteen  years  after  his  death,  a  most  unusual  pro- 
portion of  the  Protestant  population  of  Vaux  and  Royan  fled 
the  kingdom  for  the  sake  of  the  truth.  There  were  few 
parishes  in  which  so  small  a  number  of  persons  abjured  their 
religion  under  the  terrors  of  the  dragonade,  and  of  those  who 
were  terrified  into  doing  so  with  their  lips,  I  believe  there  are 
many  who  still  worship  God  in  sincerity  around  their  family 
altars. 

My  father  was  never  seen  in  the  transaction  of  worldly 
business  of  any  kind.  My  mother  attended  to  all  such  mat- 
ters. She  consulted  with  him  in  any  case  where  she  had 
doubts,  but  she  alone  appeared.  She  received  and  paid 
money,  she  gave  directions  to  work-people  and  servants  ;  thus 
my  father  never  came  in  contact  with  his  flock  but  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  spiritual  functions,  and  this  circumstance  no  doubt 
contributed  to  the  respect  with  which  all  looked  up  to  him. 

His  favorite  recreation  was  o-ardenino;.  and  it  was  in  com- 
ing  out  of  his  garden,  in  the  year  1666,  that  he  was  seized 
with  apoplexy,  which  proved  fatal. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  affliction  caused  by  his 
death  to  a  large  circle  of  mourning  parishioners,  as  well  as  to 


66  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

bis  own  immediate  family.  I  knew  not  then  the  full  extent 
of  my  personal  loss ;  but  I  have  since  thought  that  I  was 
perhaps  the  greatest  sufferer  of  all,  for,  had  it  pleased  God 
to  lengthen  his  days,  what  a  guide  and  instructor  would  he 
have  been  to  me  ! 


CHAPTER  III. 


My  birth — Lameness — Imiration  of  my  fatheifc  prayers — Meditations  upon  the  heavenly 
bodies — Sent  to  school — Anecdotes  of  boyhood — Disgusted  with  study— Letter  to 
sister — Mr.  De  la  Bussiere — Admirable  preceptor — College — Take  degree  of  Master 
of  Arts — My  mothers  death — Division  of  property. 


I  have  now  arrived  at  the  history  of  my  own  life,  which  I 
shall  give  more  in  detail,  as  being  more  immediately  interest- 
ing to  you  than  the  annals  of  past  generations.  You  will 
find  a  varied  tissue  of  adventures,  checkered  with  alternate 
extremes  of  prosperity  and  adversity,  but  amidst  its  joys  and 
sorrows,  you  will  not  fail  to  discern  the  hand  of  Almighty 
God  leading  me  by  his  good  Providence,  watching  over  me, 
and  making  all  things  work  together  for  my  good. 

I  was  born  at  Jenouille.  on  the  7th  April,  1658.  The 
first  sorrow  of  my  life  proceeded  from  the  carelessness  of  my 
nurse  :  she  trusted  me  to  her  daughter's  care,  who  was  a 
young  and  giddy  girl,  and  she  played  and  romped  with  me 
tossing  me  in  the  air  and  catching  me  in  her  arms.  At  last 
she  missed  her  hold  and  let  me  fall  on  the  ground,  by  which 
my  leg  was  broken  a  little  below  the  knee.  The  nurse  lived 
at  Royan,  and  being  desirous  to  conceal  the  disaster  from  my 
parents,  she  took  me  of  her  own  accord  to  an  ignorant  sur- 
geon, near  at  hand,  who  relieved  her  apprehension  by  pro- 
nouncing that  no  harm  had  been  done.  He  was  entirely  mis- 
taken, and  the  bone,  not  having  been  set,  reunited  of  itself 


40  MEMOER8    OF    A    1 1 1  <  r    FAMILY. 

in  process   of  time,  with   considerable  enlargement  at  the 

place,  and  making  the  l«-ir  shorter  and  weaker  than  the  other, 
thus  causing  lameness  for  life. 

I  inherited  something  of  the  family  beauty  of  face,  and 
resembled  my  father  more  than  any  of  my  brothers  and  sis- 
ters, and  I  was  of  a  very  lively  and  inventive  turn.  When  I 
was  only  four  years  old,  I  was  so  taken  with  hearing  my  father 
read  the  Scriptures  and  pray  with  the  family,  that  I  had  a 
fancy  to  imitate  him.  and  I  cafled  together  the  servants  and 
my  sisters,  and  made  them  kneel  down  while  I  prayed.  They 
gave  my  father  such  an  account  of  my  proceedings,  that  he 
and  my  mother  became  curious  to  hear  me.  I  would  not 
proceed  until  they  also  knelt  down  with  the  rest.  My  father 
was  much  affected  by  the  earnestness  of  my  manner,  and  he 
thought  he  could  discover  a  germ  of  piety  and  talent,  which 
he  prayed  to  God  to  nourish  and  strengthen  so  as  to  produce 
fruit  in  due  season. 

I  was  seven  years  younger  than  any  of  my  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  I  was  consequently  left  much  to  myself,  and  used 
to  reflect  a  great  deal  upon  all  that  I  saw  and  heard  ;  and 
some  of  the  meditations  of  my  childhood  were  rather  unu- 
sual, and  perhaps  worth  relating. 

You  must  bear  in  mind  that  .all  my  knowledge  was  de- 
rived from  what  I  could  see  for  myself,  and  learn  from  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  which  I  heard  my  father  read  in  the  family 
daily.  I  beheld  the  glorious  sun  arise  each  morning,  re- 
joicing our  hearts  by  the  light  and  warmth  which  he  impart- 
ed:  and  when  he  disappeared,  the  vault  above  our  heads  was 
enamelled  with  thousands  of  stars.  I  watched  another  beau- 
tiful luminary,  which  appeared  to  change  its  shape  day  by 
day ;  now  it  was  perfectly  round,  but  each  night  it  became 


MEDITATIONS    ON    HEAVENLY    BODIES.  41 

less  and  less,  and  then,  by  the  same  gradual  change,  it  in- 
Creased  again  and  returned  to  its  first  glory.  I  was  led  from 
these  observations  to  meditate  upon  the  structure  of  the 
heavens.  I  had  heard  my  father  read  from  the  Scriptures, 
that  God  inhabited  a  light  which  no  man  could  approach 
unto,  and  also  that  St.  Paul  had  been  caught  up  to  the  third 
heaven.  I  was  satisfied  that  the  dwelling-place  of  God  was 
above  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  stars,  and  all  resplendent 
with  the  light  that  his  glory  diffused  around  him.  I  thought 
that  the  floor  of  the  third  heaven  must  be  of  a  solid  sub- 
stance, in  order  to  sustain  the  weight  of  the  celestial  court, 
which  I  understood  consisted  of  an  infinite  number  of  angels 
and  glorified  saints.  Brilliant  as  was  the  sun,  I  concluded 
that  the  light,  he  shed  abroad,  only  came  through  a  hole  in 
the  ceiling  of  the  second  or  floor  of  the  third  heaven,  giving 
us  a  faint  gleam,  of  the  glorious  effulgence,  which  illuminated 
the  abode  of  saints  and  angels.  The  stars  were,  according  to 
my  system,  only  so  many  small  gimlet-holes  in  that  part  of 
the  floor  which  was  most  distant  from  the  throne  of  God. 
The  moon.  I  supposed,  was  a  large  hole,  nearly  as  large  as 
the  sun,  but,  like  the  stars,  away  from  the  immediate  pres- 
ence of  God.  I  had  no  difficulty  in  accounting  for  her 
changes,  because  I  could  produce  the  same  gradually  varying 
shape,  by  sliding  a  lid  over  the  top  of  a  pot,  and  it  was  easy 
to  imagine  it  the  employment  of  some  of  the  angels  of  God, 
to  slide  the  round  cover  over  the  round  hole  of  the  moon,  ac- 
cording as  they  were  bidden.  I  thought  thunder  and  light- 
ning were  produced  by  the  discharge  of  guns  and  pistols  in 
the  heavens  ;  the  rain  was  poured  through  small  holes  by  the 
angels,  whom  I  concluded  were  very  numerous,  and  always 
busily  employed  in  obeying  the  commands  of  God.      I  had 


42  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 


but  one  difficulty  in  my  m,  and  thai  was.  how  it  was  pos- 

sible for  the  heavens  to  turn  round,  without  shaking  the  fonnda-* 

tions  or  pillars,  upon  which  David  had  said  that  the  earth 
bed.  But.  if  niy  reason  proved  unequal  to  the  solution, 
my  faith  made  up  all  deficiencies;  for  I  was  confident  that 
every  thing  was  easy  to  Him,  who  had  made  all  things  out  of 
nothing.  I  spent  many  solitary  hours  ruminating  upon  these 
subjects,  and  when  I  was  satisfied  with  the  plan  in  my  own 
mind.  I  propounded  it  to  my  sisters  and  the  servants,  and  as 
they  saw  no  difficulty,  I  was  emboldened  to  submit  my  astro- 
nomical system  to  my  father  for  his  opinion.  He  saw  that  I 
had  taken  the  Scriptures  for  my  foundation,  and  as  I  was  too 
young  to  understand  the  true  philosophy  of  the  heavenly 
bodies,  he  thought  it  best  not  to  undeceive  me. 

When  I  was  six  years  old,  my  father  took  me  to  Rochelle, 
and  placed  me  under  the  care  of  Mr.  John  Arnauld,  who  kept 
a  school  there.  He  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  my  father's 
sister,  my  aunt  Bouquet,  and  he  lived  under  her  roof.  I 
learned  to  read,  write,  and  cipher  during  two  years  that  I  was 
his  pupil. 

Perhaps,  as  the  traits  of  boyhood  prefigure  the  future  char- 
acter of  the  man,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  relate  two  anecdotes 
of  these  early  school-days,  which  indicated  resolution.  Mr. 
Arnauld  followed  literally  the  precept  of  Solomon,  not  spoil- 
ing his  pupils  by  sparing  the  rod.  He  always  administered 
the  chastisement  in  private,  from  motives  of  delicacy,  because 
he  had  girls  as  well  as  boys  in  the  school.  AVe  boys  were 
talking  together  one  day  of  the  severity  of  our  master,  and 
speculating  upon  the  number  of  stripes  he  gave  at  each  whip- 
ping, and  wishing  that  some  one  would  count  them.  No  one 
else  offering  to  do  it,  I  volunteered  to  make  the  attempt  on 


SCHOOL    DATS.  43 

the  next  occasion.  It  was  not  long  before  my  delinquencies 
drew  upon  me  the  usual  punishment. 

I  cried  and  screamed  as  vociferously  as  ever  during  the 
preparation  for  chastisement,  but  became  suddenly  silent  when 
he  gave  the  first  stroke,  for  I  found  it  impossible  to  cry  and 
count  at  the  same  time.  Mr.  Arnauld  was  astonished,  and 
looked  me  in  the  face  to  see  what  was  the  matter ;  he  saw 
nothing  wrong,  so  he  gave  a  second  blow  with  more  force*, 
I  still  kept  silence,  counting  to  myself,  for  I  was  intent  upon 
keeping  count,  and  at  the  same  time  concealing  from  him  that 
I  was  counting.  His  astonishment  increased,  and  he  struck 
again  with  his  full  strength,  which  did  not  make  me  lose 
count,  but  forced  me  to  break  silence,  and  cry  out  involunta- 
rily, with  a  tone  so  much  the  louder  for  having  been  long  sup- 
pressed :  ••  three."  tt  Ah  !  you  rogue  !  you  are  counting,  are 
you?  There,  count,  count,  count ;"  and  he  struck  me  so  rap- 
idly, that  I  must  acknowledge  I  lost  the  count — but  some- 
thing was  gained  by  the  trouble  I  had  taken,  for  I  am  sure  I 
received  an  extra  number  of  stripes  as  a  reward  for  my 
hardihood. 

The  other  incident  was  similar.  Mr.  De  la  Laude,  who 
now  lives  at  Port  Arlington,  in  Ireland,  was  at  Rochelle.  in 
Mr.  Arnauld's  school,  at  the  same  time  that  I  was  there.  We 
became  the  greatest  friends,  and  we  desired  some  mode  of 
showing  it  to  each  other.  We  decided,  at  last,  that  when 
either  of  us  should  be  taken  to  the  room  for  chastisement, 
the  other  should  follow  and  call  Mr.  Arnauld  names  for  his 
cruelty,  which  would,  of  course,  irritate  him.  and  then  we 
should  both  be  punished  together.  De  la  Laude  was  first 
in  fault,  and  no  sooner  had  the  master  ordered  him  out,  than 
I  ran  after  them,  and  asked  Mr.  Arnauld  why  he  was  going 


44  ItfEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

to  whip  my  friend?  what  had  lie  done?  &c.  The  object  was 
fully  accomplished  ;  and  after  we  had  both  been  well  whipped, 
we  fell  on  each  other's  neck  and  embraced,  being  fcoo  full  of 
joy  at  having  proved  the  sincerity  of  our  friendship,  to  mind 

the  bodily  pain.  The  time  appeared  long  until  the  occasion 
came  round  when  I  could  know  that  my  friend  would  do  for 
me  as  I  had  done  for  him,  but  it  came  at  last,  and  I  had  the 
inexpressible  satisfaction  of  finding  that  he  was  sincere,  for 
he  too  drew  upon  himself  the  anger  of  our  master,  by  reprov- 
ing him  for  punishing  me. 

Mr.  Arnauld  tried  to  discover  what  had  prompted  such 
conduct,  but  we  would  not  have  disclosed  it  for  the  world. 
Some  of  our  schoolfellows,  however,  let  out  the  secret.  He 
tried  various  expedients  to  conquer  our  resolution,  but  in 
vain.  At  one  time  he  punished  the  innocent  and  allowed  the 
guilty  to  go  free.  This  pleased  us  mightily,  for  we  were  able 
to  testify  our  affection  by  sparing  each  other  from  the  rod. 
At  last,  his  mother-in-law,  my  aunt  Bouquet,  persuaded  him 
to  adopt  the  following  plan.  His  habit  was  to  keep  a  record 
of  the  faults  of  each  pupil,  and  to  administer  the  rod  when  a 
certain  number  had  been  committed.  So  when  one  of  us 
two  had  reached  the  limit,  his  punishment  was  delayed  until 
the  other  had  filled  up  his  measure,  and  then  both  were  whip- 
ped at  the  same  time.  This  plan  worked  well,  and  made  us 
circumspect,  to  spare  each  other. 

My  mother  sent  for  me  from  Eochelle,  soon  after  the 
death  of  my  father,  when  I  was  eight  years  old.  My  dear 
young  friend  De  la  Laude  accompanied  me.  We  went  by  sea 
to  La  Tremblade,  and  spent  the  night  there  at  the  house  of 
an  old  woman  who  had  been  a  servant  in  my  father's  family 
many  years.     She  made  us  very  welcome,  regaled  us  with  the 


DANGEROUS    [LLNESS.  45 

best  she  had,  and  carried  her  mistaken  kindness  so  far  as  to 
give  each  of  us  a  goblet  of  wine.  This  made  us  too  merry 
for  sleep,  and  we  danced  and  sang  through  the  night. 

My  mother  only  kept  me  at  home  two  weeks,  and  then 
sent  me  to  Mr.  Forestier,  who  had  recently  married  my  sister 
Mary.  He  was  minister  of  the  Church  of  St.  Mesine  in  An- 
guomois.  I  commenced  Latin  under  his  tuition,  but  whether 
I  was  wilful,  or  he  negligent,  I  am  unable  to  say.  It  is  cer- 
tain, however,  that  I  made  very  little  progress  during  five 
years  that  he  was  my  preceptor. 

"While  I  was  with  him,  two   sons  of  the  Marquis  de  Sire 
were   sent  to  the   school,  who   infected  us  with  a   shocking 
eruptive  disease.     The  drugs   and  the  science  of  the  apothe- 
cary were  alike  exhausted,  in  vain  attempts  to  cure  us.     My 
sister  was  in   despair  about   it,  when  a  journeyman  tailor,  at 
work  in  the  house  by  the  day,  told  her  he  could  cure  the  dis- 
ease.    She  allowed  him  to   try  his  skill   upon  me  first.     He 
bought   three   or  four  pennyworth  of  quicksilver,  rubbed  it 
smoothly  and  perfectly  into  hog's  lard,  and  with  this  prepara- 
tion I  was   anointed  from   head   to   foot,  before   a  good  fire. 
The  application  was  thrice  repeated,  and  my  skin  became   as 
clear   and  .pure  as   ever.     The   apothecary  had  much  to  say 
upon  the  danger  of  this  remedy,  and  so  frightened  my  sister, 
that   she  did  not  venture   to  use  it   for  the  other  boys.     Not 
long  afterwards,  I   was  taken  very  ill  with  a  violent  fever, 
which  lasted  several  weeks,  and  finally  turned  to  inflammation 
of  the  brain.      The  Doctor   attributed  the  illness   entirely  to 
the  effect   produced  by  the  ointment,  that   had  driven   in  the 
eruption.     My  life  was   despaired  of,  and  my  sister   sent   an 
express  to  inform  my  mother  of  my  condition.      She  came  off 
immediately,  and  so  hopelessly  had  my  case  been  represented 


46  MEMOIRS   OF    A    BUQTJENOT  FAMILY. 

to  her,  that  she  brought  every  thing  neces.-arv  fur  my  burial. 
God  mercifully  inclined  his  car  to  her  prayers  for  my  life, 
and  raised  me  from  my  sick  bed,  but  I  had  returns  of  fever 
from  time  to  time  for  many  months. 

I  am  particular  in  relating  the  foregoing,  in  order  to 
act  as  a  warning  to  you,  in  the  careful  use  of  remedies 
for  the  diseases  of  your  children,  and  by  no  means  to  trust 
to  the  prescriptions  of  presumptuous  quacks. 

The  Church  at  St.  Mesme  did  not  pay  Mr.  Forestier's 
salary  with  punctuality ;  consequently,  the  Synod  punished 
them  by  removing  him  to  Arvert.  In  less  than  a  year  the 
arrears  were  collected,  and  the  Synod  restored  Mr.  Fores- 
tier  to  them. 

I  returned  home  at  fourteen  years  of  age,  and,  after 
six  years  of  study  under  Mr.  Forcstier,  I  scarcely  knew 
the  regular  declensions  of  nouns. 

I  was  thought  entirely  too  wild  to  be  trusted  with  any 
but  my  relations  for  preceptors,  so  my  mother  now  tried 
another  brother-in-law  for  me.  Mr.  Sautreau,  minister  at 
Saujon  in  Saintonge,  the  husband  of  my  sister  Elizabeth, 
who  was  my  godmother. 

Mr.  Sautreau  had  very  few  pupils,  he  was  extremely 
severe,  he  required  all  lessons  to  be  repeated  with  the 
strictest  verbal  accuracy,  but  took  no  pains  to  explain  the 
meaning  of  any  thing.  He  inflicted  corporal  punishment 
for  very  slight  errors.  I  was  weary  of  being  beaten  like 
a  slave,  ashamed  of  my  ignorance,  and  disgusted  with  study, 
when  I  formed  an  intimacy  with  a  youth  who  was  appren- 
ticed to  a  druggist,  and  whose  comparatively  happy  situa- 
tion I  envied.  He  used  to  give  me  a  few  sweetmeats,  and 
made  me  long  for  the  abundant  supply  of  such  things  that 


LETTER    TO    SISTER. 


47 


he  possessed.  I  thought  I  would  write  to  my  mother  and 
ask  her  to  change  my  destination,  for  I  saw  plainly  that 
I  was  wasting  my  youth  and  exhausting  her  purse  with- 
out any  advantage.  But  how  could  I  venture  to  broach 
such  a  subject  ?  I  had  been  devoted  to  the  holy  ministry 
from  my  birth.  My  father  had  been  a  minister,  my  three 
brothers,  two  brothers-in-law,  two  maternal  uncles,  were  all 
ministers  of  the  G-ospel.  My  mother  had  placed  me  for 
tuition  with  ministers,  whom  she  hoped  would  lead  me  in  the 
way  she  desired.  After  all  this,  to  tell  her  that  I  wanted  to 
be  a  shop-boy,  I  dare  not  do  it,  I  should  be  afraid  of  breaking 
her  heart.  After  much  deliberation  I  determined  to  write  to 
my  sister  Anne,  and  make  her  my  confidante.  I  first  pointed 
out  to  her  my  own  miserable  deficiencies  ;  I  had  studied  so 
many  years  and  made  so  little  progress,  that  I  had  lost  all 
hope  of  doing  better  in  future.  I  told  her  I  had  the  greatest 
possible  reverence  for  the  ministerial  office,  I  looked  up  to  it 
as  the  most  honorable  of  all  employments  ;•  but  then,  if  it 
was  an  undertaking  beyond  my  strength,  if  I  had  not  the  re- 
quisite gifts,  I  ought  not  to  enter  upon  it ;  and  therefore  it 
would  certainly  be  the  best  to  waste  no  more  time  and  money 
in  preparing  for  it.  After  having,  as  I  thought,  made  my  in- 
capacity appear  very  plain,  I  proceeded  to  open  my  mind  to 
her  upon  the  plan  I  had  formed  for  my  future  career.  I  then 
begged  her  to  keep  my  letter  a  profound  secret,  but  on  some 
favorable  occasion  to  tell  my  mother,  as  it  were,  of  her  own 
accord,  how  poorly  qualified  I  appeared  to  be  for  the  important 
and  noble  vocation  of  a  minister  of  the  Gospel ;  and  to  sug- 
gest the  expediency  of  letting  me  leave  off  study,  and  try 
whether  I  should  not  do   better  at  some  more  common  em- 


4cS  MEMOIBS   OF    A    III  GHJENOT    FAMILY. 

ployment.  After  all  this  preparation,  I  disclosed  my  wish 
to  be  placed  aa  an  apprentice  in  a  druggist's  ^hop. 

Notwithstanding  all  my  precaution,  my  Bister  Anne  did 
not  keep  my  secret,  she  thought  it  was  her  duty  to  make 
known  the  communication  I  had  made.  Great  was  the  con- 
sternation produced  by  it.  and  a  family  council  was  summon- 
ed to  deliberate.  Peter  the  elder,  and  Peter  tin;  younger, 
were  both,  sent  for  by  my  mother,  and  she  told  them  she 
thought  my  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Sautrcau,  was  tired  of  me, 
and  had  dictated  this  letter  in  order  to  get  rid  of  me.  The 
two  Peters  were  of  a  different  opinion,  they  discovered  a  fire 
and  vivacity  in  the  style  altogether  foreign  to  that  of  my 
brother-in-law ;  they  therefore  decided  that  the  letter  was 
mine,  and  mine  alone,  and  it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  that 
my  mother  ought  to  keep  me  at  study.  I  had  defeated  my 
object  by  the  pains  I  had  taken  to  accomplish  it,  for  they 
said  that  the  ingenuity  of  my  arguments  to  prove  incapacity 
established  incontestably  the  fact  that  inclination  alone,  not 
talent,  was  wanting. 

My  mother  was  so  deeply  grieved  that  she  fell  sick  upon 
it.  She  sent  my  brothers  with  her  answer  to  me,  which  was 
to  the  effect,  that  if  I  gave  up  studying  for  the  ministry,  she 
would  give  up  me.  I  should  experience  a  change  for  the 
worse  in  every  way,  they  told  me ;  my  handsome  clothing 
should  be  changed  for  coarse  garments,  and  I  should  be  sent 
to  a  school  kept  by  one  Perrinet,  who  was  notorious  for  his 
mode  of  imparting  instruction  by  free  administration  of 
stripes  and  frequent  fasts  ;  and  if  I  still  refused  to  study 
I  should  be  sent  to  sea,  and  she  would  see  me  no  more. 

I  decided  to  remain  at  my  studies,  but  I  tried  hard  to 
gain  a  change  of  masters  at  the  least,  through  the  interees- 


MK.  DE    LA    BUSSIERE.  49 

sion    of  my  brothers.     But    the    answer  was,  "  Stay  where 
you  are.  or  go  to  Perrinet." 

A  short  time  after  this  ineffectual  struggle  for  liberty,  Mr. 
Sautreau  beat  me  unmercifully,  and  I  felt  so  dreadfully  out- 
raged by  it,  that  I  quitted  his  house  next  morning,  at  break  of 
day,  and  lame  as  I  was,  I  ran  home,  a  distance  of  fully  six  miles. 
I  hoped  to  soften  my  mother,  but  she  was  immovable  ;  she 
would  not  suffer  me  even  to  kiss  her,  but  told  me  to  go 
straight  back  ;  she  offered  me  only  the  old  alternative,  of 
going  to  Perrinet,  if  I  refused.  She  said  she  would  not 
allow  me  to  sleep  in  her  house.  I  had  set  off  from  Saujon 
without  having  breakfasted,  and  the  only  refreshment  fur- 
nished by  my  mother  was  dry  bread. 

You  may  imagine,  better  than  I  can  describe,  the  feelings 
with  which  I  commenced  my  walk  back  again  ;  but  my  mo- 
ther must  be  obeyed,  and  I  can  truly  say,  that  the  mortifica- 
tion I  experienced  from  her  cold  reception,  was  much  more 
painful  than  the  blows  or  the  taunts  of  Mr.  Sautreau. 

When  I  had  completed  three  years  at  Saujon,  my  mother 
heard  so  much  of  the  great  skill  of  a  Mr.  De  la  Bussiere,  at 
Marennes,  in  imparting  learning,  that  she,  most  happily  for 
me,  determined  upon  trying  what  he  could  do  with  me,  whe- 
ther he  could  draw  forth  the  talent,  which  the  family  council 
had  decided,  that  I  possessed. 

Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  was  a  very  eccentric  man,  a  Protest- 
ant layman.  He  was  an  excellent  Greek  and  Latin  scholar  ; 
he  wrote  pretty  poetry,  and  he  was  withal  a  good  physician. 
He  was  as  obstinate  as  a  mule ;  he  drank  to  excess,  but  did 
not  commence  his  potations  until  the  labors  of  the  day  were 
ended.  He  had  ten  or  twelve  pupils,  but  no  boarders,  for  he 
and  his  wife  had  only  one  small  room,  which  served  as  kitchen, 

3 


f><>  MEMOIRS    OF    A     HI  i  >T    IAMJI. 

bedchamber  and  study ;  and  a  little  closet  or  store-room, 
which  contained  only  a  few  plates  and  dishes.  His  dress  was 
a  threadbare  cloak,  once  black,  now.. of  a  reddish  brown,  and 
always  covered  with  dust.  He  never  used  a  razor,  but  when 
his  beard  became  inconveniently  long,  he  cut  it  off  with  a 
pair  of  scissors.  Their  slovenly  apartment  did  not  contain 
such  a  thing  as  a  looking-glass.  In  short,  he  was,  what  is 
called  in  England,  u  a  mere  scholar  ;"  he  had  learning,  and 
nothing  else. 

I  had  hitherto  learned  from  the  Port  Royal  Grammar, 
which  Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  held  in  perfect  abhorrence.  He 
esteemed  the  masters  who  taught  with  it,  and  the  pupils  who 
learned  from  it,  as  ignoramuses  alike.  The  result  of  my  nine 
years'  labor  was,  that  I  knew  the  whole  of  this  grammar  by 
heart.  I  began  then  at  the  age  of  seventeen  "  omne  viro 
soli"  a  fine  prospect.  His  plan  was  altogether  different 
from  my  former  teachers  ;  he  explained  every  rule  thoroughly 
to  me,  and  required  me  to  find  twenty  examples  in  some 
author.  His  explanations  and  exercises  soon  brought  into 
play  the  stores  that  memory  had  laid  up  ;  I  was  astonished 
to  find  that  I  had  accumulated  such  a  mass  of  materials  with- 
out being  able  to  make  use  of  them  until  now. 

We  had  no  holiday  but  Sunday.  Every  Monday  morning, 
Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  expected  to  receive  from  his  pupils  a  full 
account  of  the  sermon  they  had  heard  on  the  preceding  day. 

I  made  rapid  progress.  In  the  second  year  I  translated 
Du  Moulin's  French  Logic  into  Latin,  and  thus  became  fami- 
liar with  the  terms  in  Latin.  At  the  end  of  three  years  we 
parted,  and  I  was  well  satisfied  with  what  I  had  acquired. 
Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  knew  human  nature  well,  and  he  had  the 
faculty   of  inciting  his  pupils    to  the  utmost  exertion,  and 


COLLEGE    OF    GUTEXXE.  51 

guiding  them  as  he  pleased.  A  single  word  of  reproof,  from 
him.  affected  me  more  than  the  severe  punishments  of  my  for- 
mer preceptors. 

My  next  step  was  to  the  college  of  G-uienne,  which  was 
supported  by  the  king,  and  much  resorted  to  by  Protestants. 

A  great  mortification  awaited  me  there  ;   Latin  was  the 
only  language  made  use  of.  and  though  I  was  familiar  with 
the  best  Latin  authors,  I  could  not  speak  it,  and  found  myself 
unable  to  follow  the  lecturers.     I  did  not  allow  this  to  dis- 
courage me  ;  I  was  still  given  to  building  castles  in  the  air, 
as  in  my  childhood :  in  order  to  make  Latin  more  familiar  I 
resolved  to  meditate  in  that  language :  I  forbade  my  thoughts 
to  clothe  themselves  in  my  mother  tongue,  and  thus  I  succeed- 
ed well,  and  was  soon  able  to  reflect  upon  what  I  read  in  La- 
tin, and  I  could  express  myself  with  ease.     I  also  hired   a 
private  tutor  to  assist  me  in  the  hours  of  relaxation,  and  by 
these  means  I  could  keep  pace  with  the  professor.     I  may 
say,  with  truth,  that  during  the  two  years  I  remained  at  col- 
lege, I  spent  sixteen  hours  out  of  every  twenty-four  in  study. 
Fourteen  students  took  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  at 
the  same  time  ;  I  was  the  second  on  the  list.     At  the  age  of 
twenty-two.  I  found  that  five  years  of  hard  study  had  com- 
pensated, in  some  degree,  for  the  previous  nine  years  of  neg- 
ligence. 

I  am  under  great  obligations  to  Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  for 
making  me  what  I  am,  and  therefore  I  feel  it  is  his  due  to 
perpetuate  the  remembrance  of  his  talents  amongst  my  de- 
scendants, which  I  can  perhaps  do  in  the  best  manner  by  re- 
lating something  that  occurred  while  I  was  at  college. 

His  wife  died,  and  he  removed  to  Bourdeaux  during  my 
second  year  there.     He  was  unchanged  in  his  appearance  ;  he 


52  MEM0IE8   OF    A    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

was  as  slovenly  as  ever,  and  was  clad  in  the  same  threadbare 
cloak,  and  the  same  little  collar. 

During  the  professor's  lecture,  it  was  customary  for 
strangers  to  occupy  a  bench,  appropriated  for  their  use ;  and 
for  one  half  hour,  from  half-past  eleven  to  twelve  o'clock, 
they  might  argue,  if  they  pleased,  upon  any  subject  connected 
with  the  thesis  of  the  day.  One  of  the  students  was  always 
expected  to  speak  in  reply  to  the  stranger.  A  day  seldom 
passed  without  some  priest,  monk,  or  Jesuit,  taking  a  seat  on 
the  bench. 

One  morning  an  Abbe  took  his  seat,  who  was  dressed 
with  the  utmost  elegance  ;  Mr.  De  la  Bussiere  followed  close 
after  him.  The  students  began  to  exchange  glances  and  crack 
jokes  upon  the  slovenly  appearance  of  the  latter,  and  they 
continued  to  do  so,  even  after  the  professor  had  made  them  a 
signal  to  stop  their  ill-timed  mirth. 

I  spoke  in  a  whisper  to  those  near  me.  "  Restrain  your 
laughter,"  said  I,  "  until  you  have  heard  him." 

Mr.  L' Abbe  had  prepared  himself  with  three  or  four  argu- 
ments in  opposition  to  one  of  our  theses.  He  gave  them  out, 
and  he  was  answered,  in  the  usual  way,  by  a  student.  He 
then  bowed  most  politely  to  the  professor,  and  with  much 
courtesy  complimented  both  him  and  the  students  on  their 
skilful  solutions,  and  he  resumed  his  seat. 

Mr.  De  la  Bussiere's  turn  had  now  come.  He  began  in 
Latin,  with  a  complimentary  address  to  the  professor  ;  he  then 
turned  round  and  said,  :;  Mr.  L'Abbe,  you  have  expressed 
yourself  satisfied  with  the  answers  you  have  received  ;  I  am  of 
opinion  that  you  yielded  too  soon,  for  your  argument  admits 
of  being  carried  much  further."  He  then  took  up  the  subject 
where   the  Abbe  had  left  it,  and  handled  it  in  so  masterly  a 


my  mother's  death.  53 

style,  that  the  students  were  unable  to  say  a  word  in  reply, 
and  the  professor  was  obliged  to  rise  in  support  of  his  own 
thesis.  He  also  actually  became  cornered,  and  knew  not  how 
to  defend  his  own  position,  when  to  his  infinite  relief  the  clock 
struck  twelve,  which  put  an  end  to  the  discussion. 

My  mother's  death,  at  the  age  of  sixty- three,  took  place 
about  the  time  that  I  had  completed  my  college  course  and 
taken  my  degree.  After  she  became  a  widow,  she  devoted 
herself  with  the  greatest  assiduity  to  her  children,  doing  all 
that  lay  in  her  power  both  for  their  temporal  and  eternal  wel- 
fare. She  was  tender  and  affectionate  to  them,  but  at  the 
same  time  rigid  in  requiring  from  them  a  strict  fulfilment  of 
their  duties. 

You  must  know,  that  in  France,  a  man  is  considered  a 
minor  until  he  is  twenty-five  years  old.  .  I  was  therefore,  ac- 
cording to  law,  still  in  my  minority,  but  my  brothers  did  not 
want  to  be  troubled  with  looking  after  my  property  ;  they  there- 
fore made  me  of  age,  or  free,  soon  after  the  death  of  my  mother. 
My  brothers  and  sisters  were  all  married,  and  they  had  long 
ago  received  the  principal  part  of  their  portions,  so  it  did  not 
require  very  long  to  come  to  an  amicable  arrangement  in  the 
division  of  what  was  left.  I  paid  to  them  severally  the  small 
sums  to  which  they  were  entitled,  and  then  I  remained  sole 
proprietor  of  the  estates  of  Jenouille  and  Jaffe,  by  which  I 
possessed,  not  only  a  good  comfortable  dwelling-house  for 
my  residence,  but  an  annual  income  of  about  1000  francs. 


1 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Study  with  Mr.  Forestier— His  persecutions— Wife's  firmness— Return  home— Pray 
with  neighbors— Absent  at  Easter— Poor  people  assemble  in  the  woods— A  spy- 
Warrants  issued— A  mason  taken  up— Eecantation— Repentance— My  return  home 
—Warrant  against  me— Grand  Provost  and  Archers  appear— Prison— Permitted  to 
pray. 

Having  made  all  necessary  arrangements  for  the  management 
of  my  property,  1  went  once  more  to  the  house  of  my  brother- 
in-law,  Mr.  Forestier,  at  St.  Mesme  in  Anguomois.  I  knew 
that  I  should  find  in  him  an  able  and  willing  friend,  to  help 
me  in  the  prosecution  of  my  theological  studies.  My  sole 
wish  now  was  to  dedicate  all  the  talents,  God  had  bestowed  on 
me,  to  his  glory. 

I  spent  a  year  with  Mr.  Forestier,  during  which  time  he 
took  great  pains  with  me.  He  taught  me  to  prepare  sermons, 
and  showed  me  how  far  it  was  desirable  to  use  Commentaries 
for  such  purposes.  When  he  thought  me  qualified,  he  allowed 
me  to  preach  sometimes  in  his  church. 

While  I  was  with  him,  a  complaint  was  lodged  against 
him  that  he  had  received  a  Papist  into  the  communion  of  the 
Protestant  Church,  contrary  to  the  king's  edict.  Upon  this 
accusation,  he  was  seized  and  carried  to  prison  with  much  de- 
gradation :  he  was  placed  on  horseback,  with  his  legs  tied  to- 
gether under  the  horse's  belly. 

If  you  had  but  seen  the  Papists  of  Angouleme  collected 


PERSECUTION.  55 

upon  the  road  to  enjoy  the  spectacle !  They  were  in  such 
numbers  that  I  may  say  they  were  literally  piled  up  by  the 
way-side  ;  and  they  were  uttering  the  most  horrible  maledic- 
tions and  imprecations,  and  throwing  stones  at  those  who  ac- 
companied him  to  the  prison-door.  I  say,  if  you  had  seen 
them,  you  would  have  concluded  the  prisoner  could  have  been 
guilty  of  no  less  a  crime  than  murdering  his  father,  commit- 
ting violence  on  his  mother,  or  attempting  the  life  of  the 
king. 

Oh  !  my  God !  to  what  a  horrid  pitch  of  barbarity  can 
mankind  be  borne  by  the  blind  zeal  of  superstition  and 
idolatry. 

Through  her  many  severe  trials  my  sister  was  always  re- 
signed to  the  will  of  her  Heavenly  Father,  who,  she  felt 
assured,  ordered  all  things  for  the  best. 

3Ir.  Forestier  had  a  tedious  imprisonment,  which  was  at- 
tended with  great  loss  and  inconvenience  to  him,  because  it 
obliged  him  to  give  up  his  school.  At  length  he  appealed  to 
the  Parliament*  of  Paris,  and  obtained  an  acquittal. 

The  church  of  St.  Mesme  soon  shared  the  fate  of  others, 
and  was  condemned.  The  Synod  then  removed  him  to  Coses. 
in  Saintonge  :  and  though  it  is  rather  anticipating  events,  I 
think  I  had  better  proceed  with  his  history,  before  returning 
to  the  memoirs  of  my  own  life. 

The  church  at  Coses  had  its  turn,  and  was  condemned  be- 
fore long.  The  Papists  in  the  neighborhood  had  not  patience 
to  wait  for  the  day  appointed  for  its   demolition,  but  desired 

*  There  were  ten  Parliaments  in  the  kingdom  of  France.  They  were  su- 
perior courts  of  judicature,  to  which  appeal  was  made  from  the  decision 
of  inferior  tribunals.  They  had  no  legislative  functions  but  that  of  regis- 
tering and  publishing  the  Koyal  Decrees,  to  which  they  very  rarely  raised 
any  objection. 


56  MEMOIRS  OF  A   HUGI  KNOT  FAMILY. 

to  put  a  stop  to  the  religious  exercises  at  once.  To  accom- 
plish this  end,  they  made  some  frivolous  complaint  of  Protes- 
tants who  had  recanted,  having  been  seen  there,  and  procured 
a  warrant  to  arrest  Mr.  Forestier  upon  this  charge.  The  plot 
"became  known  by  accident  to  Colonel  Boisron,  who  was  at 
Saintes,  and  he  set  off  immediately,  and  rode  all  night,  in  the 
hope  of  arriving  before  the  Archers,  and  giving  him  notice  in 
time  to  conceal  himself. 

He  reached  Coses  on  Sunday  morning,  just  as  Mr.  Fores- 
tier  was  going  to  church.  He  instantly  made  known  his  er- 
rand, and  begged  him  not  to  make  his  appearance  in  the 
church. 

Mr.  Forestier  said  :  "  Can  we  change  the  decrees  of  the 
Eternal  God  ?  No  !  I  hold  myself  in  readiness,  therefore,  to 
do  my  duty,  and  submit  to  whatever  he  thinks  fit  to  bring  upon 
me." 

Colonel  Boisron  still  urged  him.  ':  Only  think,  my  dear 
friend,"  said  he,  ';  of  the  suffering  you  would  bring  upon  your 
wife  and  children,  if  you  should  be  taken  from  them." 

My  sister  then  came  forward,  and  the  Colonel  asked  her 
to  use  her  influence  to  dissuade  her  husband  from  showing 
himself,  where  he  would  inevitably  be  seized  by  the  Archers. 
With  a  composed  and  firm  tone  she  said,  "  It  is  the  duty 
of  Mr.  Forestier  to  preach  to  his  flock,  and  it  is  for  God  to  do 
as  seemeth  him  good." 

Mr.  Forestier  turned  round  in  triumph,  and  said  to  his 
friend,  ';  You  see,  sir,  we  have  no  Eve  here." 

He  then  went  forward,  with  his  family  around  him,  to  the 
church.  He  gave  no  sign  of  emotion,  he  preached  with  his 
accustomed  energy,  and  had  just  concluded  the  service,  and 
was  descending  from  the  pulpit,  when  the    \rphor*  f*r>*<v»nA 


a  wife's  firmxess.  57 

laid  hold  of  him,  and  carried  him  off  to  Saintes.  He  was 
confined  in  the  prison  at  that  place  for  a  time,  and  then  he 
was  transferred  to  La  Reolle,  where  the  Parliament  of  Bour- 
deaux  held  its  sittings.  He  was  a  truly  faithful  servant  of 
God,  and  was  by  him  most  mercifully  preserved  through  many 
dangers,  and  at  last  brought  in  safety  to  England,  with  his 
wife  and  younger  children.  My  sister  was  near  her  confine- 
ment, and  gave  birth  to  a  daughter  on  board  the  vessel.  It 
is  difficult  which  to  admire  most,  the  husband  or  the  wife ; 
the  faith  of  both  shone  so  triumphantly  on  these  trying  occa- 
sions. I  can  assure  you  that  my  sister's  firmness  was  the  re- 
sult of  principle,  and  did  not  proceed,  as  those  who  were  not 
well  acquainted  with  her.  might  have  supposed,  from  deficiency 
of  sensibility.  She  had  very  warm  feelings,  strong  affections, 
and  great  love  for  her  husband  and  children,  but  her  love  to 
God  was  even  stronger :  and  when  his  glory  was  in  question, 
she  held  nothing  dear  in  comparison. 

Happy  couple  !  their  treasure  was  laid  up  in  heaven,  and 
they  could  well  afford  to  despise  this  present  life,  and  its 
short-lived  enjoyments. 

I  now  resume  my  own  history.  Soon  after  the  imprison- 
ment of  Mr.  Forestier.  I  went  to  reside  at  Saintes.  in  order  to 
avail  myself  of  the  assistance  of  two  able  and  pious  ministers, 
who  were  settled  there,  in  completing  my  preparation  for  the 
ministry.  It  is  but  a  repetition  of  the  same  story.  These 
two  good  men,  Mr.  Mainard  and  3Ir.  Borillak  were  shortly 
cast  into  prison  likewise,  and  I  returned  to  my  lonely  home. 

I  was  not  idle  there,  as  you  will  presently  see.  My  bro- 
ther Peter  had  succeeded  my  father  at  Vaux,  and  continued 
there  until  about  this  time,  when  he  was  seized,  under  a 
'"'■  lettre   de   cachet,"   and   confined  in   the    castle   of   Oleron. 

3* 


58  MEMOIBS   OF   A    BUGUENOI    FAMILY. 

The  ohuroh  al  Vaux  was  levelled  with   the  ground ;  most  of 
the  Protestant  places  of  worship  in  our  province  had  shared 
the  Bame  fate.     My  neighbors  could  not  get  to  any  church 
without  difficulty  and  extreme  fatigue,  and  I  felt  compassion 
for  them,  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,  and  considered  it  my 
duty  to  invite  them  to  join  me  in  my  family  devotions.    They 
came  most  gladly,  and  the  number  increased  until  it  reached 
one   hundred  and  fifty.     I  then  recommended   them  not  to 
come  daily,    as   they  were  in  the  habit  of  doing,  but  to  come 
two  or  three  times  a  week,  which  would  give  me  more  time  to 
make  suitable  preparation  for  preaching  and  expounding  the 
Scriptures  to    them.     I    also  suggested  to   them   that    each 
family  should  only  come  once  a  week,  and  thus  our  meetings, 
being  less  numerous,  would  be  less  likely  to  attract  attention, 
and  yet   each  would  have   their  turn.      I  frequently  changed 
our  days  of  assembling,  giving  previous  notice  to  the  people, 
with  the  view  of  escaping  observation,  and  we  continued  this 
endearing  intercourse  without  interruption,  during  the  whole 
winter.     All  who  joined   in  these   religious    exercises  were 
known  to  me  and  to  each  other,  and  we  were  all  equally  inter- 
ested in  keeping  the  secret.     My  house  stood  entirely  alone, 
which  was  a  circumstance  much  in  our  favor. 

At  length,  however,  a  rumor  got  abroad  that  meetings 
were  held  in  our  parish,  and  that  I  was  the  preacher.  We 
had  no  traitor  in  our  ranks,  and  all  things  were  conducted  so 
quietly  that  the  Papists  were  unable  to  discover  any  thing, 
with  sufficient  certainty,  to  found  action  upon  it.  Some  of 
my  friends,  with  more  of  policy  than  of  piety,  recommended 
me  to  cease  before  we  were  discovered,  but  I  believed  I  was 
in  the  path  of  duty,  and  therefore  I  did  not  hearken  to  their 
counsel,  but  persevered  in  leading  the  services. 


RELIGIOUS   MEETING   INT   THE   WOODS.  59 

Our  holy  meetings  continued  without  molestation  or 
drawback  of  any  sort  till  Palm  Sunday,  1684.  Being  only  a 
candidate,  and  not  a  regularly  authorized  minister,  I  judged 
it  best  to  advise  my  people  to  go  to  some  of  the  few  remain- 
ing churches,  in  order  to  receive  the  Communion  with  their 
brethren.  I  wished  to  partake  of  that  holy  sacrament  my- 
self, and  for  the  purpose  I  went  to  the  other  side  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  tarried  with  friends  there,  with  whom  I  received 
the  Communion,  both  on  Palm  Sunday  and  Easter  Sunday, 
and  remained  until  ten  or  twelve  days  after  Easter. 

On  Palm  Sunday,  some  of  the  neighbors  came  to  my 
house  as  usual,  and  finding  that  I  was  not  there,  they  retired 
to  a  wood  behind  the  house  for  religious  worship,  and  one  of 
their  number,  a  mason  by  trade,  who  could  read  very  well, 
officiated  as  pastor.  He  read  several  chapters  from  the  Bible, 
the  prayers  of  the  Church,  and  a  sermon  ;  and  some  psalms 
were  sung.  This  meeting  having  taken  place  openly,  the  re- 
port of  it  was  noised  abroad,  and  on  Holy  Thursday  from 
seven  to  eight  hundred  assembled  on  the  same  spot,  the  ma- 
son again  the  pastor.  On  Easter  Sunday  the  number  in- 
creased to  a  thousand. 

In  the  neighborhood  there  lived  a  miserable  pettifogging 
attorney,  named  Agoust,  a  base  deceitful  man,  who  had  been 
a  Protestant,  but  had  abjured  his  religion  to  retain  his 
employment.  His  house  was  within  four  hundred  paces  of 
the  high  road,  by  which  many  persons  returned  from  the 
meeting,  and  he  seated  himself  at  his  window  to  watch  the 
passers-by,  hoping  to  be  able  to  give  information  by  which  he 
might  ingratiate  himself  with  those  in  power.  The  services 
had  continued  until  after  dusk,  therefore  it  was  too  dark  to 
recognize  individuals  at  that  distance  ;  nevertheless,  he  made 


60  EMOIBS   OF    A    HUG  v. 

out  a  list  of  sixty  persons,  and  amongst  the  Dames  were  some 
who  had.  and  others  who  had  n<  a  there,  and  at  the 

head  he  placed  Mr.  Mouillere  and  myself.     He  could  form 

a  very  good  idea  from  the  general  character  of  his  neighbors, 
of  those  who  would  be  likely  to  attend  such  a  meeting,  and 
that  was  abont  as  much  as  he  really  did  know.  On  the  de- 
position of  this  single  witness — a  man  of  indifferent  charac- 
ter at  best — before  the  Seneschal  of  Saintes,  warrants  were 
issued  against  us. 

Two  or  three  days  before  my  return  home,  the  Grand  Pro- 
vost and  his  Archers  were  sent  in  search  of  us.  The  country 
people  had  had  timely  notice  of  their  approach,  and  had  con- 
cealed themselves  so  effectually  in  the  woods  that  after  scour- 
ing the  country  in  all  directions,  the  Archers  returned  with 
but  one  prisoner.  They  found  the  mason  who  had  officiated, 
and  no  one  else.  They  seized  him,  fastened  him  securely  to 
the  tail  of  a  horse,  and  thus  dragged  him  all  the  way  to 
Saintes,  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles.  They  took  great  delight 
in  frightening  him  by  the  way,  telling  him  all  that  would  be 
done  to  him  for  his  crime.  The  least  he  could  expect  would 
be  to  be  hanged  as  soon  as  they  reached  the  town. 

It  was  late  when  they  arrived,  and  they  said  that  nothing 
but  the  lateness  of  the  hour  saved  him  from  execution  that 
night,  which  fortunately  left  him  a  solitary  chance  for  life. 
'•  If,"  said  one  of  the  Archers,  "  you  recant  without  delay,  you 
may  yet  escape,  but  once  get  within  the  prison  wall,  and  a 
hundred  religions  will  not  save  you  from  death.  All  that  is 
asked  of  you  is  to  renounce  the  errors  of  Calvin,  and  do  not 
you  see  how  easily  you  can  do  that,  without  wounding  your 
conscience,  be  it  ever  so  tender  ?  You  only  swear  to  renounce 
errors :  if  Calvin   had  none,  you  renounce   nothing,  it  is  a 


THE   MASON    EEC  ANTS.  61  ' 

mere  ceremony,  and  if  lie  had  errors  you  would  not  surely 
object  to  renouncing  them."  Those  who  surrounded  him  saw 
that  the  specious  arguments  made  an  impression,  and  they 
followed  it  up  with  others  based  upon  his  duty  to  his  wife 
and  children,  who  would  be  left  destitute  if  he  was  taken  from 
them.  The  poor  fellow  was  overpowered  by  their  crafty  rea- 
soning, he  had  no  one  near  to  strengthen  his  weakness,  and  it 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  he  should  at  last  have  yielded 
to  the  tempter,  abjured  the  errors  of  Calvin,  and  obtained 
life  and  liberty  as  the  reward.  The  wakeful  monitor,  con- 
science, had  slumbered  for  a  short  space,  but  she  soon  awak- 
ened and  resumed  her  power  most  fearfully.  After  the  re- 
cantation, the  mason  became  a  prey  to  the  most  frightful  re- 
morse ;  he  was  so  wretched  that  he  could  not  rest  or  sleep  by 
night  or  day. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  of  my  return  home,  he  hastened  to 
me,  threw  himself  at  my  feet,  wept  like  a  child,  and  declared 
that  he  had  damned  his  soul  by  his  weakness.  He  then  re- 
lated all  the  circumstances  tb  me  :  he  said  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  describe  to  me  the  torments  he  had  endured,  and 
that  he  could  not  pray  for  himself,  but  he  implored  me  to 
pray  for  him.  He  looked  upon  his  crime  with  such  utter 
abhorrence,  and  was  plunged  into  such  depths  of  despair,  that 
I  clearly  perceived  it  was  my  duty  rather  to  comfort  than 
reprove  the  sinner.  I  endeavored  to  convince  him  that  the 
mercy  of  God  was  open  to  him,  and  I  urged  him  to  go  at 
once  to  the  Fountain  for  sin  and  uncleanness.  I  drew  a  par- 
allel between  his  case  and  that  of  St.  Peter,  from  which  I 
thought  he  might  draw  consolation,  as  he  had  imitated  the 
apostle  in  his  bitter  tears  of  repentance  as  well  as  in  his  fall. 

He  abjured  once  more,  and  this  time  it  was  the   abjuring 


62  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

of  his  abjuration.  His  penitence  was  so  sincere,  that  he  felt 
no  humiliation  too  great,  and  he  asked  forgiveness  of  every 
one  he  met  for  the  scandal  he  had  brought  upon  their  holy 
religion.  God  brought  good  out  of  evil  on  this  occasion,  for 
he  made  the  remorse  of  this  unhappy  man  the  means  of 
strengthening  the  faith  of  many  others,  who  saw,  by  his  me- 
lancholy example,  that  man,  with  all  his  cruelty,  can  inflict  no 
such  torture  as  God  causes  to  the  consciousness  of  those,  who 
deny  him  before  men. 

I  was  deeply  grieved  that  I  had  not  been  upon  the  spot 
when  this  poor  man  was  taken  up,  for  I  thought  I  might  have 
accompanied  him  and  prevented  his  recantation ;  and  it  de- 
termined me  to  do  what  I  could  to  confirm  the  faith  of  the 
other  members  of  my  flock.  I  was  told  that  there  was  a 
warrant  out  for  my  apprehension,  so  I  rode  over  to  Saintes  to 
inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  I  determined  to  give 
myself  up  to  the  authorities,  if  it  should  be  required. 

I  called  upon  the  Lieutenant-General  or  Seneschal  of  the 
Presidency  of  Saintes  to  ascertain  the  fact,  and  he  was  mali- 
cious enough  to  deny  that  there  was  any  such  warrant  out, 
though  he  was  himself  the  very  person  who  had  issued  it. 
He  wished  me  to  return  home  in  ignorance  of  the  truth,  for 
the  purpose  of  inflicting  upon  me  the  ignominy  and  mortifica- 
tion, that  he  supposed  would  be  the  result  of  making  me  a 
public  spectacle,  dragged  to  prison  b}7  the  Grand  Provost  and 
his  Archers.  I  had  a  shrewd  suspicion  that  it  was  so,  and 
therefore  went  home  with  the  determination  to  make  the 
most  of  my  time  for  the  benefit  of  my  poor  neighbors.  Dur- 
ing the  week  I  visited  from  house  to  house,  prayed,  and  ex- 
horted to  the  best  of  my  ability. 

At  length  I  was  informed  that  the  Provost  and  his  Archers 


APPROACH    OF    ARCHERS.  63 

were  on  the  road  to  our  village,  and  that  they  were  spending 
the  night  at  Saujon,  within  two  leagues  of  my  house.  I  sent 
messengers  to  warn  the  people  in  the  surrounding  villages,  in 
order  that  they  might  hide  themselves  in  the  woods.  For 
my  own  part,  my  resolution  was  formed,  not  to  shrink  from 
the  threatened  danger,  be  it  what  it  might,  but  rather  to 
walk  boldly  forward  to  justify  that  which  I  had  done  in  the 
fear  of  God.  Some  of  my  friends  came  to  give  me  notice  of 
the  approach  of  the  Archers,  and  at  the  same  time  to  oiler  me 
their  houses  as  an  asylum  until  the  storm  had  passed  over, 
but  I  declined  their  kind  offers.  I  said  to  them,  "  It  was  I 
who  induced  the  poor  people  to  jeopard  their  lives  for  our 
holy  religion.  I  invited  them  to  my  house  to  join  in  religious 
worship,  and  having  acted  as  their  leader  when  no  danger 
threatened,  ought  I  not  to  continue  at  their  head  in  the  hour 
of  peril  ?  If  I  were  now  to  flee,  I  should  consider  myself 
like  the  shepherd,  who  is  described  in  the  Gospel  as  an  hire- 
ling, who  fled  at  the  sight  of  the  wolf.  Example,  my  friends, 
is  more  powerful  than  precept.  I  am  determined  to  share 
the  risks  of  my  poor  neighbors,  for  if  I  were  absent  from 
them,  and  they  abjured  their  faith  for  want  of  the  counte- 
nance and  support  that  I,  as  their  leader,  could  give  them,  I 
should  for  ever  feel  that  the  sin  rested  upon  my  shoulder." 

Seeing  me  so  determined,  my  friends  ceased  to  urge  me 
to  go  with  them,  and  when  they  left  me  I  set  to  work  to  pre- 
pare for  the  morrow.  I  gave  full  directions  to  my  servants 
for  their  conduct  during  my  absence.  I  prepared  a  bundle 
of  clothing  and  other  necessaries  to  take  with  me  to  the 
prison,  and  then  before  retiring  to  rest,  I  knelt  clown  and 
prayed  earnestly  to  God  to  give  me  grace  and  strength  to 
support  and  guide  me  in  the  step  I  was  taking,  and  in  which 


64  MEM0IE8   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

I  believed  I  had  a  single  eye  to  his  glory.  My  mind  be- 
came so  perfectly  composed  after  this,  that  I  went  to  bed 
and  fell  asleep  almost  immediately,  and  I  slept  so  soundly 
that  I  did  not  waken  until  I  heard  the  sound  of  the  Provost 
and  Archers  knocking  at  the  door  for  admittance.  The  day 
was  just  breaking  when  I  opened  my  eyes,  and  being  yet  only 
half  awake,  I  trembled  from  head  to  foot,  and  felt  a  vague 
sort  of  alarm  at  I  knew  not  what,  and  the  thought  actually 
crossed  my  mind  that  I  would  defend  myself  with  the  fire- 
arms which  I  had  in  my  room. 

Presently  I  collected  my  scattered  senses,  and  knew  what 
the  noise  meant,  and  then  I  called  to  mind  the  thoughts  with 
which  I  had  retired  the  night  before,  and  I  again  implored 
the  aid  of  my  heavenly  Father,  which  was  granted  me  on  the 
instant,  for  I  felt  tranquillized  almost  immediately.  I  was 
displeased  to  hear  my  servants  telling  the  Archers  that  I  was 
not  in  the  house,  and  I  opened  the  window,  and  put  my  head 
out  to  tell  them  that  I  should  soon  be  ready  for  them,  having 
made  my  preparations  over  night.  Upon  this  they  retreated 
a  little,  being  afraid  that  I  was  going  to  fire  upon  them,  and 
I  heard  the  Provost  give  orders  to  his  Archers  to  be  upon 
their  guard.  I  told  him  he  need  not  fear  the  weapons  I  had 
for  my  defence  ;  I  relied  upon  my  innocence  for  protection,  and 
I  hoped  to  conquer  by  my  constancy.  I  begged  him  to  wait 
patiently  a  few  minutes  and  I  would  accompany  him.  As 
soon  as  I  had  dressed  myself  I  opened  the  door  to  him,  and 
showed  him  my  little  bundle  which  I  had  prepared  the  night 
before. 

The  Provost  proceeded  to  perform  what  he  considered  to 
be  his  duty,  and  he  gave  me  an  exhortation,  to  the  effect  that  I 
ought  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  king,  and  make  a  prompt  recan- 


CONDUCTED   TO    PRISON.  65 

tation.  He  then  gave  me  in  charge  of  two  of  his  Archers,  and  he 
went  with  the  rest  to  look  for  the  other  persons,  against  whom 
he  held  warrants.  They  scoured  the  country  in  all  directions 
without  finding  any  of  my  accomplices  in  prayer.  They  seized 
upon  a  poor  ploughman,  whose  zeal  had  never  been  warm 
enough  to  carry  him  to  any  illegal  assembly,  and  he  felt  both 
pained  and  embarrassed  to  be  suffering  persecution  without 
the  consolation  of  having  deserved  it.  He  was  tied  to  the  tail 
of  a  horse,  and  sent  forward  to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  with 
an  Archer  for  his  guard,  who  was  one  of  that  tribe  of  booted 
missionaries  who  strove  to  make  converts  to  his  religion  by 
oaths,  threats  and  cruelties.  He  frightened  his  poor  ignorant 
prisoner  exceedingly,  who,  when  he  saw  me,  cried  out :  u  Alas  ! 
sir,  are  you  also  in  the  power  of  these  cruel  men?" 

To  which  I  replied.  ,:  I  feel  it  an  honor  to  be  esteemed 
worthy  of  suffering  in  such  a  cause." 

Hearing  that  no  more  prisoners  were  likely  to  be  brought 
in,  we  were  ordered  to  proceed  on  our  way.  I  had  gained 
some  favor  with  the  Archers  who  had  me  in  charge,  by  giving 
them  money,  and  I  was  thus  able  to  persuade  them  to  indulge 
my  companion,  by  lengthening  his  rope  sufficiently  for  him  to 
walk  abreast  with  my  horse.  They  also  showed  me  personal 
consideration,  for,  as  we  were  approaching  the  capital,  they 
told  me  that  they  had  received  positive  orders  to  tie  my  legs 
together  under  the  horse,  but  that  they  would  dispense  with  it, 
if  I  would  let  my  cloak  drop  low  enough  to  conceal  my  feet 
entirely. 

We  entered  the  town  of  Saintes  at  five  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  a  day,  near  the  end  of  April,  1684.  We  drew  around 
us  a  crowd  composed  of  two  very  different  classes ;  the  one 
clapped  their  hands,  jumped  for  joy,  and  cried  out  in  loud 


66  MEMOIRS    OF    A    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

tones,  "  Hang  them!  hang  them!"     The  others  felt  for  us 

deeply,  they  stood  aloof  and  wept. 

My  companion  was  greatly  alarmed  ;    I   tried  to  impart 

comfort  by  speaking  kindly,  and  taking  his  hand  and  pressing 
it  affectionately,  which  seemed  to  give  him  courage,  but  it 
made  the  papists  very  angry,  for  when  they  noticed  it  they  re- 
doubled their  threats.  We  were  taken  straight  to  the  prison, 
where  many  of  the  principal  Protestants  came  that  very  even- 
ing to  show  their  compassionate  interest.  They  were  without 
any  minister  at  the  time,  both  of  theirs  being  in  confinement  at 
La  Reolle. 

I  told  the  good  people  they  would  probably  soon  have  an 
opportunity  of  showing  the  strength  of  their  sympathy  by  ac- 
tion, but,  in  the  mean  time,  I  felt  grateful  for  their  kind  words. 
I  then  told  them  that  I  felt  assured  it  would  not  be  long 
before  my  poor  neighbors  would  be  my  companions  in  prison, 
and  then  I  should  look  to  them  for  contributions  towards  their 
support.  After  they  had  left  me,  I  made  a  bargain  with  the 
jailer  to  pay  him  so  much  a  day  for  a  bed  for  myself,  and  for 
the  use  of  his  private  apartment. 

I  could  easily  have  avoided  imprisonment,  by  flight,  but  I 
had  resolved  to  stand  my  ground,  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor 
people  to  whom  I  had  ministered.  I  thought  that  by  sharing 
their  confinement  I  might  be  able  to  prevent  those  who  should 
be  hereafter  brought  to  prison  from  changing  their  religion. 
I  determined,  without  loss  of  time,  and  before  suspicion  of  my 
object  could  be  aroused,  to  make  the  only  arrangement  by 
which  I  could  hope  to  be  useful  to  them,  and  that  was,  to  ob- 
tain permission  to  pray  aloud  night  and  morning  in  the  prison, 
an  undertaking  which  hitherto,  so  far  as  I  knew,  no  minister 
had  dared  to  attempt. 


PRAYER    IN    PRISON.  67 

After  supper  I  entered  into  conversation  with  the  jailer, 
and  told  him  that  there  was  one  thing  I  wished  to  mention  to 
him,  namely,  that  it  was  my  habit  to  pray  aloud  to  God,  night 
and  morning,  and  that  it  had  become  so  necessary  to  me  that 
I  had  no  peace  of  mind,  if  I  were  debarred  from  it,  and  he 
would  find  me  in  such  a  case  a  most  morose,  unhappy,  dis- 
agreeable inmate ;  but  if  I  were  allowed  to  follow  my  usual 
practice  he  would  find  me  a  cheerful  companion,  and  one  who 
would  give  him  no  trouble.  I  said  to  him  that  I  wished  to 
show  him  all  possible  respect,  and  had  not  the  least  idea  of 
annoying  him  by  praying  in  our  joint  apartment :  therefore,  if 
he  saw  no  objection  to  it,  I  would  select  as  my  altar  the  corner 
of  the  common  prison,  behind  the  door  that  led  to  our  room. 

He  was  disposed  to  be  facetious,  and  said,  I  should  find 
him,  like  the  devil,  not  quite  so  black  as  he  had  been  painted, 
but  that  all  my  holy  water  would  not  make  him  drop  the  keys 
out  of  his  hand. 

a  Very  well,"  said  I,  "  I  am  glad  to  find  that  we  agree  so 
well :  you  may  retain  possession  of  the  key  of  the  prison,  and 
I  will  endeavor  to  obtain  that  of  eternal  happiness." 

I  went  directly  to  the  corner  I  had  named,  knelt  down  and 
began  to  pray  aloud  ;  I  did  not  call  any  one  to  join  me,  but  as 
1  had  expected,  my  companion  threw  himself  on  his  knees  at 
my  side,  and  a  poor  Protestant  who  was  imprisoned  for  debt 
was  glad  to  avail  himself  of  the  privilege  and  knelt  also.  My 
prayer  was  chiefly  composed  of  thanksgiving  to  Almighty 
God,  that  amongst  his  many  faithful  followers,  he  had  been 
pleased  to  select  me  to  suffer  persecution  for  the  truth  of  his 
Gospel,  and  I  implored  his  grace  to  enable  me  to  do  my  duty 
in  this  new  sphere.  I  did  not  forget  to  make  mention  of  the 
choice  of  Moses,  rather  to  suffer  persecution  with  the  people 


68  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

of  God  than  to  sit  upon  the  throne  of  Pharaoh.  I  also  named, 
as  an  example,  the  zealous  protestations  of  St.  Paul,  that 
neither  death  nor  life,  nor  principalities  nor  powers,  should  be 
able  to  separate  him  from  the  love  of  God,  which  is  in  Christ 
Jesus  our  Lord.  I  also  prayed  for  the  king,  that  it  might 
please  God,  in  whose  hand  is  the  heart  of  the  king,  as  the 
rivers  of  water,  that  he  turneth  it  whithersoever  he  will,  to  in- 
cline  his  heart  to  examine  for  himself  the  pure  faith  against 
which  he  had  issued  so  many  edicts,  and  that  he  might  be 
turned  from  its  persecutor  into  its  nurse  and  father. 

I  went  on  the  following  morning  to  pray  aloud  in  the  same 
corner,  and  continued  regularly  night  and  morning,  by  which 
means  the  poor  ploughman  became  confirmed  in  his  faith,  and 
felt  bold  enough  to  disregard  alike  the  promises  and  threats 
of  the  papists.  The  jailer  and  his  wife  had  been  accustomed 
to  have  haughty,  turbulent  spirits  to  deal  with,  and  mine  was  so 
different,  that  they  could  only  suppose  I  was  disordered  in  my 
intellects,  when  they  found  that  I  considered  it  a  privilege  to 
be  imprisoned. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Provost  and  Archers  make  another  tour — Twenty  country  people  brought  to  prison — 
Well  supplied  by  Protestant  brethren — Prayer — Indictment — Confrontation — Ee- 
collement — Examination  of  witnesses — Apply  to  be  set  at  liberty — Accusation  of  the 
King's  advocate — Dungeon — Eerooved  to  Town  Hall — Bribery  proposed  to  me. 

When  I  had  been  in  prison  about  ten  days,  the  Provost  and 
his  Archers  set  out  upon  another  circuit  to  look  for  those  who 
had  been  at  our  meetings,  and  as  I  had  foreseen,  the  country 
people  would  no  longer  flee.  They  had  received  timely  warn- 
ing, and  the  timid  retreated  to  the  woods,  but  the  Provost  was 
met  by  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  who  accosted 
him  with  the  utmost  intrepidity,  saying :  "  We  have  all  at- 
tended these  holy  meetings  and  prayed  to  God  in  the  woods, 
and  we  are  ready  to  justify  our  conduct." 

The  number  who  presented  themselves  was  much  greater 
than  those  against  whom  he  held  warrants,  so  he  was  obliged 
to  make  an  examination,  and  he  drew  off  to  one  side  all  those 
whose  names  did  not  appear  upon  his  list.  After  this  rejec- 
tion, the  number  left  was  still  too  large  to  take  to  prisons  al- 
ready well  filled  with  papists  who  had  been  committed  for  real 
crimes,  so  the  Provost  declared  he  would  take  only  twenty. 
A  holy  strife  then  arose  amongst  these  followers  of  the  Lord 
as  to  who  should  be  of  the  number. 

The  Archers  were  themselves  struck  at  the  scene  they  be- 


70  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    I   \MlLY. 

held.     "What  are  you  about?"  said  they.     "  Do  you  set  no 

value  upon  life?  What  fury  urges  you  to  the  gallows?  Think 
for  a  moment  of  your  wives  and  children  !  What  will  become 
of  them?"  They  tried  every  expedient  to  intimidate  them, 
and  swore  to  them,  by  all  that  was  sacred,  that  if  once  they 
were  taken  to  prison  they  would  only  exchange  it  for  the  rack, 
the  gibbet,  or,  at  any  rate,  the  galleys.  They  adduced  numer- 
ous instances  of  such  and  such  persons,  who,  for  similar 
offences,  had  been  hanged,  broken  on  the  wheel,  &c,  &c.  It 
was  all  of  no  use,  their  words  seemed  to  act  like  wind  upon 
fire  ;  the  more  furious  and  violent  were  the  Archers  the  more 
was  the  zeal  of  the  people  kindled. 

At  length,  by  a  refinement  of  cruelty,  the  Provost  deter- 
mined to  leave  behind  those  who  were  most  anxious  to  go, 
and  he  selected  those  to  take  with  him  who  appeared  the 
least  eager.  They  were  bound  together  two  and  two,  as  dogs 
are  coupled  for  hunting,  and  tied  to  the  tails  of  the  horses. 
These  poor  countrymen  betrayed  not  the  least  fear,  they  bade 
adieu  to  their  wives  and  children  wTith  dry  eyes.  The  wives 
also  did  their  part  to  sustain  their  husbands,  and  they  saw 
them  led  away  without  a  murmur  :  they  had  put  their  hands 
to  the  plough,  and  did  not  look  back  ;  they  placed  full  trust  in 
Him,  who  has  promised  to  be  a  husband  to  the  widow  and  a 
father  to  the  fatherless. 

It  was  known  in  Saintes,  where  the  Provost  and  Archers 
had  gone,  so  the  good  Protestants  were  ready  to  minister  to 
the  temporal  necessities  of  the  prisoners  who  might  be 
brought,  and  it  was  certainly  not  more  than  half  an  hour 
after  their  arrival  at  the  prison,  when  ten  beds  with  bedding 
complete  were  sent  to  them,  and  an  abundant  supper  likewise. 
It   deserves  to  be  recorded  that,  to  the  honor  of  the  Pro- 


PEAYEE.  71 

testants  of  Saintes.  they  continued  to  furnish  the  same 
liberal  supply  during  the  whole  time  that  the  poor  people 
were  imprisoned.  Manna  was  not  more  abundant  in  the  wil- 
derness than  food  in  the  prison. 

The  beds  were  ranged  along  one  side  of  the  large  common 
room,  apart  from  the  papists.  In  the  evening,  when  I  went 
to  prayer  as  usual,  they  all  knelt  around  me,  and  God.  who 
has  promised  a  favorable  answer  to  the  prayer  of  faith, 
answered  ours  by  pouring  into  our  hearts  a  holy  joy  and 
peace  which  cannot  be  described.  Those  only  can  under- 
stand it  who  have  tasted  for  themselves. 

I  soon  found  the  advantage  of  the  plan  of  praying  aloud 
which  I  had  adopted  :  for  when  attempts  would  be  made  to 
undermine  the  simple  faith  of  these  poor  people,  and  they 
would  be  puzzled  with  doctrinal  arguments  they  were  unable 
to  answer,  they  would  speak  amongst  themselves  of  their 
difficulties,  and  as  I  walked  up  and  down  the  large  room.  I 
listened  to  what  they  were  saying,  and  when  the  hour  for 
prayer  arrived,  I  availed  myself  of  what  I  had  overheard, 
and  I  used  to  frame  a  petition  in  such  a  way  as  to  furnish 
them  with  an  answer.  I  would  pray  that  if  the  enemies  of 
the  Lord  should  ask  me  such  and  such  questions,  and  make 
use  of  such  and  such  arguments,  I  might  receive  the  promised 
aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  be  ready  to  answer  in  such  and 
such  a  manner  for  the  faith  that  was  in  me.  I  thus  con- 
trived to  baffle  all  the  art's  of  the  Bishop's  Chaplain,  and  to 
prepare  the  people  for  his  daily  visits  to  them. 

The  Bishop  himself  and  many  other  papists  came  to  see 
them,  and  were  unceasing  in  their  efforts  to  make  some  of 
them  fall,  but  thanks  be  to  God,  it  was  all  in  vain.  This 
went  on  for  about  three  weeks,  and  then  they  began  to  think 


72  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

they  had  discovered  the  secret  of  our  strength,  so  they  de- 
termined to  remove  me.  and  they  hoped  that  when  the  poor 
countrymen  were  left  to  themselves,  they  might  work  upon 
their  fears  as  successfully  as  they  had  done  upon  the  mason. 
I  had  foreseen  this  step,  and  taken  precautions  accordingly. 
I  showed  them  that  prayer  had  proved  the  invincible  ar- 
mor of  our  faith,  and  I  therefore  recommended  them,  if  I 
should  be  taken  from  them,  to  continue  praying  aloud,  one 
for  the  rest ;  and  if  he  also  should  be  removed,  to  let  another 
take  his  place,  and  continue  it  so  long  as  even  two  should  be 
left  together.  For  their  farther  encouragement,  I  told  them 
that  I  did  not  think  it  at  all  improbable  that  by  following 
this  plan,  we  might  all  be  placed  in  the  same  room  again. 

The  King's  Solicitor  had  made  out  an  indictment  for  the 
offences  of  which  I  had  been  guilty  in  the  prison  ;  it  contained 
three  distinct  charges  : — 

1st.  I  had  taught  in  the  prison,  and  thus  I  had  prevented 
my  companions  changing  their  religion. 

2d.  I  had  given  offence  to  the  Roman  Catholics  who 
were  in  prison. 

3d.  I  had  interrupted  the  priest  in  his  celebration  of 
divine  worship. 

I  have  neglected  to  name  that  there  was  a  small  chapel 
attached  to  the  prison,  where  the  priest  said  mass  every 
morning,  and  I  had  purposely  selected  the  same  time  for  our 
devotions,  because  the  papists  were  then  generally  absent. 

Two  of  the  witnesses  against  me,  whose  ears  had  been 
offended  by  the  holy  name  of  God  being  pronounced  within 
their  hearing,  were  men  who  had  waylaid  a  neighbor  on  the 
highway,  murdered  him  and  mangled  his  body,  for  which 
crime  they  were  afterwards  broken  on  the  wheel.     Oh  !  how 


COXFROXTATIOX    AXD   RECOLLE3JENT.  73 

infamous  for  a  Huguenot  to  dare  to  pray  to  God  in  the  pre- 
sence of  such  worthy  Catholics  !  and  wound  their  delicate 
consciences  with  his  fanatical  discourse  !  Great  God  !  what 
times ! 

Before  removing  me,  I  was  brought  into  court  for  exami- 
nation, and  they  began  first  with  the  offence  for  which  I  had 
been  originally  committed  to  prison. 

On  these  occasions,  in  France,  the  accused  is  permitted 
to  put  as  many  questions  as  he  pleases  to  the  witnesses,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Seneschal  or  President  and  the  Regis- 
ter ;  and  he  has  the  ricrht  to  have  such  answers  as  he  con- 
siders  favorable  to  himself  committed  to  writing.  This  is 
called  the  ••  confrontation." 

The  President,  on  behalf  of  the  King,  cross-examines 
both  the  accused  and  the  witnesses,  and  has  all  the  answers 
recorded  that  he  considers  sufficiently  important.  This  is 
called  "  recollement?) 

Upon  this  confrontation  and  recollemcnt  all  the  instruc- 
tions for  the  prosecution  turn.  They  are  read  by  twelve  or 
fifteen  judges,  who  are  called  Counsellors,  and  are  lawyers, 
as  a  matter  of  course.  At  the  time  of  judging,  the  witnesses 
are  not  brought  to  the  bar  for  examination,  as  is  the  practice 
in  England,  but  the  confrontation  and  recollement  are  pro- 
duced as  evidence.  You  are  to  understand  that  each  wit- 
ness has  been  separately  examined,  without  knowing  what 
any  other  has  said  ;  therefore  it  is  an  excellent  plan  for 
eliciting  the  truth.  It  is  all  important,  you  will  perceive, 
for  the  accused  to  be  on  the  alert,  so  that  if  there  is  any  false 
statement  made  by  a  witness  it  may  be  discovered. 

The  only  witness  who  could  be  produced  against  me,  to 
give  evidence  as  to  the  crime  for  which  I  had  been  brought 

4 


74  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

from  home,  was  Agoust.  He  had  made  oath  that  he  saw  me 
on  Easter  Day  among  the  poor  people,  returning  from  a  re- 
ligious meeting  in  the  woods.  I  have  already  mentioned  that 
he  was  a  pettifogging  attorney,  and,  consequently,  he  might 
be  expected  to  be  very  well  qualified  for  the  taskjie  had  un- 
dertaken, of  supporting  a  falsehood  without  contradicting 
himself. 

In  the  end,  we  generally  find  truth  triumphant,  and  so  it 
was  on  this  occasion,  for  I  extracted  from  him  at  different 
times,  and  amidst  a  host  of  useless  questions,  the  following 
replies  : — 

Firstly.  That  the  time  he  saw  me  was  in  the  dusk  of  the 
evening.  » 

Secondly.  That  he  was  standing  at  his  window  when  he 
saw  me. 

Thirdly.   That  I  was  in  Mr.  Mouillere's  meadow. 

Fourthly.  That  the  distance  was  about  a  musket-shot 
from  where  he  was  standing. 

Fifthly.  That  it  was  not  in  my  way  home  from  the 
woods. 

You  will  readily  believe,  that  I  only  obtained  these 
answers  at  long  intervals,  putting  many  irrelevant  questions 
to  him  in  the  mean  time,  in  order  to  make  him  lose  sight  of 
the  inconsistency  of  his  present  replies  with  those  already 
recorded. 

The  President  was  out  of  all  patience  with  me  for  consum- 
ing so  much  of  his  valuable  time  in  asking  foolish  questions. 

As  Agoust  had  been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  and  had 
turned  Papist  to  retain  his  office  as  attorney,  I  endeavored 
to  rouse  his  conscience  to  some  feeling  of  remorse.  I  put 
together  the  answers  I  have  given  above,  and   said  to  him : 


CEOSS-EXAMIXATIOX    OF   WITNESSES.  75 

"  Miserable  wretch  that  you  are  :  was  it  not  enough  that 
you  should  deny  your  baptism,  and  renounce  your  religion 
yourself,  but  you  must  also  employ  false  testimony,  to  put 
temptation  in  the  way  of  those  whom  God  has  sustained  by 
his  grace  ?  Now,  look  at  your  own  statement,  and  give  God 
the  glory. 

"  You  say  you  were  at  your  window  in  the  dusk  of  the 
evening,  and  that  you  recognized"  me  at  the  distance  of  a 
musket-shot.     "What  sort  of  eyes  do  you  pretend  to  have?" 

He  was  much  confused  at  this,  and  said :  "  At  any  rate,  I 
thought  it  was  you." 

"  Write  down  that,"  said  I  to  the  register. 

The  President,  seeing  his  prey  about  to  escape  from  the 
snare,  got  into  a  violent  passion,  and  accused  me  of  abusing 
the  witness.  "  You  have,"  said  he,  "  perplexed  and  confused 
him.     I  will  not  allow  such  proceedings." 

u  What,"  said  I,  "  are  you  sorry  that  I  have  forced  the 
truth  from  his  lips  ?  I  looked  up  to  you  as  my  judge,  but  I 
now  see  reason  to  fear  you  as  my  persecutor." 

I  spoke  to  the  register  several  times,  requesting  him  to 
write  down  the  last  most  decisive  answer,  but  he  looked  to 
the  President  for  permission,  and  he  shook  his  head.  I  would 
not  yield,  and  insisted  upon  it,  that  he  should  write  down  that 
the  witness  no  longer  said  he  had  seen  me,  but  only  that  he 
thought  he  had  seen  me. 

The  President  wished  to  dictate  it  in  modified  terms,  but 
I  said  to  him,  u  I  declare  to  you,  that  if  this  last  answer  be 
not  written  down,  verbatim,  as  the  witness  spoke  it,  nothing 
shall  induce  me  to  sign  my  confrontation."  So  I  gained  my 
point,  and  it  was  written  'down.  I  scarcely  believe  I  should 
have  succeeded,  but  from  the  fear  he  entertained  of  my  enter- 


76  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

ing  a  protest  against  his  proceedings,  which  would  have  been 
to  his  great  dishonor. 

I  had  parried  the  first  blow  successfully,  and  you  shall 
now  hear  how  I  replied  to  the  dreadful  accusation  of  having 
prayed  to  my  God  in  prison. 

The  two  witnesses,  already  mentioned,  who  were  after- 
wards broken  on  the  wheel,  were  the  first  to  be  examined,  in 
order  to  obtain  their  evidence  before  it  might  be  out  of  reach 
from  their  execution.  One  of  them  was  of  a  Protestant  fam- 
ily, and  he  could  remember  nothing  more  than  that  he  had 
heard  me  say,  "  Our  Father,  who  art  in  heaven."  The  second 
was  unable  to  remember  even  as  much  as  that.  The  third 
witness  calle'd  up  was  the  jailer,  and  he  had  made  the  accusa- 
tion that  I  had  prevented  the  recantation  of  the  prisoners. 

I  said  to  him  :  u  Did  you  ever  hear  me  speak  to  the  peo- 
ple on  the  subject  of  religion?" 

"  No,"  said  he. 

"  Did  I  even  call  them  to  prayers  ?" 

"  No." 

I  put  no  further  questions  to  him. 

The  fourth  witness  was  his  wife,  and  she  was  expected  to 
prove  that  I  had  interrupted  the  priest  in  his  celebration  of 
mass.  She  was  possessed  of  some  talent,  and  she  was  a  great 
bigot,  therefore  more  dexterity  was  required  in  dealing  with 
her. 

You  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  chapel  was  separated 
from  the  main  building  of  the  prison  by  a  small  court,  and 
also  that  it  was  on  the  ground-floor.  The  common  room  of 
the  prison  was  in  the  second  story,  and  I  prayed  in  that  cor- 
ner of  it  which  was  the  most  remote  from  the  chapel.  I  had 
my  back  towards  it.  and  I  always  spoke  in  a  subdued  tone  of 


CEOSS-EXAMEN'ATION    OF   WITNESSES.  77 

voice,  only  just  loud  enough  to  be  audible  to  those  around 
me.  It  would,  indeed,  have  required  lungs  much  stronger 
than  mine  to  have  made  myself  heard  in  the  chapel.  The 
President  himself  well  knew  that  it  was  an  impossibility  :  and 
had  there  been  no  other  evidence  of  the  falsity  of  the  accusa- 
tion, the  non-appearance  of  the  priest,  who  was  said  to  have 
been  interrupted,  was  sufficient.  Had  the  complaint  been 
true,  he  would  certainly  have  been  summoned  as  a  witness. 

When  the  wife  of  the  jailer  came  forward,  I  complained 
to  her  of  the  injustice  of  preceding  witnesses,  and  said  that 
I  was  sure  such  a  devout  woman  as  she  was  could  not  have 
been  shocked  to  see  poor  people,  for  whom  punishment  was  in 
store,  humbling  themselves  before  God,  and  that,  as  all  my 
expressions  were  drawn  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  they  could 
not  have  given  offence  to  a  good  Christian. 

She  replied,  that  my  words  had  not  given  her  offence. 

That  was  written  down. 

"  However,"  said  I,  u  you  had  a  much  better  opportunity 
of  hearing  me  than  any  of  the  other  witnesses.  Do  not  you 
remember  one  morning,  when  I  was  praying,  that  you  passed 
from  one  room  to  the  other,  and  came  quite  close  to  my  feet  ?M 

u  Yes  ;  I  remember  it  very  well." 

I  had  that  written,  almost  in  spite  of  the  President,  who 
considered  the  question  so  utterly  useless.  After  a  few  un- 
important queries,  I  asked  her  if  she  ever  heard  me  call  any 
one  to  prayer. 

"  No,"  said  she ;  "  but  as  soon  as  they  see  you  kneeling 
down,  they  run  like  wild-fire." 

"  Did  you  ever  hear  me  forbid  any  of  the  people  to  change 
their  religion  ?" 

"  No,"  said  she. 


78  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

I  then  inquired  whether  she  was  able  to  remember  a  ser- 
mon she  heard  from  one  of  the  preachers  of  her  own  religion. 
She  appeared  piqued  that  I  could  entertain  a  doubt  upon  the 
subject,  and  answered,  most  unhesitatingly,  that  she  could  re- 
member it.     I  did  not  require  that  to  be  written. 

I  then  apologized  for  giving  her  the  trouble,  but  humbly 
begged  of  her  to  oblige  me  by  repeating  to  the  President  any 
passages  she  could  remember  of  my  prayers,  because  I  felt 
assured  he  would  find  nothing  to  reprehend  ;  he  would 
rather  esteem  me  for  them,  than  wish  to  bring  punishment 
upon  me. 

She  was  abashed  at  having  to  acknowledge  any  deficiency 
in  the  memory,  of  which  she  had  just  now  boasted,  and  she 
was  therefore  compelled  to  tell  the  truth,  and  to  say  that  she 
could  not  oblige  me,  because  I  always  spoke  in  so  low  a  tone 
that  she  could  not  hear  what  I  said. 

That  was  written,  and  I  was  satisfied. 

We  both  signed  the  confrontation,  or,  more  properly,  the 
refutation  of  the  accusation.  I  then  requested  the  Presi- 
dent to  set  me  at  liberty,  for  I  pointed  out  to  him  that  every 
one  of  "the  witnesses  had  given  contradictory  evidence,  and 
upon  such,  he  could  not  think  of  sending  me  to  the  worse 
prison,  with  which  I  had  been  threatened. 

The  King's  Advocate  replied  in  an  indignant  tone,  that  I 
had  been  guilty  of  holding  illegal  assemblies  within  the 
prison. 

I  answered  pleasantly  enough  to  that  accusation :  "  You 
are  wrong  to  impute  that  crime  to  me.  The  Grand  Provost 
and  his  Archers  are  to  blame  for  it,  and  if  you  will  order  the 
prison  doors  to  be  opened,  I  will  take  upon  myself  to  disperse 
the  assembly,  without  loss  of  time." 


DEFENCE.  79 

"  It  is  no  jesting  matter,"  said  he,  "  you  have  prevented 
the  conversion  of  these  poor  people." 

I  then  spoke  with  more  seriousness,  and  said  to  him : 
"  You  must  perceive,  by  the  confrontation,  that  you  are  mis- 
taken in  what  you  say  ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  I  will 
suppose  it  to  be  otherwise  ;  but  even  then,  the  constancy  of 
the  prisoners  could  not  be  attributed  to  me.  I  look  upon  the 
conversion  of  the  soul  as  exclusively  the  work  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  therefore,  perseverance  in  our  religion  proceeds  not 
from  the  influence  of  man,  but  from  Him  only  who  tries  the 
heart  and  the  reins,  and  strengthens  whom  he  pleases.  I 
am  ashamed,"  said  I,  ';  to  plead  before  Christians,  as  Christians 
formerly  pleaded  before  Pagans.  Now,  just  imagine  yourself 
in  the  situation  of  one  of  us  ;  what  would  you,,  think  of  a  re- 
ligion which  should  impute  it  to  you  as  a  crime  that  you  had 
prayed  to  God  out  of  the  deep  gulf  of  your  affliction  ?  Would 
you  be  inclined  to  embrace  such  a  religion?" 

The  King's  Advocate  appeared  disposed  to  relent  upon  my 
making  this  appeal ;  but  the  President  remained  inflexible, 
and  gave  an  order  to  have  me  taken  to  the  dungeon  of  the 
tower  of  Pons. 

I  spoke  once  more  to  him  with  much  warmth  and  indig- 
nation :  u  I  feel  persuaded  you  are  convinced  of  my  inno- 
cence, and  therefore  I  think  you  are  unmindful  of  your  duty, 
when  you  are  more  inveterate  against  me  than  the  King's 
Advocate,  who,  in  virtue  of  his  office,  is  my  prosecutor.  If 
you  think  you  can  prevent  my  calling  upon  my  Creator  by 
putting  me  in  a  dungeon,  you  are  very  much  mistaken.  The 
greater  my  affliction,  the  more  importunate  will  be  my 
prayers  ;  and  when  I  call  upon  God,  I  will  not  forget  to  pray 
for  you,  that  you  may  repent,  and  that  he  will  give  you  a 
better  mind." 


80  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

He  replied,  "  I  want  neither  your  prayers  nor  your  lec- 
tures." 

He  then  called  upon  the  sergeant  to  do  his  duty,  and  I 
was  removed  from  the  court. 

I  was  placed,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  a  dark, 
miserable,  filthy  dungeon,  in  the  Tower  of  Pons.#  It  was  al- 
ready tenanted  by  one  of  the  culprits,  who  was  awaiting  his 
trial  for  murder.  "We  had  not  much  conversation  with  each 
other.  He  asked  me  if  I  knew  what  was  the  general  opinion 
entertained  of  him.  I  told  him  that  he  was  believed  to  be 
guilty  of  the  crime  of  which  he  was  accused.  He  then  asked 
me  if  I  could  tell  him  any  thing  of  the  mode  of  examining 
by  torture.  I  said  that  if  they  were  really  guilty  of  the 
crime,  it  was  more  than  probable  that  some  one  of  them 
would  confess  it.  under  torture,  and  his  confession  would  be 
sufficient  to  condemn  the  rest. 

"  "What,"  said  he,  "  if  I  go  through  the  torture  without 
confessing,  and  another  accuses  me  falsely,  shall  I  be  broken 
on  the  wheel  all  the  same  V1 

I  said  that  all  the  particulars  might  be  given  with  such 
circumstantial  detail,  that  he  would  find  it  impossible  to  deny 
any  longer. 

He  cried  out  in  great  distress,  "  Ah  Jesu  Maria  !"  His 
tone  of  voice  removed  from  my  mind  any  doubt  I  might  have 
entertained  of  his  guilt.  I  felt  compassion  for  the  poor, 
wretched  man,  and  tried  to  turn  his  mind  to  the  contempla- 
tion of  a  future  state.  I  told  him  that  if  he  would  only  re- 
pent truly  of  his  sins,  he  might  be  forgiven.  God's  mercy,  I 
said,  was  still  open,  if  he  would  only  apply  for  it  through  the 
Saviour  who  died  for  him. 

He  was  curious  to  know  what  crime  could  have  brought 


REMOVAL    TO    TOWN    HALL.  81 

me  to  be  his  companion  in  such  a  place ;  and  when  I  told 
him.  he  said,  "  Alas  !  sir,  why.  will  you  not  change  your  reli- 
gion? This  is  a  sad  place  for  one  like  you." 

Poor  fellow  !  I  doubt  not  he  would  have  acted  up  to  the 
advice  he  gave  me  ;  and  the  probability  is.  that  if  he  had 
been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  he  might  now  have  saved  his 
life  by  recantation. 

On  the  following  day  he  was  put  to  the  torture,  ordinary 
and  extraordinary  ;  he  uttered  not  a  syllable ;  but  one  of  his 
companions  made  a  full  confession,  and  all  three  were  broken 
on  the  wheel. 

Owing  to  the  unceasing  importunity  of  Mademoiselle  de 
la  Burgerie,  afterwards  wife  of  Colonel  de  Boisron,  I  was 
taken  out  of  the  stinking  dungeon  at  nine  o'clock  the  same 
night.  She  was  well  acquainted  with  the  President,  and  she 
represented  to  him  in  the  strongest  language,  the  infamy  of 
his  proceedings,  and  gave  him  no  peace  until  he  signed  lu 
order  for  my  removal,  and  gave  it  to  her. 

My  next  prison  was  just  the  opposite  ;  instead  of  being 
under  ground,  it  was  very  high,  in  a  small  tower  at  the  top 
of  the  Town  Hall  of  Pons,  open  to  the  town-clock,  circular  in 
its  form,  ten  or  twelve  feet  in  diameter,  and  with  two  rather 
large  grated  windows.  I  procured  a  small  bedstead,  a  table, 
and  three  chairs,  and  made  myself  as  comfortable  as  I  could. 
I  was  altogether  dependent  upon  the  caprice  of  the  President, 
who  would  sometimes  forbid  all  access  to  my  apartment,  and 
at  other  times,  he  would  grant  admission  to  any,  and  every 
body,  who  would  pay  the  door-keeper  a  trifle  for  the  trouble 
of  taking  them  up  stairs.  During  the  three  months  I  was 
in  confinement  there,  I  was  visited  by  many  worthy,  excel- 
lent persons,  through  whose  instrumentality  I  was  enabled  to 
send  prayers,  copied  by  iwknown  hands,  which  I  prepared  to 


82  memoirs  of  a  btjguenot  family. 

suit  the  wants  of  my  fellow-sufferers  in  the  prison  at  Saintes. 
I  had  the  unspeakable  satisfaction  of  learning  that  they  per- 
severed in  their  daily  devotions,  and  that  they  remained  a 
united  band  of  Christians,  not  one  of  whom  could  be  per- 
suaded by  threat  or  bribe  to  recant, 

It  is  worth  mentioning,  that  during  my  solitary  imprison- 
ment I  was  never  once  disturbed  by  a  visit  from  any  bishop, 
Jesuit,  priest,  or  monk,  though  a  day  never  passed  without 
some  of  them  visiting  my  companions.  No  one  proposed  to 
me  to  change  my  religion,  and  I  felt  the  truth  of  the  saying, 
that  if  you  resist  the  devil  he  will  flee  from  you. 

The  President  gave  out  that  I  was  kept  in  confinement 
until  there  was  time  to  prepare  the  process  ;  but  it  was  hinted 
to  me  again  and  again,  that  I  might  let  myself  out  with  a  sil- 
ver key.  I  had  only  entered  the  prison  for  the  benefit  of  my 
poor  neighbors,  therefore  I  was  determined  not  to  come  out 
of  it  by  means  entirely  out  of  their  reach.  I  had  also  an- 
other reason,  which  alone  would  have  been  sufficient  to  make 
me  decline  this  plan,  namely,  that  it  would  hold  out  an  in- 
ducement to  the  avaricious  President  to  treat  other  Protestants 
with  severity,  in  the  hope  of  extorting  money.  My  advocate, 
Mr.  Maureau,  one  day  took  out  his  purse,  and  showing  me 
the  gold  and  silver,  he  said,  "  here  is  the  key  of  your  prison." 
"  I  am  fully  aware   of  it,"  said  I,  "  but  I  never  will  make  use 

of  it." 

He  and  some  other  kind  friends  would  gladly  have  ar- 
ranged the  matter  themselves,  and  not  suffered  me  to  pay  a  sin- 
gle farthing  ;  but  I  received  some  intimation  of  what  they 
were  about  to  do,  and  I  told  Mr.  Maureau  that  I  would  scorn 
such  a  proceeding,  and  that  if  he  dared  to  take  the  step 
without  my  consent,  I  would  proclaim  publicly  that  the  Pre- 
sident had  taken  money  to  enlarge  me. 


CHAPTER  VL 

Trial  before  the  Presidency— Digression— Defence— Angry  discussion  with  the  Presi- 
dent— Query— Reply— Sentence. 

The  month  of  August  had  come  round  by  the  time  that  the 
process  was  ready  to  be  brought  before  the  Presidency  in  the 
Hall  of  Justice. 

In  this  court,  the  prisoner  has  to  depend  upon  himself,  he 
is  not  allowed  the  help  of  an  advocate  to  plead  for  him.  The 
door  is  locked,  and  guarded  by  Archers.  The  President  sits 
in  the  centre,  the  Judges  or  Counsellors  on  each  side  ;  the  Re- 
gister remains  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Hall,  and  the  prisoner 
is  usually  seated  near  him,  on  a  three-legged  wooden  stool,  as 
a  mark  of  disgrace. 

There  is  a  saying  in  France,  "he  has  sat  upon  the 
stool,"  which  is  tantamount  to  the  English  phrase,  u  I  have 
seen  him  hold  up  his  hand  at  the  bar." 

The  testimony  recorded  in  the  confrontation  is  read  to 
the  accused,  and  he  is  asked  if  it  be  correct,  and  if  the  signa- 
ture attached  to  it  be  his.  The  judges  then  examine  him 
more  fully,  and  if  it  be  a  case  which  admits  of  appeal  to 
Parliament,  the  answers  are  recorded.  As  soon  as  the  ex- 
amination is  over,  the  accused  is  taken  back  to  prison;  and. 
the  sentence  of  the  court,  in  writing,  is  sent  to  him.  by  a* 
sheriff's  officer.  " 


84  MEMOEES   OF    A    BUGTJBNOT    FAMILY. 

In  preparing  for  my  defence  I  thought  much  more  of  my 
poor  neighbors  than  of  myself,  because  I  was  really  innocent 
of  the  charge  in  the  indictment,  they  were  not.  Knowing 
that  they  would  not  be  assisted  by  an  advocate.  I  could  not 
help  feeling  some  apprehension  for  them,  and  I  determined,  if 
any  opportunity  offered  itself,  I  would  say  something  applica- 
ble to  their  case.  I  thought  it  possible  that  I  might  be  able 
to  soften  the  hearts  or  alarm  the  consciences  of  the  judges; 
and  I  made  it  a  subject  of  special  prayer  to  God. 

I  will  make  a  digression  here,  which  you  will  presently 
perceive  is  not  altogether  irrelevant.  My  apartment  in  the 
tower  of  the  Town  Hall  looked  down  into  the  court-yard  of 
the  residence  of  one  of  my  judges.  He  was  a  very  passionate 
man,  much  addicted  to  gambling  and  dissipation,  but  at  the 
same  time,  he  was  said  to  be  an  able  jurist.  Two  or  three  days 
before  my  trial,  I  was  awakened  out  of  sound  sleep,  about 
midnight,  by  this  man  swearing  and  cursing  in  a  loud  tone  of 
voice.  He  had  just  returned  home  after  losing  a  large  sum 
of  money  at  the  gambling  table  ;  he  was  mad  with  vexation, 
and  was  venting  his  rage  upon  his  innocent  wife  and  children. 
I  thought  I  heard  blows,  but  of  that  I  was  not  sure. 

To  proceed  with  the  trial.  When  I  entered  the  Hall  of 
Justice,  the  Register  civilly  offered  me  the  three-legged 
stool.  I  would  not  sit  upon  it,  for  I  said  I  was  not  a  criminal 
to  deserve  such  disgrace.  He  attempted  to  force  me  upon  it, 
which  the  Court  perceiving  ordered  him  to  desist,  and  one  of 
the  judges  smiling,  said  :  ';  Mr.  Fontaine  is  a  young  man,  and 
he  might  lose  a  good  match  by  being  made  to  sit  there." 

I  made  him  a  profound  bow. 

I  was  asked  whether  I  had  not  prayed  to  Grod  in  the  woods 
on  Easter  Sunday  ? 


DEFENCE.  85 

I  said,  "  No,  and  I  can  produce  any  number  of  witnesses 
to  prove  an  alibi,  if  you  will  allow  me  to  call  them.  I  spent 
that  day  at  Coses." 

Very  little  was  said  about  my  crime  in  prison,  because  I 
acknowledged  unhesitatingly  that  I  had  prayed  there,  but  in 
a  low  tone  of  voice. 

After  some  other  questions,  they  asked  me  if  I  did  not 
know  that  His  Majesty  had  issued  a  declaration  forbidding 
illegal  assemblies. 

I  thought  that  God  had  now  most  assuredly  opened  the 
door  for  me  to  say  something  on  behalf  of  my  fellow-prisoners, 
and  I  replied :  "  Gentlemen,  I  am  aware  of  it,  and  I  have 
read  the  declaration  over  and  over  again,  and  I  can  find  no- 
thing in  it  which  forbids  people  assembling  to  pray  to  God.  I 
look  upon  it  as  the  height  of  injustice  to  His  Majesty  to  pre- 
tend that  he  calls  such  assemblies  unlawful,  and  you,  who  are 
the  interpreters  of  his  declaration,  ought  to  have  more  respect 
for  him  and  for  your  own  reputation  as  Christians,  than  to 
give  it  so  bad  an  interpretation  as  to  call  assemblies  illegal,  to 
which  no  arms  are  carried  but  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
and  where  no  words  are  uttered  but  such  as  find  an  echo  in 
those  sacred  volumes,  and  where  prayers  are  offered  up  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  King  and  his  kingdom,  and  for  the  conver- 
sion of  those  who  persecute  the  Church  of  Christ/' 

A  curious  interruption  occurred  here.     My  advocate,  Mr. 

areau,  had  been  listening  at  the  door,  and  he  was  afraid  I 
should  injure  my  cause  by  speaking  so  boldly,  so  he  put  his 
mouth  to  a  crevice  and  cried,  "Hist!  hist!  hist  !::  and  ran 
away.  The  door  was  ordered  to  be  opened,  but  the  offender 
was  not  to  be  seen,  so  they  contented  themselves  with  guard- 
ing it  more  carefully.     This  incident  roused  the  attention  of 


86  MEMOIB8   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

the  judges,  and  they  evidently  hoped  I  should  let  fall  some 
unguarded  expression  they  might  use  to  my  disadvantage,  so 
they  encouraged  me  to  proceed,  which  I  did  as  follows  :  "  Ille- 
gal assemblies,  gentlemen,  it  appears  to  me,  are  assemblies 
where  something  is  done  contrary  to  law,  such  as  tumultu- 
ously  assembling  in  arms  to  conspire  against  the  state  ;  and  I 
see  none  other  to  which  it  can  be  applied  without  losing  sight 
of  the  correct  meaning  of  words.  If  I  were  to  extend  its  ap- 
plication, it  is  evident  it  should  be  to  those  meetings  held  in 
summer  on  Sunday  evenings,  where  they  play,  dance  on  the 
green,  quarrel  with  one  another,  and  blaspheme  their  Maker 
on  his  appointed  day  of  rest.  Such  assemblies  might  per- 
haps fall  within  the  meaning  of  the  declaration  ;  however,  I 
do  not  hear  of  any  one  being  taken  up  for  attending  them, 
while  the  prisons  are  filled  with  those  whose  only  crime  has 
been  praying  to  God.  In  the  name  of  all  that  is  sacred,  gen- 
tlemen, how  dare  you  give  such  an  interpretation  to  His  Ma- 
jesty's declaration  without  trembling  to  think  of  the  wrath  of 
the  King  of  kings?  You  who  assemble  nightly  at  balls, 
where  they  dance,  speak  evil  of  their  neighbors,  squander 
their  money,  and  perhaps  lose  in  gambling  that  which  is 
wanted  at  home  for  the  support  of  wives  and  children,  to  whom 
they  prove  a  burden  and  a  curse,  rather  than  the  blessing 
they  ought  to  be.  You,  I  say,  who  are  now  sitting  in  judg- 
ment upon  others,  will  one  day  stand  before  the  just  Judge  of 
all  the  world,  and  in  that  awful  day,  think  you  that  He  will 
condemn  those  who  have  worshipped  him  in  spirit  and  in 
truth,  or  those  who  have  frequented  your  assemblies  ?" 

11  Aha  !"  cried  the  President, i:  your  rebellious  spirit  breaks 
out  at  last.  You  not  only  sermonize  and  reproach  us,  but 
you  say  the  King  issues  declarations,  wherein   he  forbids  as- 


AXGEY    DISCUSSION.  87 

seniblies  where  they  pray  to  God,  and  permits  those  in  which 
the  Divine  Majesty  is  blasphemed."  ci  Register,  that  is  the 
sense  of  his  reply,  write  it  down." 

"  It  is  not,"  said  I. 

He  then  rose  up  in  great  anger,  and  said, c;  I  am  void  of 
understanding  if  it  mean  any  thing  else." 

Some  of  the  judges  were  disposed  to  be  more  patient,  and 
proposed  that  they  should  listen  to  what  I  had  to  say. 

This  was  good  policy  on  their  part,  for  an  appeal  to  Par- 
liament was  open  to  me,  and  if  I  would  not  sign  nry  name  to 
the  answers  recorded,  they  might  get  into  trouble,  because 
they  would  then  be  required  to  verify  upon  oath  every  word 
they  had  made  the  Register  write  as  coming  from  me. 

"  Gentlemen,"  said  I,  u  the  sense  of  what  I  did  say  I  take 
to  be  this ;  that  the  King,  by  his  declaration  of  such  a  date, 
never  meant  to  prohibit  assemblies  where  they  pray  to  God, 
but  much  rather  balls,  and  Sunday  evening  assemblies  for 
dancing  on  the  green,  and  more  especially  those  wherein  they 
conspire  against  the  state." 

"  No,"  said  the  President,  "  that  is  not  it." 

"  Well,  gentlemen,"  said  I,  "to  put  an  end  to  the  dispute 
I  am  very  willing  to  dictate,  verbatim,  to  the  Register  all  that 
I  have  said  ;"  and  I  was  about  to  begin. 

'•  What  !"  cried  the  President,  "  you  do  not  surety  expect 
us  to  listen  to  that  long  sermon  over  again,  no  ;  that  would 
be  rather  beyond  endurance." 

At  last,  in  order  to  save  the  trouble  of  the  long  reply, 
they  consented  to  take  the  following  as  the  tenor  of  it : 

"  According  to  my  judgment,  the  declaration  of  His  Ma- 
jesty of  such  a  date  does  not  forbid  assemblies  where  they 
only  pray  to  God.  and  I  think  those  who  extend  its  applica- 
tion so  far.  depart  from  the  intention  of  His  Majesty." 


SS  MEMOIES   OF   A    BUGUBNOT   FAMILY. 

This  was  written  down,  and  I  signed  my  name  to  it. 

The  President,  by  way  of  showing  my  stubborncss,  as  he 
called  it,  to  the  Court,  then  said  to  me :  "  Mr.  Fontaine,  we 
have  no  more  questions  to  put  to  you  as  an  accused  person,  but 
merely  as  a  matter  of  curiosity,  I  wish  to  have  your  opinion  ; 
whether  you  think  a  private  individual,  we  will  say,  a  mecha- 
nic, for  instance,  can  understand  the  Holy  Scriptures  as  well 
as  the  learned  doctors  and  councils  ?" 

I  answered,  "  I  must  make  some  discrimination  before  I 
reply  to  your  question.  Suppose  the  individual  in  question 
should  be  blessed  with  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the 
doctors  and  councils  should  not — which  I  think  very  possible 
— then  I  am  of  opinion  the  former  would  understand  the 
sacred  volume  the  best,  because  the  same  Spirit  which  dic- 
tated the  Scriptures  is  necessary  for  their  correct  understand- 
ing. Our  blessed  Lord  and  his  poor  fishermen  found  them- 
selves opposed  by  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  at  Jerusalem. 
To  come  nearer  to  our  own  days,  I  certainly  think  that  Lu- 
ther and  Calvin  understood  the  Scriptures  better  than  all  the 
popes,  cardinals,  and  councils  put  together." 

At  these  words  they  all  arose,  crying  out,  "  Jesu  Maria  ! 
What  infatuation  !" 

"  Ere  long,  gentlemen,"  said  I,  "  we  shall  all  be  summoned 
to  leave  this  vain  world,  and  we  shall  then  see  whose  has 
been  the  infatuation." 

I  was  then  taken  back  to  prison,  and  my  poor  neighbors  suc- 
ceeded me  for  trial  in  the  Hall  of  Justice.  I  was  well  pleased 
that  I  had  been  able  to  put  in  a  word  for  them.  I  had  cer- 
tainly shown  the  judges  that,  if  they  condemned  me  or  these 
poor  people,  they  might,  in  their  turn,  fear  condemnation  from 
Him  whom  they  had  forbidden  us  to  worship. 

The  sermon,  which  it  was  reported  I  had  preached  to  the 


SENTENCE.  89 

Court,  made  a  great  noise  in  the  place,  and  became  a  topic  of 
conversation  both  among  Protestants  and  Papists,  each  dress- 
ing it  in  his  own  fashion.  The  judges  said  I  had  put  the  rope 
around  my  own  neck.  I  received  visits  of  condolence  from  the 
principal  Protestants  in  the  town.  Many  letters  were  written 
to  me  on  the  subject  from  various  places.  They  seemed  to 
be  unanimous  in  censuring  me  for  my  indiscretion,  in  speaking 
so  freely  before  my  judges.  However,  when  I  told  the  whole 
truth,  and  they  understood  how  cautiously  I  had  worded  my 
replies,  and  more  especially  when  I  told  them  what  had  ac- 
tually been  recorded,  they  no  longer  blamed,  but  were  dis- 
posed to  overwhelm  me  with  commendation. 

The  next  day  I  received  my  sentence  from  the  hands  of 
the  Serjeant,  and  I  appealed  to  Parliament  immediately. 

My  sentence  was  that  I  must  pay  a  fine  of  a  hundred 
livres  to  the  King,  for  having  prayed  in  prison,  and  be  de- 
clared for  ever  incapable  of  exercising  any  function  of  the 
holy  ministry. 

My  companions  were  condemned  to  make  the  "  amende 
honorable,"  to  be  banished  from  the  province  for  six  months, 
pay  all  expenses,  estimated  at  one  hundred  crowns  in  specie, 
and  a  fine  of  six  thousand  francs  was  laid  upon  us  all  collec- 
tively and  individually.  They  had  included  me  in  the  sen- 
tence of  the  people,  though  they  had  no  proof  against  me, 
because  they  intended  to  make  sure  of  the  money,  and  they 
knew  that  I  had  some  property,  and  my  poor  neighbors  had 
little  or  none. 

I  tendered  the  hundred  livres  imposed  upon  me  indi- 
vidually, and  then  demanded  my  enlargement,  or,  at  any  rate, 
the  liberty  of  going  in  and  out  of  the  prison.  This  was  re- 
fused me ;  and,  therefore,  I  was  under  the  necessity  of  calling 
upon  my  friends  to  present  my  appeal  to  Parliament. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Appeal  to  Parliament — Factum — President's  remark  —  Sentence    reversed — Register 
refuses  copy  of  decree — Apply  for  redress— Return  home. 

The  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  or  rather  of  Guienne,  then 
held  its  sittings  at  La  Reolle,  and  by  its  order  we  were  re- 
moved to  the  prison  of  that  town,  which  was  so  full  that  the 
jailer,  contented  with  the  payment  of  his  entrance  fee,  al- 
lowed us  to  go  and  come  on  "  parole  "  as  we  pleased.  This 
promised  to  be  a  very  advantageous  arrangement  for  me,  as  I 
could  thus  have  the  opportunity  of  making  personal  applica- 
tion to  Parliament,  proving  my  own  innocence,  and  exposing 
the  injustice  of  the  Presidency  of  Saintes  in  its  true  colors. 

I  had  my  Factum  printed,  of  which  the  following  is  a  true 
and  faithful  copy  : 

•<  FACTUM. 

"  James  Fontaine  is  accused  of  two  things.  The  one,  of 
being  found  in  the  assemblies  held  in  the  wood  of  Chatelars, 
near  Royan  :  and  the  other,  of  having  been  heard  praying  to 
God,  in  the  prison  of  Saintes.  With  regard  to  the  first  accu- 
sation, it  is  based  upon  the  testimony  of  only  one  witness, 
named  Agoust.  who  made  affidavit  to  having  seen  him  at  the 


FACTUM.  91 

distance  of  one  hundred  paces  from  his  own  house,  and  two 
hundred  paces  from  the  place  where  the  assemblies  were  said 
to  have  been  held.  At  the  confrontation,  this  witness  ad- 
mitted that  he  only  thought  he  had  seen  him  from  a  window, 
and  that,  too,  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  at  the  distance  of 
three  or  four  hundred  paces  ;  and  upon  the  strength  of  such 
testimony  as  this,  the  said  Fontaine  has  been  confined  four 
months  in  the  prisons  of  Saintes,  which  are  extremely  rude  in 
their  accommodations.  The  charge  of  praying  to  Grod  rested 
upon  the  evidence  of  four  witnesses,  who  contradicted  them- 
selves upon  cross-examination ;  and  it  appeared  that  the  said 
Fontaine  merely  knelt  down  in  a  corner  of  the  prison,  and 
spoke  in  so  low  a  tone  that  the  jailer's  wife,  after  acknowledg- 
ing that  she  passed  within  one  pace  of  him  when  he  was 
kneeling  down,  was  not  able  to  repeat  a  single  word  of  what 
he  had  said.  After  the  breviate  of  the  case  was  completed, 
the  Seneschal,  in  the  most  extraordinary  manner,  refused  to 
judge,  and  the  said  Fontaine  was  obliged  to  take  legal  steps 
in  consequence  ;  and  after  four  months'  delay,  the  Attorney- 
General's  deputy,  recognizing  the  injustice  of  the  proceeding, 
called  for  further  inquiry,  and  the  sentence  resulting  there- 
from is  the  subject  of  the  present  appeal.  The  said  Fontaine 
has  been  declared  guilty  of  contravening  the  King's  Edict, 
and  has  been  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  a  hundred  livres, 
and  declared  for  ever  incapable  of  exercising  the  functions  of 
candidate  or  minister.  The  said  Fontaine  appealed.  He 
tendered  the  sum  of  one  hundred  livres,  the  fine  imposed 
upon  himself  individually,  and  desired  to  be  set  at  liberty. 
This  was  refused ;  but  he  has  since  obtained  permission  to  go 
in  and  out  upon  condition  of  returning  to  the  prison. 

"  This  is  a  brief  statement  of  facts,  and  the  said  Fontaine 


92  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

now  proceeds  to  justify  his  appeal.  In  the  first  place,  the 
testimony  of  a  single  witness  is  not  sufficient  under  any  cir- 
cumstances ;  and  the  witness  in  question  merely  testified  to 
seeing  him  on  the  highway,  and  not  at  the  place  of  meeting, 
and  confessed  afterwards  that  he  only  thought  he  had  seen 
him.  A  witness,  to  be  depended  upon,  should  speak  with  cer- 
tainty, and  not  by  credit  vel  non  credit  any  more  than  by 
hearsay.  And,  furthermore,  it  can  be  proved  that  the  said 
Fontaine  was  at  Coses,  distant  three  leagues,  on  the  day  and 
at  the  hour  named  by  the  witness. 

"  As  to  the  second  accusation,  could  it,  among  Christians, 
be  considered  a  crime  to  pray  to  God,  and  that,  too,  in  the 
actual  words  dictated  by  our  Blessed  Lord  to  his  disciples  % 
Surely  the  very  situation  of  a  prisoner  would  be  likely  to 
make  hini,  if  a  Christian,  pray  more  fervently  and  frequently 
than  ever.  He  could  appropriate  the  language  of  the  Royal 
Prophet  and  say,  '  Out  of  the  depths  have  I  cried  to  thee,  0 
Lord,'  and  Gi-od,  who  is  the  judge  of  the  quick  and  dead,  will 
not  condemn  him  for  it,  whatever  man  may  do.  In  order  to 
convict,  there  should  be  proof  of  words  having  been  used  that 
could  admit  of  evil  construction  ;  so  far  from  it,  all  that  has 
appeared  in  evidence  is,  that  he  was  seen  on  his  knees  in  a 
remote  corner  of  the  prison,  and  one  witness  heard  him  say, 
1  Our  Father,  who  art  in  heaven.' 

"  The  said  Fontaine  concludes  with  the  prayer,  that  this, 
his  appeal  for  justice,  may  be  favorably  considered ;  the 
former  decision  reversed,  and  he  be  released  from  confinement, 
and  from  all  fines,  costs,  and  damages. 

"  Monsieur  de  Labourin,  Reporter. 
(Signed)     "  Dumas,  Attorney. 

"Presented  6th  August,  1684." 


APPEAL   TO    PARLIAMENT.  93 

When  I  presented  this  Factum  to  the  President  of  the 
Parliament,  I  said  to  him,  u  My  Lord,  I  here  present  you  with 
a  true  statement  of  facts,  and  if  you  find,  upon  examination, 
the  slightest  discrepancy  or  exaggeration  when  you  come  to 
compare  it  with  the  evidence  which  will  be  brought  before 
you,  I  am  willing  not  only  to  have  the  sentence  of  the  Senes- 
chal confirmed,  but  increased  penalties  added  to  it." 

He  read  it  over  with  attention,  and  then  said  to  me,  u  I 
can  scarcely  imagine  that  this  is  correct.  The  Seneschal 
could  have  no  inducement  for  acting  thus." 

"  My  Lord,"  said  I,  "  his  ruling  passion  is  the  spirit  of 
avarice,  which  he  hides  under  a  specious  display  of  false  zeal ; 
he  only  joined  me  with  the  poor  people,  in  the  sentence,  to 
make  sure  of  obtaining  payment  of  the  fine  and  costs.  I  can 
assure  you  his  fees  of  office  have  been  levied  with  an  unspar- 
ing hand." 

There  are  certain  fees  which  are  the  perquisite  of  the 
reporter,  who  is  the  orie,  amoug  the  judges,  to  whom  is  con- 
fided the  examination  of  the  process.  The  fees  vary  in 
amount  according  to  the  importance  of  the  cause.  The 
Seneschal  had  an  idea  that  our  suit  would  be  profitable,  and 
he  took  care  to  have  himself  appointed  reporter  for  it,  and 
he  made  most  exhorbitant  charges. 

The  form  of  proceeding  before  Parliament  is  the  same  as 
before  the  Presidial  Court. 

When  I  entered  the  Hall  of  Justice,  the  Serjeant  offered 
me  the  stool,  as  in  the  other  Court ;  but  I  cast  a  look  towards 
the  President,  who  did  me  the  favor  to  exempt  me  from  the 
opprobrium.  I  was  treated  most  respectfully,  no  unnecessary 
questions  were  asked,  and  I  received  full  justice.  I  obtained 
a  final  decision,  reversing  the  sentence   of  the  Presidency  of 


94  MEMOIBS   OF   A    HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

Saintes,  and  acquitting  ine  entirely.  My  poor  neighbors,  for 
form's  sake,  were  banished  from  the  province  for  six  months. 
The  Seneschal  of  Saintes  was  ordered  to  return  the  hundred 
livrcs  that  I  had  deposited,  and  he  was  prohibited  from  re- 
ceiving fees  on  this  or  any  future  occasion,  where  the  King 
was  the  prosecutor.     Two  grievous  blows  for  the  Seneschal. 

It  was  necessary  that  I  should  obtain  a  copy  of  the  decree 
in  order  to  regain  my  liberty,  and  then  I  must  exhibit  the 
copy  to  the  Seneschal  of  Saintes,  to  compel  him  to  pay  me 
back  my  hundred  livres. 

The  Register  was,  like  some  of  the  others  with  whom  we 
had  to  deal,  very  fond  of  money.  I  applied  to  him  for  a  copy 
of  the  decree,  and  offered  him  eight  or  ten  pistoles  for  pay- 
ment. He  would  not  let  me  have  a  single  copy  unless  I  paid 
him  for  twenty-one,  which,  he  said,  would  be  required,  one  for 
each  prisoner.  I  knew,  as  well  as  he  did,  that  one  would  be 
sufficient,  and  that  the  jailer  would  set  us  all  at  liberty  upon 
exhibiting  one  single  copy. 

I  preferred  a  complaint  to  my  reporter,  who  recommended 
me  to  go  and  make  it  in  person  to  my  Lord  the  President ; 
which  I  did,  and  he  told  me  I  was  to  command  the  Register, 
in  his  name,  to  furnish  me  with  a  copy,  paying  only  for  that 
single  one. 

I  went  promptly  and  cheerfully  with  this  order  to  the 
Chief  Register,  but  he  was  a  .great  man  who  interfered  little 
with  the  business  of  his  office,  and  he  sent  me  to  his  deputy, 
one  Cardon,  who  said  it  was  none  of  his  business.  I  returned 
to  the  Chief  Register,  for  I  did  not  begrudge  my  steps,  and 
he  told  me  to  tell  Cardon,  from  him,  to  speak  to  the  Presi- 
dent. For  several  days  I  was  kept  on  the  move,  going  from 
one  to  the  -other  without  any  prospect  of  redress  ;  and  I  then 


COMPLAINS    TO    PRESIDENT.  95 

began  to  see  the  object  of  all  this  delay.  I  found  that  this 
day  was  the  last  upon  which  the  Court  would  sit  before  the 
Christmas. holidays,  and  the  Register  and  his  deputy  knew  that 
if  Parliament  had  adjourned,  and  the  Lords  of  Parliament 
were  dispersed  to  their  several  homes,  I  should  be  completely 
in  their  power,  I  should  have  to  pay  their  full  demand  for 
twenty-one  copies,  or  remain  a  prisoner  during  the  whole  holi- 
days. 

I  was  almost  in  despair,  Parliament  had  then  met  to  move 
the  adjournment  until  after  the  Christmas  holidays,  and  I  had 
neither  solicitor  nor  advocate  to  help  me.  I  determined  to 
make  a  desperate  effort :  I  wrote  my  grievance  upon  a  slip  of 
paper,  and  managed  to  get  in  to  the  hall  when  the  doorkeeper 
was  engaged  elsewhere.  I  made  a  profound  bow,  said  nothing, 
but  held  up  my  hands  in  an  attitude  of  supplication  towards 
the  Lord  President.  Cardon  was  there,  and  called  to  the 
Serjeant  to  seize  and  expel  the  intruder  :  he  hoped  to  have 
had  me  pushed  out  before  I  was  recognized  by  the  President : 
but,  most  fortunately,  he  had  observed  my  entrance  as  well 
as  Cardon,  and  he  called  out  to  me,  "  Mr.  Fontaine,  have 
you  not  obtained  your  deed  yet  ?" 

"  No,  indeed,  my  Lord  ;  what  does  it  benefit  me  to  have 
found  favor  in  your  eyes,  and  that  you  have  done  me  justice, 
when  it  is  in  the  power  of  Mr.  Cardon  to  prevent  my  obtain- 
ing the  necessary  record  of  it  1  Parliament  once  adjourned, 
he  will  leave  me  to  rot  in  a  dungeon.  My  despair  has  made 
me  bold  enough  to  enter  this  hall  unbidden,  and  throw  myself 
at  the  feet  of  your  Lordship,  as  a  petitioner  for  simple 
justice." 

The  President  was  extremely  indignant,  and  he  called  out, 
"  Mr.  Cardon,  how  dare  you  disobey  my  orders  ?     What  have 


96  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

you  to  say  for  yourself,  that  ought  to  save  you  from  being 
punished  as  you  deserve  ?" 

He  began  a  shuffling  sort  of  apology  about  not  Jiaving  re- 
ceived the  instructions  of  the  Chief  Register. 

I  was  on  the  point  of  contradicting  him  ;  but  my  Reporter, 
Mr.  Labourin,  who  wished  well  to  my  cause,  put  his  finger  on 
his  lips,  to  show  me  that  I  ought  to  remain  silent ;  and  I 
presently  saw  that  it  was  the  best  policy,  for  the  anger  of  the 
President  was  only  increased  by  an  apology  that  appeared  to 
set  at  naught  his  own  authority. 

"  And  am  I  to  understand,  Mr.  Cardon,  that  you  consider 
an  order  from  me  a  dead  letter,  unless  it  be  confirmed  by  the 
Register  ?  If  you  know  your  duty  no  better  than  that,  it  is 
time  that  I  should  have  done  with  you." 

Cardon  was  in  great  dismay,  and  he  begged  pardon  with 
all  humility,  and  assured  the  Parliament  that  he  would  at- 
tend to  the  matter  immediately. 

The  President  then  addressed  himself  to  me,  and  said. 
"  Sir,  if  you  cannot  get  your  deed  to-day,  come  and  tell  me  ; 
and  when  you  have  received  it,  let  me  know  how  much  you 
have  paid  for  it." 

I  made  a  low  bow  and  withdrew,  very  well  satisfied  with 
the  success  of  my  bold  attempt. 

I  waited  patiently  near  the  door,  to  be  on  the  spot  to  way- 
lay Mr.  Cardon,  as  soon  as  the  Parliament  was  adjourned.  I 
asked  him  to  give  me  my  deed,  and  he  replied  he  was  going 

home  to  his  dinner,  and  I  should  have  it  after  he  had  dined. 

i 

I  determined  not  to  lose  sight  of  him.  and  followed  to  his 
mansion,  which  he  observed,  and  told  me  I  had  better  follow 
his  example  and  go  and  get  my  dinner. 

"  No,"  said  I,  "  I  will  neither  eat  nor  drink  until  I  am 
possessed  of  mv  deed." 


OBTAIN  COPY  OF  DECREE.  97 

I  maintained  my  position  outside  of  his  door  for  about 
two  hours  :  when,  seeing  neither  him  nor  the  deed,  I  knocked. 
A  footman  opened  the  door  a  very  little  way.  and  held  it  so 
that  I  could  not  possibly  get  in  :  he  told  me  his  master  was 
out.  I  was  not  to  be  deceived  in  that  way  :  I  remained  at 
my  post^  and  saw  several  persons  admitted.  At  last,  two 
well-fed  Franciscan  friars  came  to  the  door,  whom  I  followed 
in,  unobserved,  and  keeping  close  in  their  rear,  rather  crouch- 
ed  down,  I  managed  to  get  into  the  office  ;  and  there  I  waited 
in  concealment  until  they  had  finished  their  business,  and,  as 
they  retired,  I  rose  to  my  full  height,  and  stood  like  a  spectre 
before  Mr.  Car  don. 

"  "What  devil  placed  you  there  ?"  said  he. 

I  replied,  "  I  entered  under  the  auspices  of  the  good 
fathers  who  are  just  gone." 

He  handed  me  the  deed,  and  I  gave  him  in  gold  the  one- 
and-twentieth  part  of  the  sum  he  had  demanded  for  furnish- 
ing the  full  number,  and,  much  to  my  surprise,  he  returned  to 
me  five  or  six  crowns. 

'c  How  is  that  %     Are  you  satisfied  ?,J  said  I. 

-  No,"  said  he,  with  much  bitterness,  u  nor  shall  I  be 
until  I  see  you  with  a  halter  round  your  neck." 

"  When  people  are  hung  for  praying  to  God,  I  shall  have 
reason  to  be  afraid,  and  you  will  be  able  to  sleep  in  peace." 

Having  given  him  this  reply,  I  took  the  deed  away  with 
me.  and  presented  it  to  the  jailer,  who  released  us  from  our 
"  parol,"  and  we  were  at  full  liberty. 

I  should  not  have  dwelt  upon  this  subject  at  so  great 
length,  but  for  the  purpose  of  showing  you"  the  variety  of 
difficulties  we  had  to   contend  with.     Every  one  seemed  t« 

5 


98  MEMOIRS  OF   A    BUGTJENOT    FAMILY. 

think  he  had  a  right  to  impose  upon  a  poor  Protestant,  even 
down  to  a  register's  clerk. 

From  this  detail  you  may  learn  the  necessity  of  standing 
up  for  your  rights  with  firmness,  and  the  duty  of  using  every 
energy  to  overcome  the  obstacles  in  your  path,  instead  of  sit- 
ting down  quietly  as  some  indolent  persons  do,  to  complain 
of  fatigue  and  rebuffs,  without  making  an  effort.  Remember, 
God  has  promised  his  blessing  to  the  diligent  hand,  as  well 
as  the  upright  heart. 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  I  called  to  take  leave  of  my 
Lord  the  President,  and  to  thank  him  for  all  his  kindness.  I 
then  turned  my  steps  toward  Saintes,  quite  victorious,  with 
the  deed  in  my  hand.  I  made  the  Seneschal  refund  the  hun- 
dred livres  already  named,  and  once  more  I  set  foot  within 
my  own  dwelling.  The  expenses  I  had  incurred  during  my 
imprisonment  amounted  to  two  thousand  livres. 

Most  of  the  poor  people  returned  quietly  to  their  own 
homes,  and  were  allowed  to  remain  there  without  molestation. 
They  received  contributions  from  charitably  disposed  Protes- 
tants to  an  amount  that  made  ample  amends  for  the  loss  of 
time,  and  injury  to  their  families,  from  deprivation  of  their 
earnings,  during  their  imprisonment. 

The  history  of  our  persecution  spread  far  and  wide,  and 
I  received  many  letters  of  congratulation  upon  the  courage 
and  successful  result  of  my  appeal  to  Parliament.  Amongst 
others,  the  Marquis  de  Rouvigny,  father  of  Lord  Galway, 
wrote  me  a  complimentary  letter.  He  had  the  management 
of  much  of  the  business  of  our  Reformed  Churches. 

Mr.  Benoist  gives  an  account  of  our  trial  and  imprison- 
ment in  his  "  History  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes."  You  will  find 
it  in  the  third  part  of  the  third  volume,  pages  744  and  745. 


CHAPTER  Till. 


Persecution  of 16S5 — Meeting  of  Ministers  and  Elders — My  Opinion  opposed  to  the  Ma- 
jority— Meeting  of  Protestants  at  Eoyan— Mr.  Certani  dissuades  from  Emigration — 
Interview  with  him — Gloomy  Forebodings — Departure  of  Protestants — Dragoons 
appear — I  leave  Home- -Visit  Sisters — Traverse  the  Country — My  betrothed. 


The  year  1685  opened  with  a  bitter  spirit  of  persecution  far 
beyond  all  that  had  preceded  it.  There  was  no  longer  the 
slightest  semblance  of  justice  in  the  forms  of  proceeding,  the 
dragoons  ravaged  and  pillaged  without  mercy,  resembling  in 
their  progress  a  lawless  and  victorious  army  taking  possession 
of  an  enemy's  country.  In  the  history  of  the  past  we  look  in 
vain  for  any  record  of  cruelties  such  as  were  inflicted  upon  the 
unoffending  and  unresisting  Huguenots.  They  were  not  ac- 
countable to  anv  one  for  their  acts ;  each  dragoon  was  a  sove- 
reign  judge  and  an  executioner  ;  he  who  had  ingenuity  enough 
to  invent  any  new  species  of  torture  was  sure  of  applause,  and 
even  reward  for  his  discovery.  My  blood  boiled  under  the 
sense  of  injury,  and  I  desired  earnestly  that  the  Protestants 
should  take  up  arms  in  a  body,  and  offer  resistance,  instead  of 
waiting  quietly  to  be  slain  like  beasts  at  the  shambles. 

Early  in  the  year  I  received  an  invitation  to  attend  a 
meeting  of  ministers  and  elders  at  Coses,  to  hold  a  consulta- 
tion as  to  what  ought  to  be  done  in  the  present  cruel  crisis. 

Twelve  ministers  and  as  many  elders  were  present  in 
answer  to  the  summons.     As  I  was  only  a  candidate,  and  not 


100  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

a  minister,  I  had  no  right  to  appear  in  such  a  meeting,  and 
still  less  to  give  a  vote,  but  my  deportment  in  prison  had 
gained  me  so  much  reputation,  that  young  as  I  was,  the  minis- 
ters requested  to  have  my  opinion. 

I  pointed  out  to  them  what  I  considered  the  great  error 
of  which  they  had  been  guilty,  namely,  preaching  the  doctrine 
of  non-resistance  from  their  pulpits.  I  said  it  appeared  to  me 
that  our  quiet  submission  to  all  the  grievous  edicts  and  decla- 
rations of  the  king  had  encouraged  him  to  go  on.  Our  obe- 
dience to  one  edict  only  paved  the  way  for  another  more  in- 
tolerable to  be  issued,  and  I  thought  we  might  blame  the 
timid  policy  of  the  day  for  much  that  we  had  endured.  I  dis- 
sented totally  from  the  generally  received  doctrine  that  our 
lives  and  estates  are  the  property  of  the  king,  and  I  thought 
such  an  admission  reflected  discredit  upon  our  forefathers, 
who  had  obtained  for  us,  sword  in  hand,  the  privileges  which 
were  now  taken  away  from  us.  To  make  short  of  the  matter, 
my  opinion  was  that  there  was  nothing  left  for  us  but  to  take 
up  arms  and  leave  the  issue  to  the  Lord  of  Hosts. 

I  was  listened  to  thus  far  with  impatience,  and  they  then 
rebuked  me  sharply  for  the  carnal  spirit  I  had  evinced  in  my 
remarks,  which  they  said'  was  the  reverse  of  the  patience  and 
long-suffering  taught  in  the  Gospel,  which  at  the  utmost  ex- 
tremity permitted  nothing  but  flight. 

I  replied  that  we  were  men  as  well  as  Christians,  and  that 
as  men  we  had  rights  to  maintain.  If  a  compact  entered  into 
with  our  fathers,  in  virtue  of  which  they  laid  down  their  arms, 
was  broken,  we  were  certainly  called  upon  to  enforce  its  fulfil- 
ment, and  if  necessary,  even  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  I  en- 
treated them  to  reflect  that  it  was  impossible  for  this  immense 
Protestant  population  all  to  leave  the  country.     I  was  inter- 


MY    OPINION    GIYEN.  101 

rupted  by  them  again,  they  had  not  patience  to  hear  me,  but  I 
entreated  them  to  let  me  say  one  word  more ;  and  I  made  a 
solemn  appeal  to  them,  to  the  intent  that  they  should  well  con- 
sider, before  deciding  against  resistance,  how  many  thousands 
of  souls  would  probably  be  lost.  The  poor  creatures  unable 
to  bear  the  sufferings  inflicted  by  their  cruel  persecutors, 
would  be  almost  sure  to  yield  and  abjure  their  faith,  but  if  we 
could  put  arms  in  their  hands,  they  would  willingly  shed  their 
blood,  and  sacrifice  their  lives,  in  defence  of  the  truth. 

The  meeting  was  not  disposed  to  heed  my  counsel ;  I  was 
rather  considered  to  be  an  impetuous,  headstrong  youth,  and 
we  separated,  without  deciding  upon  any  line  of  action. 

When  the  dragoons  made  their  appearance  in  our  province, 
they  were  for  a  time  kept  away  from  the  sea-coast.  They  had 
orders  to  overrun  all  the  other  districts  first,  and  hence  a  ru- 
mor became  current  that  sailors  were  to  be  spared. 

The  Intendant  of  Rochefort  sent  a  letter  to  Royan.  re- 
commending the  people  to  change  without  dragoons.  A  large 
meeting  was  held  to  deliberate  upon  the  preparation  of  a 
suitable  answer  to  this  smooth  letter.  My  voice  was  raised, 
as  you  may  suppose,  in  favor  of  resistance.  I  said  I  was 
convinced  that  we  could  rally  around  us  a  party  strong 
enough  to  possess  ourselves  of  Rochefort  and  Brouage,  in 
less  than  a  week. 

They  would  not  listen  to  me ;  and  I  verily  believe  that 
nothing  short  of  the  feeling  of  regard  for  myself  individually, 
and  the  respect  for  my  family  generally  entertained  through- 
out the  neighborhood,  would  have  prevented  some  who  heard 
me  from  giving  information,  and  handing  me  over  to  justice. 
They  concocted  a  reply  to  the  letter,  without  my  aid ;  the 
tenor  of  it  was,  that  they  would  obey  the  King  in  all  things 


102  MEMOIKS   OF   A   IITJGUENOT   FA]\nLY. 

consistent  with  their  duty  to  God,  but  nothing  would  induce 
them  to  change  their  religion. 

They  told  a  very  different  story  when  the  dragoons  really 
came  amongst  them,  for  the  principal  men  proved  to  be  ar- 
rant cowards,  and  trod  one  upon  another,  trying  who  could 
get  into  the  church  first, to  make  recantation.  There  was 
much  more  courageous  and  unshaken  faith  amongst  the  poor 

country  people. 

Before  the  dragoons  appeared,  a  good  many  sailors  em- 
barked with  their  families,  and  crowds  of  persons  followed 
them  to  the  sea-shore,  with  the  desire  of  going  also,  if  room 
could  be  found  in  the  vessels.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
a  Mr.  Certani,  the  Catholic  Cure  at  E-oyan,  a  sensible,  respec- 
table man,  went  after  them  to  the  shore,  and  dissuaded  many 
from .  embarking,  by  making  them  a  promise  that  Royan 
should  not  be  visited  by  dragoons.  He  said  the  King  loved 
his  brave  seamen  too  well  to  allow  them  to  be  disturbed.  He 
gave  additional  weight  to  his  advice,  by  telling  them,  that  if 
what  he  had  said  to  them  did  not  prove  true,  they  should  be 
at  liberty  to  burn  him  alive  in  his  house.  Some  were  per- 
suaded by  him  to  change  their  plans  and  return  home  ;  others, 
less  credulous,  embarked,  happily  for  themselves,  while  they 
had  the  opportunity. 

I  was  from  home  on  that  day,  and  when  I  returned,  and 
heard  of  the  proceedings.  I  went  to  M.  le  Cure,  and  told 
him  I  was  come  to  bid  him  farewell,  for  I  was  certain  we 
should  soon  have  the  dragoons  in  our  parish,  and  I  did  not 
mean  to   trust  myself  to  their  tender  mercies,   if   I    could 

help  it. 

He  urged  me  to  do  as  many  others  had  done,  appear  to 
change,  which  would  answer  every  purpose. 


GLOOMY    PREDICTIONS.  103 

I  answered,  that  I  could  not  lull  my  conscience  sufficient- 
ly to  act  in  that  way. 

He  then  told  me  in  confidence,  that  he  was  himself  over- 
whelmed with  grief  at  the  state  of  things.  He  feared  the  just 
judgments  of  God  would  overtake  the  Catholics  for  forcing 
the  Protestants  to  approach  the  altar  without  faith,  and  to 
partake  of  that  Holy  Sacrament  which  should  only  be  re- 
ceived by  the  sincere  in  heart. 

"  I  fear,"  said  he,  "  War  !  Famine  !  and  Pestilence ! 

"  War  ! — What  is  more  probable  than  that  the  princes  with 
whom  so  many  Huguenots  have  taken  refuge,  should  be 
aroused  to  avenge  them  of  their  persecutors  ? 

"Famine  !  For  who  will  cultivate  our  fields?  There  will 
remain  to  us  only  old  men,  women,  and  children  ;  all  our 
young  people  are  leaving  us  ;  and  what  an  army  may  be  raised 
for  our  adversaries,  out  of  the  brave  young  men  whom  we  are 
driving  away  ! 

"  Pestilence  !  Generally  the  last  scourge,  following  upon 
the  heels  of  famine.  And  who  can  say  that  we  do  not  deserve 
such  chastisement  from  the  Almighty,  for  our  profanation  of 
his  Holy  Altar." 

The  Cure  spoke  with  great  force  on  the  subject,  and  he 
really  appeared  to  have  the  gift  of  prophecy,  for  what  he  anti- 
cipated all  came  literally  to  pass ;  but  he  only  lived  to  see 
the  commencement. 

The  veteran  army  of  France,  formidable  to  the  whole 
world,  had  been  every  where  victorious  until  it  made  war 
upon  the  Saints  ;  and  then  it  experienced  the  most  gloomy 
reverses.  The  soldiers  appeared  shorn  of  their  strength,  and 
God  took  from  them  their  ancient  valor.  We  have  seen  this 
army  of  torturers  and  persecutors,  fly  from  the  face  of  an 


lOtt  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

enemy  whom  they  formerly  scorned,  and  seen  them  driven 
from  ther  intrenchments,  and  forced  to  precipitate  them- 
selves into  the  water,  like  the  swine  of  the  Gadarenes,  in  the 
fear  of  enemies  who  once  dared  not  quit  the  shelter  of  their 
fenced  cities  to  encounter  them.  The  glory  of  Louis,  called 
the  Great,  whose  ambition  aspired  to  universal  monarchy,  de- 
parted from  him  when  he  raised  his  hand  against  the  people 
of  God,  and  he  lived  to  reap  his  reward  in  seeing  himself  de- 
spised in  his  old  age,  as  he  deserved  to  be.  Famine*  and 
poverty  covered  the  face  of  the  land.  The  gold  and  the  sil- 
ver disappeared,  and  their  places  were  supplied  by  a  species 
of  enchanted  paper,  which  perished  before  it  was  consumed, 
and  still  remains  in  portfolios,  as  a  memento  of  what  has 
been  lost.  Pestilence  also  has  marched  over  that  doomed  and 
wretched  land. 

France  !  miserable  France  !  my  dear  native  country,  wilt 
thou  never  open  thine  eyes,  and  unstop  thine  ears,  and  under- 
stand the  language  in  which  God  has  spoken  to  thee  ?  Shall 
man  say,  I  am  stronger  than  my  Maker ;  I  have  entirely  de- 
stroyed the  Reformation ;  I  have  disarmed  the  God  who  pro- 
tected the   Protestants  ;  and  I  have  caused  a  god  of  wafer  to 

*  We  have  a  more  complete  opportunity  than  our  ancestors  had  of  ob- 
serving the  consequences  resulting  from  the  cruel  and  impolitic  conduct  of 
Louis,  and  we  conscientiously  believe  that  the  French  nation  is  still  suffer- 
ing from  it.  In  reading  the  history  of  France,  and  her  revolutions,  wo  often 
pause  to  think  how  different  it  might  have  been,  if  the  descendants  of  the 
expatriated  Huguen<  ts  had  been  scattered  through  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land.  They  were  generally  of  that  middle  class  which  constitutes  the 
strength  of  a  nation.  They  were  emphatically  tne  courageous  and  sober- 
minded  ;  the  moral,  industrious,  and  the  thinking  portion  of  the  community, 
as  well  as  the  truly  pious.  The  descendants  of  such  men,  inheriting  even 
in  a  moderate  degree  the  traits  of  their  fathers,  might  have  had  an  influ- 
ence of  which  we  can  form  no  idea  in  moderating  the  cruelty,  the  caprice, 
and  the  frivolity  which  have  of  late  years  characterized  the  acts  of  the 
French  people. 


If.  LE    CURE.  105 

be  adored  in  his  stead  %  No,  no  ;  God  is  not  mocked,  he  will 
protect  his  faithful  servants,  and  preserve  his  holy  religion 
from  destruction.  Never  canst  thou,  0  France  !  enjoy  thine 
ancient  prosperity,  whilst  thou  art  the  persecutor  of  God's 
elect.  So  long  as  his  faithful  servants  were  cherished  in  thy 
bosom,  and  the  promises  made  to  them  in  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
carefully  observed,  His  blessing  was  upon  thee,  as  it  was  upon 
Abinadab,  while  the  ark  rested  in  his  house.  •  Thou  hast 
driven  them  forth  with  cruelties  unheard  of,  and  thy  prosperi- 
ty has  departed  with  them.  The  floods  have  gone  over  thee. 
Oh  that  thou  wouldst  return  to  the  Almighty  and  confess  thy 
sins,  and  cease  to  forbid  his  true  and  pure  worship :  and  his 
blessing  would  return  to  thee,  and  thy  days  would  be  bright, 
and  prosperity  would  appear  again  within  thy  borders. 

Sympathy  for  my  dear  native  land  has  carried  me  away 
from  the  object  of  my  visit  to  M.  Le  Cure.  To  resume ;  I 
begged  he  would  not  persist  in  drawing  upon  himself  the  in- 
dignation and  revenge  of  an  infuriated  community,  which 
would  assuredly  follow  the  arrival  of  the  dragoons. 

"  You  deceive  yourself,"  said  I,  ';  if  you  really  believe  that 
they  will  not  be  sent  into  our  district.  If  they  come,  remem- 
ber the  penalty  you  will  have  to  pay :  you  have  given  the 
people  permission  to  burn  you  in  your  house,  and  I  solemnly 
declare  to  you.  that  I  this  clay  heard  a  man,  a  stranger  to  me, 
swear  by  all  that  he  held  sacred,  that  if  you  had  deceived  the 
people,  he  would  roast  you  alive,  and  carry  the  news  to  Hol- 
land." He  turned  pale  at  this,  and  said,  that  he  had  spoken 
to  the  people  so  strongly,  in  consequence  of  a  letter  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Intendant  of  Rochefort,  which  contained  a 
positive  promise,  that  the  dragoons  should  not  come.  He 
took  out  the  letter,  and  gave  it  to  me  for  perusal. 

5* 


106  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

After  I  had  read  it,  I  said  to  him  :  "  How  could  you  think 
of  making  yourself  answerable  for  the  intendant  7  Suppose 
he  should  not  keep  his  word  with  you,  think  in  what  a  dan- 
gerous position  you  will  be  placed.  I  beseech  you,  as  you 
value  your  life,  go  to  the  people  before  it  is  too  late,  take  back 
your  promise  to  them,  and  let  them  see  the  letter,  and  then 
they  can  judge  for  themselves  as  to  the  credit  they  are  willing 
to  give  to  it.?' 

He  thanked  me  for  my  advice,  and  what  is  more  to  the 
point,  he  followed  it,  and  went  down  to  the  sea-shore  to  tell 
the  people  the  actual  state  of  the  case,  so  that  they  might  de- 
cide for  themselves. 

During  the  three  following  days  great  numbers  embarked, 
and  on  the  fourth  the  dragoons*  made  their  appearance.     All 


*  The  Protestants  lost  most  of  their  strong  places  during  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIII.,  and  the  remainder  in  that  of  Louis  XIV.,  so  that  they  were 
entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  King,  and  he  promised  to  secure  to  them  liberty 
of  conscience,  and  he  kept  his  word  until  his  latter  days,  when  he  began -to 
think  more  upon  religious  subjects,  and  under  the  influence  of  Madame  de 
Maintenon,  and  his  confessor,  La  Chaise,  he  determined  to  convert  all  the 
Protestants  in  his  dominions  to  Catholicism.  Colbert,  the  Minister  of 
Finance,  though  a  Catholic  himself,  estimated  at  its  real  value  the  superior 
industry  of  the  Huguenots,  and  he  opposed  violent  measures  successfully, 
so  long  as  he  lived.     After  his  death,  in  1688,  the  monarch  had  no  one  to 

rain  him,  and  the  bigoted  counsels  of  the  confessor,  and  the  chancellor, 
Le  Tellicr,  and  his  son,  strengthened  his  own  resolves.  Almost  all  the 
noblemen  and  courtiers  recanted,  and  Louis  thought  he  had  only  to. say  the 
word,  and  their  example  would  be  followed  throughout  his  dominions. 
Missionaries  were  appointed,  and  furnished  with  large  sums  of  money,  to 
make  converts;  they  gave  in  nattering  reports  of  their  success;  but  this 
method  was  thought  too  expensive,  and  a  cheaper  plan  was  to  be  tried.  All 
Protestants  were  excluded  from  public  office,  children  were  allowed  to  re- 
cant at  the  age  of  seven  years,  and  severe  penalties  were  enacted  against 
relapse.  This  caused  emigration,  and  those  in  power  opened  their  eyes 
wide  enough  to  perceive  that  in  the  departure  of  seamen  and  artisans,  they 
were  losing  many  of  their  most  valuable  subjects,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  it, 
they  is       d  an  edict  prohibiting  emigration  on  pain  of  death. 

The  Protestant  churches  were  next  ordered  to  be  demolished,  and  no  less 


LEAVE    HOME.  107 

who  were  left,  and  did  not  intend  to  recant,  fled  for  conceal- 
ment to  the  woods. 

I  left  the  home  of  my  childhood,  never  to  return  to  it. 
about  midnight.  I  took  with  me  about  five  hundred  francs, 
which  was  all  the  ready  money  I  had.  two  good  horses,  upon 
one  of  which  I  rode  myself,  and  my  valet  was  mounted  upon 
the  other,  with  a  portmanteau  containing  a  few  necessaries. 
I  was  well  armed,  and  I  had  resolved,  if  I  should  encounter 
dragoons,  to  sell  my  life  as  dearly  as  possible. 

31  y  house  was  amply  furnished,  and  I  had  removed  noth- 
ing from  it.  It  was  taken  possession  of  by  eighteen  dra- 
goons in  two  hours  after  I  quitted  it :  they  lived  there  until 
they  had  consumed  or  sold  every  thing  they  could  lay  their 
hands  upon,  even  to  the  bolts  and  locks  of  the  doors. 

I  passed  through  Coses  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  found  dragoons  were  still  there.     They  had  made  all 


than  seven  hundred  were  destroyed  even  before  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes. 

The  last  measure  adopted  was  that  which  has  been  known  by  the  name 
of  dragooning  ,**  and  if  we  had  not  the  most  undoubted  testimony  on  the 
subject,  it  would  be  impossible  to  believe  that  such  horrors  could  have  been 
perpetrated  under  the  mask  of  the  Christian  religion. 

A  day  was  appointed  for  the  conversion  of  a  certain  district,  and  the  dra- 
goons made  their  appearance  accordingly ;  they  took  possession  of  the  Prot- 
estants' houses,  destroyed  all  that  they  could  not  consume  or  carry  away, 
turned  the  parlors  into  stables  for  their  horses,  treated  the  owners  of  the 
houses  with  every  species  of  cruelty,  depriving  them  of  food,  beating  them, 
burning  some  alive,  half-roasting  others,  and  then  letting  them  go,  tying 
mothers  securely  to  posts,  and  leaving  their  sucking  infants  to  perish  at 
their  feet,  hanging  some  upon  hooks  in  the  chimneys,  and  smoking  them 
with  wisps  of  wet  straw  till  they  were  suffocated  ;  some  they  dipped  in 
wells  ;  others  they  bound  down,  and  poured  wine  into  them  through 
funnels,  until  reason  was  destroyed  ;  and  many  other  tortures  were  inflicted, 
some  even  more  horrible  than  the  above-named. 

*  Wc  believe  that  the  use  of  the  word  dragoon,  as  a  verb,  implying,  to  abandon  to 
the  rage  of  the  soldiery,  is  actually  derived  from  the  cruelties  practised  during  these 
persecutions. 


I  OS  MEMOIRS   ni<    .\    m  QUENCH     I  v. 

the  people  abjure,  except  about  live  or  six  persons,  so  they 
were  all  quartered  upon  those.  When  any  one  announced  his 
intention  of  changing  his  religion,  he  was  at  once  relieved 
from  the  presence  of  the  hated  dragoons,  who  dispersed  them- 
selves amongst  those  who  still  held  out. 

I  rode  rapidly  forward,  choosing  the  by-ways,  with  which 
I  was  well  acquainted  in  that  part  of  the  country.  At  break 
of  day,  I  was  near  Jemosac,  and  was  much  startled  by  coming 
so  suddenly  upon  a  troop  of  soldiers,  that  I  was  seen  by  them 
before  I  had  time  to  retire.  They  had  been  quartered  at 
Jemosac,  and  had  made  the  people  who  remained  there  per- 
form the  duty  of  the  times,  as  they  called  recantation  ;  and 
were  hastening  elsewhere  to  make  moi>  converts.  I  knew 
that  if  I  were  recognized,  I  should,  in  all  probability,  lose  my 
life,  but  I  concluded  that  my  best  chance  was  to  ride  fearlessly 
forward,  and  salute  them  as  I  passed.  My  horses  were  noble 
animals,  worthy  of  carrying  a  general-officer  and  his  aide-de- 
camp. I  had  scarlet  housings  with  black  fringe,  and  holsters 
for  my  pistols  ;  and  though  I  was  dressed  in  black,  I  had 
taken  the  precaution  of  putting  on  a  large  periwig,  and  crape 
upon  my  hat,  in  order  to  evade  the  suspicion  that  might  other- 
wise have  attached  to  my  dress.  The  officers,  thanks  be  to 
God,  took  me  for  a  country  gentleman,  and  returned  my  salu- 
tation very  civilly. 

The  first  stoppage  I  made  was  at  the  house  of  my  aunt 
Jaguald,  my  mother's  sister.  Her  son  had  changed  his  re- 
ligion to  e.cape  dragooning,  but  the  old  lady  was  unshaken, 
and  I  believe  she  remained  so  to  the  day  of  her  death.  I 
gave  her  all  the  spiritual  instruction  and  consolation  that  I 
could  during  the  day  and  night  I  spent  with  her. 

I  went  next  to  Jonzac.  where  I  had  two  married  sisters 


VISIT    SISTEES.  109 

living,  and,  sad  to  relate,  they  had  both  recanted  to  escape  the 
dragoons.  I  was  extremely  depressed,  but  continued  my 
travels  towards  Meslars.  to  visit  my  dear  sister  Anne,  and  my 
heart  was  cheered  to  find  this,  my  favorite  sister,  firm  in  her 
faith,  even  though  her  husband  had  abjured  his  religion.  She 
gave  him  no  peace  until  she  persuaded  him  to  take  her  out  of 
France.  After  several  days  of  sweet,  delightful  converse 
with  her,  I  went  to  St.  Mesme  to  see  Mr.  Forestier  and  my 
sister  Mary,  but  I  found  they  had  fled. 

"Wherever  I  went,  I  tried  to  do  some  good,  strengthening 
those  who  were  firm,  denouncing  those  who  had  fallen,  and 
trying  to  persuade  them  to  abjure  their  abjuration.  It  was 
distressing  in  the  extreme  to  see  the  vast  numbers  who  had 
made  shipwreck  of  their  faith. 

Many  individuals  there  were  who  had  borne  umovecl  the 
bitter  tortures  of  persecution,  and  who  had  been  stripped  of 
their  property  without  yielding  to  temptation,  and  yet  at 
last  gave  way  under  the  influence  of  specious  arguments  from 
false  friends,  who  represented  to  them,  that  as  it  was  a  com- 
mandment of  God  to  honor  and  obey  the  King,  they  failed 
in  duty  to  Him  when  they  refused  obedience  to  the  monstrous 
decrees  of  the  King.  They  thus  became  idolatrous  renegades, 
and  gave  adoration  to  that  which  they  knew  to  be  nothing 
more  than  a  morsel  of  bread. 

In  travelling  about  the  country  I  discovered  an  extent  of 
defection  that  was  most  lamentable,  and  I  was  so  afflicted 
and  depressed  by  it  that  I  became  sick :  I  lost  my  strength 
and  spirits,  and  suffered  much  from  bilious  vomitings. 

I  often  encountered  parties  of  soldiers,  and  I  had  become 
so  low-spirited  that  I  used  to  think  I  should  not  be  sorry 
if  they  took  away  my  life.    Indeed,  at  that  time,  I  would  have 


110  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

parted  with  it  willingly,  if,  in  the  combat,  I  could  have  de- 
stroyed any  of  the  leaders  of  these  troops  who  were  doing  the 
Devil's  work  throughout  the  land. 

You  must  know,  that  though  I  was  a  poor  soldier  on  foot  from 
my  lameness,  I  was  by  no  means  a  contemptible  opponent  when 
mounted.     I  was  an  excellent  horseman,  and  so  good  a  shot 
that  I  could  hit   a  mark  at  twelve  or  fifteen  paces  with  my 
horse  at  full  gallop.      One  of  my  horses  was  an  Arabian,  re- 
markably fleet ;  if  I  gave  him  the  bridle  he  would  move  with 
the  swiftness  of  a  race  horse,  stretching  out  his  legs,  and  then 
doubling  them  under  him,  so  as  to  bring  his  body  very  near 
the  ground.     The  eyes  of  the  rider  were  dazzled  by  the  rapi- 
dity with  which  he  passed  over  the  ground,  but  there  was  no 
uneasinsss  from  the  motion.     I  knew  that  none  of  the  dra- 
goons could  overtake  me  when  mounted  on  him,  and  I  deter- 
mined, if  they  should  pursue  me,  to  fight  like  the  Parthians, 
wait  for  any  one  of  them  who  should  distance  the  rest  by  the 
fleetness  of  his  horse,  shoot  him,  gallop  off,  and  load  my  pistol 
to  be  ready  for  another.     I  scarcely  feared  a  whole  company 
when  I  was  riding  my  Arabian,  for  they  could  not  approach 
me  in  a  body,  and  one  by  one,  I  was  sure  I  could  dispose  of 
several  of  them.   In  addition  to  this,  I  was  very  well  acquaint- 
ed with  that  part  of  the  country,  which  gave  me  a  great  ad- 
vantage over  them,  and   in   extremity  I  could  have   availed 
myself  of  windings  and  thickets  among  the  woods  where  they 
would  not  dare  to  follow.     I  made  every  preparation  that  I 
could  for  self-defence,  but  my  reliance  was  not  so  much  upon 
that  as  upon  the  protection  of  my  Father  in  Heaven,  whom 
I  tried  to   serve  to  the  best  of  my  power,  and  who,  in  his  in- 
finite mercy,  has  upheld  me  through  many  and  great  dangers 
as  well  then  as  at  other  periods  of  my  life. 


TEAYEESE  THE  COEXTEY.  Ill 

I  was  much  aided  by  some  of  the  enemies  of  the  Gospel 
during  my  wanderings.  My  little  stock  of  money  was  dwin- 
dling rapidly  away,  and  I  had  no  prospect  of  obtaining  any 
more,  so  I  had  to  think  how  I  could  make  my  present  supply 
hold  out  the  longest.  I  dismissed  my  valet  as  an  unnecessary 
expense,  and.  at  the  same  time,  hit  upon  a  plan  for  recruiting 
one  of  my  horses,  while  I  was  travelling  about  on  the  other. 
Between  Jonzac  and  Jemosac,  there  stood  an  old  castle  be- 
longing to  the  Count  of  Jonzac.  who  lived  much  at  court, 
and  followed  the  fashion  of  the  day  among  the  courtiers,  in 
being  a  great  persecutor  of  the  Protestants.  I  had  taken 
rest  occasionally  at  a  small  tavern  on  his  estate,  where  I  felt 
myself  very  safe,  for  I  was  personally  unknown  to  the  people, 
and  as  they  were  all  Papists  there  was  no  fear  of  any  dra- 
goons making  their  appearance.  Mine  host  was  a  humane, 
simple  peasant,  who  always  received  me  with  kindness.  I  told 
him  I  had  some  business  to  transact  which  kept  me  from 
home,  and  obliged  me  to  ride  through  the  country  a  great 
deal,  and  I  should  esteem  it  a  favor  if  he  would  take  care  of 
one  of  my  horses  while  I  was  making  use  of  the  other.  I 
said  that  I  expected  to  pay  for  it  as  a  matter  of  course.  He 
sent  for  a  groom  from  the  castle  who  had  charge  of  the 
horses  belonging  to  the  Count,  who,  finding  he  could  make  a 
little  money,  very  readily  consented  to  put  my  horse  in  the 
meadow,  and  attend  to  it.  I  used  to  return  there  every  week, 
or  two.  or  three,  as  mio-ht  be  convenient  to  me.  and  change 
my  horse,  leaving  the  jaded  animal  to  recruit  in  the  meadow. 
I  pursued  this  plan  regularly  for  at  least  three  months,  and  I 
found  the  people  uniformly  kind  and  faithful  to  me  during 
the  whole  time. 

It  was  by  no  means  uncommon  for  me  to  be  six  or  seven 


112  MEMOIEfl    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

days  without  being  able  to  undress  myself,  or  even  so  much 
as  draw  off  my  boots,  afraid  to  venture  abroad  in  the  day- 
time ;   I  generally  rode  from  place  to  place  in  the  night. 

My  troubles  were  increased  by  the  great  anxiety  I  felt 
lest  any  evil  should  befall  that  worthy  and  pious  woman, 
whom  God  gave  to  me  afterwards  for  my  beloved  partner  and 
help-mate,  and  my  greatest  earthly  comfort — your  dear  mo- 
ther. She  was  concealed  in  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Mechinet, 
where  I  feared  she  might  not  be  safe  from  persecution,-  and 
therefore  I  was  on  the  look-out  for  a  better  place  of  refuge, 
and  I  found  it  for  her  under  the  roof  of  a  Mr.  Brejon,  an  ad- 
vocate, who  had  changed  his  religion.  There  was  no  fear  of 
his  being  visited  by  dragoons,  besides  he  lived  at  Pisauyau 
Castle,  the  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Montausier,  of  whose  estates 
he  had  the  management.  I  felt  that  no  asylum  could  be  found 
that  offered  greater  security. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes— Preparations  for  flight— Difficulties  and  dangers  of 
embarkation— Land  in  England— Cheapness  of  bread— Speculation  in  grain— Cruelty 
of  a  captain  of  a  vessel. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1685,  the  edict  of  Nantes  was 
actually  revoked*  by  that  great  persecutor,  Louis  the  1 4th. 
Of  course  no  choice  was  now  left  for  Protestants ;  flight 
was  the  only  alternative. 

I  went  to  Marennes  to  make  preparations  in  good  earnest, 
and  I  was   so  fortunate   as  to  find  an   English  captain  of  a 


*  Surely  this  act  has  been  incorrectly  termed  the  Eevocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes.  All  its  provisions  had  been  repealed  long  ago  by  royal  edicts 
and  ordinances,  except  the  bare  toleration  of  Protestantism  in  some  few 
towns  and  districts.  The  edict  of  the  22d  October,  1685,  forbade  all  exercise 
of  the  reformed  religion,  ordered  the  clergy  to  expatriate  themselves  within 
a  fortnight,  unless  they  would  recant,  and  in  tbat  case  their  incomes  were  to 
be  increased  one-third,  and  continued  to  their  wives.  All  infants  were  re- 
quired to  receive  popish  baptism,  and  every  one  caught  in  the  attempt  to 
escape  (unless  he  was  a  minister)  was  condemned  to  the  galleys  for  life. 

In  1686,  the  enactments  were  still  more  severe.  A  Protestant  taken  in  the 
act  of  public  worship  was  punished  with  death,  and  all  Protestant  clergy- 
men, whether  natives  or  foreigners,  were  to  be  executed.  To  increase  the 
vigilance  of  the  soldiery,  a  reward  of  three  or  four  pistolefe  was  given  for 
every  Protestant  that  was  taken  up. 

In  spite  of  the  care  with  which  the  coast  and  frontiers  were  guarded,  it 
is  believed  that  not  less  than  50,000  families  made  their  escape,  and  they  en- 
riched every  land  that  received  them,  carrying  arts  and  manufactures  and 
industry  in  their  train;  and  it  has  been  remarked  by  close  observers  that 
their  descendants,  up  to  this  day,  continue  to  be  distinguished  for  virtue 
and  tespectability. 


114  MEMOEBS   OF    A    HUGUENOl     FAMILY. 

vessel,  with  whom  I  was  able  to  make  a  bargain.  He  agreed 
to  lake  me,  and  four  or  five  persons  with  me,  to  England,  at 

the  rate  of  ten  pistoles  each,  and  it  was  arranged  that  we 
should  assemble  at  Tremblade  for  embarkation.  I  went  im- 
mediately to  fetch  your  dear  mother,  Anne  Elizabeth  Boursi- 
quot,  and  her  sister  Elizabeth,  and  my  niece  Janette  Fores- 
tier;  the  latter  was  my  god-daughter,  and  I  felt  it  incumbent 
upon  me  to  provide  for  her  safety. 

I  mentioned  the  plan  to  some  few  persons,  and  I  expect- 
ed they  would  have  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of  getting  away, 
but  their  fears  were  stronger  than  their  hopes,  and  they 
dared  not  venture  to  encounter  so  many  dangers.  The  coast 
was  carefully  guarded  both  by  sea  and  land  to  prevent  emi- 
gration. 

We  went  to  Tremblade  to  be  ready,  and  took  up  our 
abode  in  the  house  of  a  man  who  was  to  act  as  our  pilot  be- 
cause he  could  speak  English.  He  was  a  very  imprudent 
as  well  as  a  drunken  man,  which  made  our  situation  very 
dangerous  wdiile  under  his  roof. 

After  several  days  of  cruel  suspense,  the  Captain  sent  us 
word  that  he  should  be  ready  to  sail  the  next  day,  and  he 
wished  us  to  be  in  readiness  also.  He  said  that  he  should 
pass  between  the  Isle  of  Oleron  and  the  main-land,  and  that 
if  we  would  be  on  the  sands  near  the  Forest  of  Arvert.  he 
would  send  a  boat  ashore  for  us. 

We  set  off  during  the  night,  and  had  two  horses  to  carry 
the  few  little  possessions  we  were  able  to  take  with  us.  In 
the  course  of  the  following  day,  upwards  of  fifty  persons  as- 
sembled on  the  sands,  with  the  hope  that  they  might  be 
taken  on  board  the  vessel,  and  make  their  escape  with  us. 
Most  of  them  were  very  young,  and   they  had  not  taken  due 


SUSPENSE.  115 

precaution  to  conceal  their  intentions,  so  the  Papists  became 
aware  of  what  was  going  on,  and  they  gave  information  of  it, 
upon  which  the  Custom  House  detained  the  vessel.  We 
waited  anxiously  all  day,  in  utter  ignorance  of  the  cause  of 
delay,  and  while  we  were  in  this  painful  state  of  suspense,  I 
called  the  people  around  me  and  addressed  them  :  then  we 
all  knelt  upon  the  shore,  and  I  offered  up  a  prayer  suited  to 
our  distressing  condition.  You  will  find  a  copy  among  my 
papers,  and  I  am  sure  when  you  read  it  you  will  be  convinced 
that  it  was  a  prayer  of  the  heart  as  well  as  the  lips. 

The  Cure  of  Tremblade  had  heard  that  a  number 
of  persons  were  collected  on  the  shore,  and  he  had  the  cu- 
riosity to  come  down  and  see  for  himself.  He  brought  with 
him  a  man  who  had  formerly  been  a  sort  of  juggler.  They 
were  once  so  near  to  us  that  we  actually  saw  their  little 
dog,  which  was  rather  in  advance  of  them,  when  they  were 
providentially  met  by  two  fishermen,  who  had  seen  us,  and 
whose  sympathies  were  enlisted  in  our  favor,  and  they  pur- 
posely misled  them.  They  enlarged  to  them  also  upon  the 
great  danger  they  were  in  of  losing  themselves  amongst  the 
sand  hills,  and  they  offered  to  act  as  guides,  and  led  them 
to  a  path  by  which  they  would  be  sure  not  to  stumble  upon 
us. 

At  night  some  of  our  friends  sent  horses  down  for  us  to 
return  to  Tremblade.  Fifteen  or  twenty  of  us  were  taken 
in  by  a  man  who  had  changed  his  religion.  He  did  it  un- 
willingly and  was  in  a  dreadful  fright  all  the  time,  for  there 
was  a  fine  of  1000  crowns  laid  upon  any  one  who  was  dis- 
covered to  have  harbored  a  Protestant:  and  houses  were 
liable  to  be  searched  at  any  moment  upon  the  slightest  sus- 
picion.    After  concealing  us  during  the  whole  day,  his  fear 


116  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

got  the  better  of  bis  humanity,  and  towards  night  he  turned 
us  all  out  of  his  house,  saying  to  us  :  "  I  have  damned  my  own 
soul  to  save  my  property,  and  I  am  not  going  to  run  the  risk 
of  losing  it  for  you.  Take  your  chance  elsewhere,  or  do  as 
I  have  done."  We  were  much  depressed  by  this  unkind 
treatment,  but  we  knew  not  what  was  best  for  us,  and  it 
turned  out  that  we  had  great  reason  to  thank  God  that  we 
were  not  allowed  to  spend  the  night  where  we  had  passed  the 
day.  Some  one  had  given  information  that  led  the  magis- 
trate to  suspect  the  place  of  our  concealment,  and  we  had 
not  quitted  the  house  more  than  half  an  hour,  before  a  Jus- 
tice of  the  Peace  and  some  soldiers  went  to  it.  and  exam- 
ined every  part  most  carefully  in  search  of  secreted  Prot- 
estants, but  found  none. 

Tremblade  is  a  very  populous  place,  and  before  it  was 
visited  by  the  dragoons  it  did  not  contain  more  than  twenty 
Papists,  but  all  the  Protestants  had  recanted  who  remained 
there.  We  did  the  best  we  could  amongst  them,  one  finding 
shelter  here,  another  there,  and  I  must  acknowledge  that  we 
experienced  much  more  of  humanity  and  Christian  hospital- 
ity amongst  the  wives  of  the  poor  fishermen  than  we  did 
with  the  comparatively  affluent.  We  passed  the  next  four  or 
five  days  in  the  cottages  of  the  former. 

At  last  the  Captain  of  the  English  vessel  came  to  La 
Tremblade,  to  tell  me  that  he  was  afraid  he  should  not  be 
able  to  take  us  on  board.  However,  he  said  he  meant  to  go 
to  sea  the  next  day,  and  he  should  pass  between  the  islands 
of  Re  and  Oleron.  and  if  we  were  disposed  to  run  the  risk  of 
going  out  there  in  small  boats,  he  might  receive  us  on  board 
after  he  had  got  rid  of  all  visitors,  custom-house  officers 
and  others,  and  that  he  could  not  possibly  assist  us  in  any 


EMBARKATION.  117 

other  way.  That  very  evening,  the  30th  November,  1685 
(French  or  new  style),  we  embarked  in  a  little  shallop  as  soon 
as  it  was  dusk.  Our  party  consisted  of  your  dear  mother, 
your  aunt  Elizabeth,  Janette  Forestier,  myself,  two  young 
men  from  Bourdeaux,  and  six  young  women  from  Marennes, 
twelve  in  all,  in  place  of  the  fifty  who  were  ready  to  embark 
a  few  days  before.  Under  cover  of  the  night  we  passed,  with- 
out being  observed,  all  the  pinnaces  that  were  keeping  guard, 
as  well  as  the  Fort  of  Oleron.  At  ten  o'clock  next  morning 
we  dropped  our  anchor  to  wait  for  the  ship.  We  had  in 
structed  our  boatmen  that  in  case  of  being  pursued,  they  were 
immediately  to  run  the  boat  ashore,  abandon  her,  and  then 
"  sauve  qui  peut." 

I  was  as  usual  well  armed  to  meet  any  emergency,  and  I 
had  resolved  to  defend  myself  to  the  last  gasp,  and  never  to 
be  taken  alive.  Thanks  be  to  God,  our  merciful  guide  and 
preserver,  I  was  not  put  to  the  trial,  for  he  watched  over  us 
and  blinded  the  eyes  of  our  enemies. 

We  had  agreed  with  the  English  captain  that  when  we 
saw  him,  we  should  make  ourselves  known  by  hoisting  a  sail 
and  letting  it  fall  three  times.  About  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  we  first  espied  the  vessel,  but  she  had  the  official 
visitors  and  pilot  still  on  board.  We  watched  her  movements 
with  intense  anxiety,  and  we  saw  her  cast  anchor  when  she 
reached  the  extreme  point  of  the  Isle  of  Oleron,  then  she 
put  out  the  visitors  and  pilot,  took  her  boat  on  board  again, 
got  under  way  and  sailed  towards  us.  It  was  a  joyful  sight  ; 
we  felt  confident  that  we  had  surmounted  every  difficulty, 
and  we  expected  in  a  very  few  minutes  to  be  under  full  sail 
for  England.  Our  joy  was  of  short  duration,  for  at  that  mo- 
ment one  of  the  King's  frigates  hove  in   sight  and  gradually 


IIS  KEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

approached  us.  She  was  one  of  the  vessels  constantly  em- 
ployed on  the  coast  to  prevent  Protestants  leaving  the  king- 
dom ;  and  all  -who  were  found  were  seized,  and  the  men  sent 
to  the  galleys,  the  women  to  convents.  No  language  can  de- 
scribe our  consternation  at  this  sudden  change  in  our  pros- 
pects ;  a  moment  before  the  cup  of  happiness  was  at  our  lips 
and  now  dashed  to  the  ground. 

We  were  at  the  distance  of  a  cannon-shot  from  the  frigate, 
and  what  would  she  think  of  us  %  We  were  in  a  little  bit  of 
a  boat,  at  anchor,  in  a  place  which  did  not  afford  safe  anchor- 
age even  for  large  shipping.  She  cast  anchor,  ordered  the 
English  vessel  to  do  the  like,  boarded  her,  and  searched  every 
nook  and  corner,  without  finding  any  French  Protestants  on 
board  except  Mr.  Mausy,  the  minister,  whose  departure  was 
authorized  by  law,  and  his  family,  who  were  with  him,  and  had 
passports.  What  a  blessing  that  we  were  not  on  board  at  this 
time  !  Had  the  frigate  been  only  one'hour  later  in  appearing, 
we  should  all  have  been  lost.  After  the  search,  the  English- 
man was  ordered  to  sail  instantly.  The  wind  was  favorable, 
so  he  could  make  no  excuse,  and  we  had  the  misery  of  seeing 
him  leave  us  behind.  He  could  not  even  see  us,  for  the  frigate 
was  between  him  and  our  boat. 

Our  situation  was  deplorable,  we  were  in  a  state  of  perfect 
despair  and  knew  not  what  to  do,  for  danger  stared  us  in  the  face 
alike  in  every  direction.  If  we  remained  where  we  were,  we 
should  certainly  excite  suspicion,  and  the  frigate  would  send 
to  overhaul  us.  If  we  attempted  to  return  to  Tremblade.  the 
chances  were  a  hundred  to  one  against  our  succeeding.  To 
add  to  our  dismay,  our  poor  boatman  seemed  incapable  of  ex- 
ertion, he  did  nothing  but  cry  and  lament  over  his  infatuation, 
that  he  should  have  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  to  take 


INGENIOUS    DEVICE.  119 

us  on  board.  He  and  his  son,  who  was  also  with  us,  had  been 
Protestants,  and  they  had  abjured  under  compulsion.  He 
knew  well  that  nothing  short  of  a  halter  awaited  them,  if 
caught  in  the  act  of  aiding  Protestants  to  make  their  escape. 

I  may  truly  say,  that  prayer  has  been  my  resource,  in  all 
difficulties  through  the  whole  course  of  my  life.  I  betook  my- 
self to  it  on  this  occasion,  and  I  felt  a  strong  persuasion  that 
God  would  not  suffer  us  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies 
and  ours,  but  open  a  way  for  our  escape. 

All  at  once  I  thought  of  a  feint  which,  thank  God,  proved 
successful,  and  effected  our  deliverance.  Having  considered 
that  the  wind  was  fair  to  Rochelle  and  contrary  to  Trem- 
blade,  I  said  to  the  boatman.  a  Cover  us  all  up,  in  the  bottom 
of  the  boat,  with  an  old  sail,  then  hoist  your  sail  and  go  right 
towards  the  frigate,  pretending  to  endeavor  to  gain  Trem- 
blade  ;  and  if  they  should  hail  you  from  the  frigate,  you  must 
say,  you  are  from  Rochelle,  and  going  to  Tremblade.  If  they 
ask  what  you  have  on  board,  say  nothing  but  ballast  ;  and  it 
would  be  well  for  you  and  your  son  to  counterfeit  drunken- 
ness, tumbling  about  in  the  boat,  and  then  you  can,  as  if  by 
accident,  let  the  sail  fall  three  times,  and  so  inform  the  Eng- 
lish captain  who  we  are." 

He  determined  to  abide  by  my  counsel,  and  he  immediate- 
ly covered  us  all  up  with  a  sail,  and  actually  went  within  pis- 
tol-shot of  the  frigate.  As  I  had  expected,  she  hailed  him, 
asked  whence  he  came,  whither  he  was  going,  and  what  he 
had  on  board. 

To  all  which  he  replied  as  I  had  instructed  him. 

:;  But  what  made  you  cast  anchor  ?"  said  they. 

"  I  was  in  hopes,"  he  said,  "  that  the  wind  would  change, 
and  I  micht  make  Tremblade,  but  it  is  still  too  strong  for  me." 


120         MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

At  that  moment  the  son  fell  down  in  the  boat  and  dropped 
the  sail,  his  father  left  the  helm,  and.  instead  of  hoisting  the 
sail  at  once,  took  a  rope's-end  and  pretended  to  chastise 
him.  the  hard  blows  falling  on  the  wood  and  making  a 
great  noise.  The  son  cried  out  lustily,  and  the  people  in 
the  frigate  threatened  that  if  the  father  had  not  more  pa- 
tience with  his  son,  they  would  be  with  him  directly,  and 
treat  him  in  the  same  way.  He  made  excuses  for  himself 
by  saying,  that  his  son  was  as  drunk  as  a  hog.  He  then 
ordered  him  to  hoist  the  sail  again,  and  he  resumed  his 
station  at  the  helm.  The  son  let  it  fall  a  second  time, 
almost  as  soon  as  he  had  raised  it,  and  repeated  the  same 
manoeuvre  a  third  time,  and  thus  we  managed  to  give  the 
English  captain  information  of  who  we  were,  without  excit- 
ing the  suspicions  of  the  officers  in  the  frigate.  They  were 
so  fearful  of  some  accident  happening,  that  they  called  out 
to  our  boatman  not  to  think  of  making  Tremblade,  for  night 
was  fast  approaching,  the  wind  contrary,  and  he  would  in- 
evitably be  lost.  They  advised  him  to  return  to  Bochelle 
with  the  fair  wind,  which  was  exactly  the  advice  we  wished 
to  receive  from  the  frigate.  Our  course  was  instantly  al- 
tered, the  boat  was  put  before  the  wind,  and  we  bade  them 
adieu  very  cordially  in  our  hearts,  but  we  still  remained 
closely  covered  at  the  bottom  of  the  boat. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  English  vessel  had  answered  our 
signal,  but  she  was  getting  fairly  out  to  sea,  and  we  dared 
not  follow  her  for  fear  of  the  frigate,  which  still  remained 
at  anchor.  About  twilight  the  boatman  said  we  must  make 
the  attempt  while  it  was  yet  not  quite  dark,  or  we  should 
be  swallowed  up  by  the  waves.  We  had  no  sooner  altered 
our  course,  than  we  observed   the   frigate   take   up   her  an- 


ESCAPE.  121 

• 

chor  and  set  her  sails.  We  naturally  thought  that  she  had 
noticed  us  and  was  preparing  to  pursue  us,  and  we  again 
turned  towards  Roehelle,  in  great  agony  of  mind.  We  should 
all  have  preferred  instant  death  to  capture,  for  we  were  aware  of 
our  own  weakness  and  frailty,  and  we  feared  persecution  might 
destroy  our  constancy.  A  few  minutes  put  an  end  to  our 
anxiety,  for  we  saw  the  frigate  steering  towards  Rochefort,  and 
we  again  changed  our  course  and  made  for  the  English  vessel, 
which  slackened  her  rate  to  allow  us  to  overtake  her.  We 
went  on  board  with  the  frigate  still  in  sight.  A  blessed  and 
ever-memorable  day  for  us,  who  then  effected  our  escape  from 
our  cruel  enemies,  who  were  not  so  much  to  be  feared  be- 
cause they  had  power  to  kill  the  body,  but  the  rather  from 
the  pains  they  took  to  destroy  the  souls  of  their  victims. 

I  bless  God  for  the  multitude  of  his  mercies  in  earthly 
enjoyments  also.  He  allowed  me  to  bring  to  England 
the  dear  one  whom  I  loved  better  than  myself,  and  she  will- 
ingly gave  up  relations,  friends  and  wealth  to  be  the  sharer 
of  my  poverty  in  a  strange  land,  where  we  could  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience.  I  here  testify 
that  we  have  fully  experienced  the  truth  of  that  prom- 
ise of  our  Blessed  Saviour,  to  give  an  hundred  fold  more, 
even  in  this  present  life,  to  those  who  leave  all  and  follow 
him.  We  have  never  wanted  for  any  thing,  we  have  not  only 
been  supplied  with  necessaries,  but  comforts,  and  oftentimes 
luxuries  also.  Certain  it  is,  that  a  man's  life  consisteth  not 
in  the  abundance  of  the  things  that  he  possesseth,  but  in  the 
enjoyment  he  has  of  them,  and  it  is  in  this  sense  that  I  would 
be  understood,  when  I  say  that  we  have  received  the  hundred 
fold  promised  in  the  Gospel ;  for  we  have  had  infinitely  more 
joy  and   satisfaction   in    having  abandoned   our   property  for 

6 


122  MKMOIRS   OF  A   HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

the  glory  of  God,  than   they  can   have  had  who  took   posses- 
sion of  it. 

We  had  contrary  winds,  and  were  eleven  days  on  the 
voyage.  We  suffered  a  little  from  shortness  of  provisions, 
especially  water,  but  we  could  not  venture  into  any  French 
port  for  a  supply. 

We  landed  on  the  first  day  of  December  1685, — English 
or  old  style — at  Appledore,  a  small  town  in  the  British  Chan- 
nel, below  the  river  Taw,  which  goes  up  to  Barnstaple. 
After  paying  passage  money  for  the  party  I  had  only  twenty 
gold  pistoles  left.  God  had  not  conducted  us  in  safety  to  a 
haven  there  to  leave  us  to  perish  with  hunger.  The  good 
people  of  Barnstaple  were  full  of  compassion,  they  took  us 
into  their  houses  and  treated  us  with  the  greatest  kindness ; 
thus  God  raised  up  for  us  fathers  and  mothers,  and  brothers 
and  sisters  in  a  strange  land. 

The  first  thing  that  struck  me  on  my  arrival  in  England 
was  the  extreme  cheapness  of  bread.  What  with  sea-sick- 
ness, and  shortness  of  provisions  on  board  ship,  we  had  suf- 
fered a  good  deal,  and  we  were  very  anxious  for  something 
to  eat  as  soon  as  we  landed. 

The  first  act  after  getting  out  of  the  vessel,  was  to  return 
thanks  to  God  for  his  merciful  goodness  in  having  brought 
us  safely  to  the  shores  of  England ;  the  second  was  to  ask 
for  bread.  We  were  supplied  with  very  large  biscuits, 
such  as  in  France  would  have  cost  twopence  each,  and  to  my 
surprise  I  was  told  that  here  they  only  cost  one  half-penny. 
I  was  doubtful  of  the  fact,  thinking  I  might  be  misled  by 
my  ignorance  of  the  English  language,  so  I  gave  a  penny 
to  a  little  girl  and  asked  her  to  buy  me  some  bread.  She 
went  to  a  baker,  and  sure  enough,  she  brought  me  back  two 


CHEAP    BREAD.  123 

of  these  large  biscuits.  It  instantly  occurred  to  me  that 
any  one  who  could  buy  grain  here,  and  ship  it  to  France, 
must  realize  a  large  profit,  but  alas  !  I  had  no  money.  I 
knew  that  there  were  some  French  Protestant  refugees  living 
at  Plymouth,  who  had  brought  considerable  property  over 
with  them,  and  perhaps  if  I  were  to  suggest  this  plan  to 
them,  they  might  be  willing  to  lend  me  some  money  to  join 
them  in  an  adventure.  But  I  wished  to  be  perfectly  well 
informed  on  the  subject  before  speaking  to  them  ;  so  having 
learnt  that  a  corn  market  would  be  held  next  day  at  Bidde- 
ford,  I  walked  over  there  and  took  a  man,  understanding  both 
French  and  English,  to  act  as  interpreter.  I  found  that  the 
finest  description  of  wheat  could  be  bought  at  the  rate  of 
two  shillings  and  sixpence,  or  three  shillings  at  the  outside, 
for  such  a  sack  as  in  France  would  cost  two  crowns. 

I  then  made  inquiries  about  export  duties  upon  grain, 
and  I  ascertained,  that,  on  the  contrary,  a  drawback  was  al- 
lowed at  the  Custom  House  on  the  exportation  of  grain, 
when  the  price  was  as  low  as  it  was  at  this  time. 

In  four  or  five  days  after  our  landing  I  was  taken  into  the 
house  of  a  most  kind  and  charitable  gentleman,  a  Mr.  Downe. 
I  requested  him  to  lend  me  a  horse  to  ride  over  to  Ply- 
mouth, to  confer  with  my  friends  and  fellow-countrymen 
there.  I  found  upon  opening  my  plans  to  them  that  they 
had.  like  me,  been  struck  with  the  low  price  of  grain,  and 
had  invested  all  their  money  in  it  already  to  ship  to  France, 
so  I  had  my  trouble  for  nothing,  and  I  returned  to  Barn- 
staple in  rather  a  pensive  mood. 

After  revolving  the  matter  in  my  mind  during  a  sleep- 
less night.  I  decided  that  it  would  be  right  to  let  my  host 
have  the  benefit  of  my  knowledge,  as  a  small  return  for  his 


124  Ml  MnlKS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

hospitality,  for  it  was  possible  lie  might  be  disposed  to  send 
some  corn  to  France.  He  entered  into  my  plan  very  readily, 
the  more  so  from  having  been  engaged  in  trade  in  his  youth. 
He  had  been  to  Spain  as  supercargo  of  a  vessel  on  one  oc- 
casion, so  my  project  was  quite  in  his  way.  He  said  he 
would  willingly  risk  as  much  as  £300  or  £400  upon  it,  and 
he  most  generously  offered  to  give  me  half  the  profit.  I  hes- 
itated about  the  propriety  of  accepting  it,  because  loss  was 
possible,  though  profit  was  probable,  and  if  it  should  be  loss, 
how  could  I  pay  my  share  of  it  7  Upon  further  consideration 
I  made  up  my  mind  to  accept  his  offer,  but  to  provide  against 
loss  by  effecting  an  insurance  upon  my  half,  for  which  I  paid 
a  premium  of  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  to  insure  me  against 
loss  both  in  going  and  returning. 

The  whole  of  my  personal  property  consisted  of  twenty 
pistoles  in  gold,  six  silver  spoons,  one  of  them  a  very  hand- 
some silver  gilt,  with  the  initials  I.  D.  L.  F.  engraved  upon  it. 
I  had  great  value  for  that  spoon,  it  having  been  used  by  my 
father  when  he  was  upon  his  travels  before  he  was  married, 
and  my  mother  gave  it  to  me  in  the  same  case  he  had  carried 
it  in.  I  had  also  a  silver  watch,  and  a  rose  diamond  worth 
ten  or  twelve  pistoles.  My  intended  wife  had  a  gold  chain 
for  the  neck,  a  pearl  necklace,  an  emerald,  and  a  diamond 
worth  five  pistoles.  If  any  loss  occurred  which  was  not  cov- 
ered by  the  insurance,  I  thought  that  we  could  pay  for  it  by 
the  sale  of  our  possessions,  enumerated  above.  You  observe 
I  have  put  your  mother's  articles  in  the  list,  for  though  not 
yet  united  by  marriage,  we  felt  our  interests  were  one  and 
the  same  from  our  mutual  vows,  our  affection  and  our  confi- 
dence. 

Mr.  Downe  chartered  a  vessel   of  about  50  tons  burthen, 


SHIPMENT   TO    FRANCE.  125 

loaded  her  without  delay,  and  consigned  her  to  Mr.  Boursi- 
quot,  a  brother  of  your  mother,  and  to  Peter  Robin,  a  distant 
cousin  of  mine.  You  may  guess  their  astonishment  at  re- 
ceiving such  a  consignment  from  their  relation,  whom  they 
had  pronounced  to  be  a  madman,  to  abandon  his  country,  for- 
feit his  property  and  go  to  a  foreign  land,  as  they  predicted 
to  die  of  hunger.  They  would  scarcely  have  lent  him  five 
sous,  and  in  less  than  five  weeks  after  his  departure  from 
home,  he  sends  to  them  a  vessel  laden  with  corn  of  the 
value  of  6  or  7000  livres.     It  appeared  absolutely  incredible. 

The  profit  would  have  been  very  great  if  it  could  have 
been  sold  instantly,  but  the  king  had  sent  for  corn  from 
foreign  countries,  which  arrived  about  the  same  time  mine 
did,  and  that  which  belonged  to  the  Royal  speculator  was 
ordered  to  be  all  sold  before  the  cargoes  of  private  individ- 
uals could  be  touched.  Nevertheless,  the  profit  was  consid- 
erable, and  the  return  cargo,  nine  tons  and  three  hogsheads 
of  Bourdeaux  wine,  some  chestnuts,  and  salt  also  sold  to  ad- 
vantage. 

Mr.  Downe  prepared  to  make  a  second  shipment,  and  he 
was  persuaded  by  some  friends  that  the  first  cargo  would 
have  done  better  had  it  been  consigned  to  a  regular  mer- 
chant—the English  seldom  know  when  they  are  well  off— 
and  I,  from  a  foolish  diffidence,  did  not  stand  up  for  my 
cousin  as  I  ought  to  have  done.  The  vessel  was  therefore, 
much  to  my  sorrow  and  to  our  great  loss,  sent  to  a  merchant 
at  Marennes,  who  understood  merchandise  rather  too  well  for 
us.  He  swallowed  all  the  profits  in  his  enormous  charges, 
and  then  instead  of  returning,  as  we  had  instructed  him  to 
do,  the  best  Bourdeaux  wines,  he  shipped  the  Vin  du 
Pays"  which  he  had  received  in  the  way  of  trade  from  the 


126  MKMOIES   OF   A   HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

peasants,  and  he  invoiced  it  to  us  at  the  price  of  real  good 

wine. 

AVe  made  still  another  adventure,  and  ordered  the  return 
cargo  to  be  in  salt.  I  lost  by  this  more  than  all  I  had 
gained,  and  I  was  saddled  with  debts  besides.  I  will  give 
the  particulars. 

After  the  Captain  had  taken  in  his  cargo,  he  was  applied 
to  by  several  Protestants  to  give  them  a  passage  to  England, 
which  he  agreed  to  do  most  cheerfully.  They  were  some  of 
a  numerous  class,  those  who  had  made  abjuration  in  the 
hope  of  being  free  from  disturbance,  and  gaining  time  to 
turn  all  their  property  into  cash,  and  then  to  watch  an  oppor- 
tunity for  escaping  withit.  In  this  case  they  placed  mistaken 
confidence  in  the  integrity  of  the  Captain,  and  put  their 
money  into  his  hands  for  safe  keeping.  The  sight  of  the 
treasure  was  a  temptation  beyond  his  powers  of  resistance, 
and  he  determined  in  some  way  or  other  to  make  it  his  own. 
He  let  one  or  two  of  the  sailors  into  his  confidence,  and  ar- 
ranged with  them  to  take  the  vessel  to  Spain.  The  Captain 
told  the  passengers  that  the  wind  was  contrary,  and  they 
might  require  to  shelter  the  vessel  in  some  port,  and  as 
they  would  run  great  risk  by  going  into  a  French  port,  he 
intended  to  stretch  over  to  the  coast  of  Spain.  When  be- 
tween Bilboa  and  St.  Sebastian,  with  every  sail  set,  the  wind 
and  tide  favoring  their  wicked  purposes,  they  ran  the  vessel 
upon  the  beach  and  she  was  a  complete  wreck.  Here  was  an 
end  of  our  cargo  of  salt ;  it  returned  to   the  sea  whence  it 

came. 

The  most  horrible  part  of  the  story  is  yet  to  come.  The 
Captain  and  crew  jumped  into  the  boat  with  the  treasure,  and 
left  the  passengers  to  be  drowned,  for  every  wave  washed  com- 


CKCEL    CONDUCT.  127 

pletely  over  the  wreck.  One  of  their  number,  a  lady  of 
quality,  who  owned  the  largest  part  of  the  treasure,  wore  a 
thick  quilted  petticoat,  which  buoyed  her  up  so  entirely  that 
she  might  have  floated  ashore,  had  not  the  Captain  espied  her 
and  prevented  it.  He  :  ..  off  towards  her  in  his  boat,  as 
though  he  were  going  to  assist  her,  but  when  he  got  within 
reach,  he  plunged  her  under  the  water  with  a  boat-hook,  and 
held  her  down  for  so  long  a  time  that  the  petticoat  which 
had  in  the  first  instance  resisted  the  water,  becoming  saturat- 
ed, prevented  her  rising.     Auri  sacra  fames  pectora  cogis. 

After  having  thus  barbarously  drowned  those  who  had 
placed  unlimited  confidence  in  him,  he  went  to  Cadiz  with  his 
ill-gotten  wealth,  bought  a  share  in  a  Spanish  privateer,  of 
which  he  took  command,  and  that  is  the  last  I  ever  heard  of 
him. 

My  losses  were  so  heavy  that  I  was  obliged  to  dispose  of 
my  watch,  gold  chain,  and  silver  spoons,  and  still  something 
remained  unpaid.  These  various  transactions  occupied  seve- 
ral months,  but  as  the  commencement  occurred  immediately 
after  my  arrival,  I  have  thought  it  best  to  continue  the  ac- 
count to  its  winding  up,  so  as  not  to  break  the  thread  of  the 
history. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Singular  proposal  from  a  lady— Marriage— Mode  of  Living— Removal  to  Bridgewater— 
Assistance  from  Committee— Why  discontinued— Application  for  Relief— Unkind- 
ness — Attempt  to  recover  property. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  I  had  been  hospitably  received 
into  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Downe  at  Barnstaple.  This  gentle- 
man was  a  bachelor  of  some  forty  years  of  age.  and  he  had  an 
unmarried  sister  living  with  him,  who  was  about  thirty-three 
or  thirty-four  years  old.  They  were  kindness  itself,  and  I 
was  as  completely  domesticated  with  them  as  if  I  had  been  a 
brother.  They  were  in  easy  circumstances.  Miss  Downe 
was  worth  about  £3000,  and  her  brother  had  an  estate  near 
Minehead,  worth  £10,000. 

The  poor  lady  most  unfortunately  took  a  great  fancy  to 
me,  and  she  persuaded  herself  that  it  would  be  greatly  for  the 
benefit  of  all  concerned  if  she  were  to  be  married  to  me,  and 
her  brother  to  my  intended.  I  should  have  supposed  it  an 
easy  matter  for  any  one  to  have  fallen  in  love  with  your  dear 
mother  in  those  days,  for  she  was  very  beautiful,  her  skin  was 
delicately  fair,  she  had  a  brilliant  color  in  her  cheeks,  a  high 
forehead,  a  remarkably  intellectual  expression  of  countenance  ; 
her  bust  was  fine,  rather  inclined  to  embonpoint,  and  she  had 
a  very  dignified  carriage,  which  some  persons  condemned  as 
haughty,  but  I  always  thought  it  peculiarly  becoming  to  one 


SINGULAR    OFFER.  129 

of  her  beauty.  The  charms  of  her  mind  and  disposition  were 
no  way  inferior  to  those  of  her  person,  so  that  altogether  she 
seemed  formed  to  captivate  the  most  indifferent,  yet  I  am 
almost  sure  that  Mr.  Downe  only  yielded  to  the  solicitations 
of  his  sister,  and  had  really  no  love  in  his  heart. 

Miss  Downe  opened  her  project  to  me  one  day  by  observ- 
ing that  she  thought  we  must  be  two  fools,  to  think  of  being 
married  to  each  other,  when  our  only  portion  would  be  beg- 
gary. I  did  not  at  first  comprehend  her,  but  she  persevered 
in  her  attacks  upon  me  at  every  opportunity,  and  began  to 
give  me  broad  hints  that  if  I  would  only  open  my  eyes,  I 
might  plainly  see  where  I  could  do  much  better  for  myself. 
I  then  discovered  her  meaning,  but  I  was  determined  not  to 
appear  to  understand  it,  and  our  languages  being  different, 
made  it  very  easy  for  me  to  appear  as  ignorant  as  I  pleased. 
However,  it  so  happened  that  her  brother  entered  the  room 
one  day  when  she  was  trying  to  drive  it  into  me,  that  a  more 
suitable  match  was  within  my  power  than  the  one  I  was  in- 
tending to  make.  She  turned  to  him  and  begged  he  would 
make  the  explanation  for  her,  which,  from  our  mutual  know- 
ledge of  Latin,  and  his  slight  acquaintance  with  the  French 
language,  he  was  well  able  to  do.  The  request  his  sister  had 
made  evidently  embarrassed  him  a  good  deal ;  he  was  not 
nearly  so  much  taken  with  your  dear  mother  as  Miss  Downe 
was  with  me,  which  seemed  most  strange,  for  I  am  sure  he 
had  much  more  reason  to  be  smitten  than  she  had.  After  a 
little  hesitation  and  clearing  of  his  throat,  he  told  me  that  the 
plain  truth  of  the  matter  was  this  :  "  My  sister  wishes  to 
marry  you,  and  if  you  will  agree  to  it,  I  have^  promised  to 
help  to  remove  the  difficulty,  we  see  in  the  way,  by  taking  for 
my  wife,  your  intended  lady,  whom  you  brought  with  you 

6* 


13<»  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

from  France."  I  should  mention  that  there  was  nothing  at- 
tractive, but  rather  the  reverse,  in  the  personal  appearance  of 
Miss  Downe;  she  was  short,  thin,  sallow,  and  marked  with  the 
smallpox.  Mr.  Downe  was  by  no  means  handsome,  but  he 
was  much  better  looking  for  a  man  than  his  sister  for  a  wo- 
man. In  answer  to  the  above  most  singular  offer,  I  said  not 
a  word,  but  drew  from  my  pocket  a  paper  which  I  gave  him 
to  read.  It  contained  a  solemn  promise  of  mutual  constancy, 
and  your  mother  and  I  had  each  signed  it.  We  had  executed 
two  such  documents,  and  each  kept  one.  After  Mr.  Downe 
had  read  it,  I  said  to  him  :  ':  My  love  is  so  strong  and  so  sin- 
cere that,  even  now,  if  I  thought  the  dear  object  of  my  devot- 
ed attachment  would  be  more  happy  in  being  the  wife  of  a 
rich  man,  I  feel  that  I  am  equal  to  making  the  sacrifice  of  my 
own  happiness  and  releasing  her  from  every  promise  ;  but  if  I 
may  judge  of  her  feelings  by  mine,  I  think  she  would  not  give 
me  up  to  become  the  possessor  of  untold  wealth.  I  will  give 
you  this  strong  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  my  assertion,  I  will 
promise  to  deliver  your  message  faithfully  to  her." 

Accordingly  I  went  that  very  evening  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Fraine  where  she  was  staying,  and  I  executed  the  delicate 
commission  with  which  I  had  been  charged.  To  tell  th*e 
truth,  I  was  not  altogether  sorry  that  so  good  an  opportunity 
should  offer  itself  for  discovering  whether  her  love  was  equal 
to  mine.  As  soon  as  she  had  heard  the  message,  she  burst 
into  tears  ;  she  evidently  thought  I  was  attracted  by  the  for- 
tune of  Miss  Downe,  and  wished  to  break  off  my  engagement 
with  her.  She  continued  to  weep  in  silence,  so  I  repeated  the 
offer  over  again,  and  added  that  she  would  have  altogether  the 
best  of  the  bargain,  because  the  fortune  of  Mr.  Downe  was 
three  times  as  large  as  that  of  his  sister.     She  then  made  a 


MUTUAL    AFFECTION.  131 

great  effort  to  speak  with  composure,  and  scarcely  raising  her 
eyes,  she  said,  slowly  and  distinctly,  "  You  are  free,  I  release 
you  absolutely  and  entirely  from  every  promise  that  you  have 
ever  made  to  me.  I  feel  deeply  sensible  of  the  great  weight 
of  my  obligation  to  you  for  having  rescued  me  from  persecu- 
tion and  brought  me  to  this  country.  I  shall  be  for  ever 
grateful  to  you  for  it :  and  I  will  not  make  you  such  an  un- 
kind return  for  those  favors  as  holding  you  to  your  contract 
would  be.  and  thus  condemning  you  to  poverty  for  life. 
Think  no  more  of  me  :  I  am  contented  to  remain  as  I  am ; 
only  be  so  good  as  convey  to  Mr.  Downe  a  request  not  to 
repeat  to  me  himself  that  which  I  have  heard  from  you,  for  I 
never  will  be  his  wife." 

This  answer  was  quite  too  much  for  me ;  it  was  now  my 
turn  to  weep,  and  our  tears  flowed  together.  "When  I  had 
somewhat  recovered  from  the  effect  of  her  words,  I  spoke  to 
her  with  much  solemnity  :  ':  Think  you,  dearest,  that  you 
could  live  contentedly  with  me  ?  Could  you  resolve  to  help 
me  to  labor  for  our  living,  and  for  the  support  of  those  whom 
Grod  might  give  us  ?  Remember  !  poverty  is  a  hard,  grinding 
mistress,  and  one  under  whom  we  shall  probably  be  obliged  to 
work  all  the  days  of  our  lives.  For  my  part,  I  have  a  strong 
confidence  that  God  will  not  suffer  us  to  know  actual  want, 
and  I  am  ready  to  encounter  the  difficulties  and  hardships 
that  may  stand  in  the  way  with  you  for  my  partner  through 
them  all.  If  you  dare  venture  to  run  the  risk,  say  so  ;  and  I 
assure  you  I  shall  think  myself  infinitely  happier  with  the 
prospect  of  laboring  with  my  hands,  earning  bread  for  you  to 
eat,  with  the  sweat  of  my  brow,  than  if  I  were  going  to  wed 
the  wealthiest  of  women.  I  can  live  single  :  but  I  will  be  the 
husband  of  none  but  you  on  the  fuce  of  the  earth." 


132  MEMOIBS   OF    A    lin.l  i.m»t    FAMILY. 

She  replied  to  this  with  much  animation  of  countenance, 
and  said,  "  Every  word  you  say  finds  its  answering  echo  in  my 
breast." 

That  evening,  which  had  begun  with  tears,  ended  most 
joy full}\  We  had  thought,  until  then,  that  we  would  defer 
our  marriage  until  we  had  some  visible  means  of  maintaining 
ourselves  ;  but  now,  prudential  considerations  were  laid  aside, 
and  we  resolved  to  become  one  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man, 
as  we  already  were  in  heart,  without  delay,  and  thus  prevent 
any  future  attempt  to  separate  us. 

I  returned  with  a  light  heart  to  my  host  and  hostess,  and 
gave  such  an  answer  as  might  have  been  expected  under  the 
circumstances.  I  endeavored  to  make  them  comprehend  the 
strength  of  our  affection,  and  how  impossible  it  would  be  to 
break  off  an  engagement  of  such  long  standing  as  ours,  and 
cemented  by  so  much  joint  anxiety  and  suffering.  Our  mu- 
tual vows  were  to  be  binding  until  death,  under  all  imaginable 
change  of  circumstances,  with  the  exception  only  of  apostasy 
on  either  side,  of  which  now,  thanks  be  to  God,  there  was  no 
longer  any  danger. 

Mr.  Downe  was  a  man  of  good  sense  and  kind  feelings,  and 
I  verily  believe  he  was  relieved  by  the  issue  of  the  negotia- 
tion. It  was  otherwise  with  his  sister  ;  she  was  displeased 
and  aggrieved,  and  made  no  secret  that  she  was  so. 

We  were  married  on  the  8th  February,  1686,  at  the  Pa- 
rish Church  of  Barnstaple,  by  Mr.  Wood,  the  Rector. 

My  wife  had  lived  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Fraine,  since  tlit 
day  after  our  landing,  and  he  took  upon  himself  the  furnishing 
of  a  wedding-feast  for  us,  to  which  he  invited  almost  all  the 
French  Refugees  in  the  neighborhood. 


EAELY    MAKRIED    LIFE.  133 

Mr.  Downe  invited  the  same  party  to  a  similar  entertain- 
ment at  his  house  the  day  following. 

Our  funds  were  as  low  as  they  well  could  be.  for  I  had 
paid  £5  for  the  insurance  of  my  merchandise,  and  I  had  been 
obliged  to  pay  £3  for  the  purchase  of  a  wedding-ring,  and 
■procuring  the  license  for  our  marriage.  You  may  judge  of 
our  mutual  affection,  by  our  having  refused  to  marry  persons 
of  wealth.  You  should  also  observe  the  strong  confidence  we 
had  in  the  good  Providence  of  Grod ;  and  blessed  be  his 
name  !  we  have  never  had  reason  to  repent. 

We  lived  for  a  month  or  two  in  a  furnished  room  ;  then  I 
received  from  France  a  feather-bed,  and  several  coverlets, 
which  my  former  valet,  Manseau,  had  contrived  to  save  from 
my  house.  My  sister  Forestier  sent  me  some  household 
linen  from  London,  and  with  these  grand  additions  to  our 
possessions,  we  ventured  upon  hiring  a  small  house  in  a  back 
street.  The  French  Refugees  had  talked  about  our  marriao-e, 
and  our  poverty,  which  caused  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  to  come  and  see  us  ;  and  they  added  to  our  stock  all  the 
articles  of  furniture  that  were  necessary  to  the  comfort  of  a 
small  family  ;  so  we  were  furnished  with  all  we  could  desire, 
without  having  spent  one  farthing  upon  it  from  our  own  very 
small  purse.  The  liberality  shown  to  us  did  not  stop  there, 
for  every  market  day  meat,  poultry,  and  grain  poured  upon 
us  in  such  abundance,  that  during  the  six  or  eight  months  we 
lived  there,  I  only  bought  one  bushel  of  wheat  ;  and  we  had 
two  bushels  left  when  we  removed.  All  this  was  done  in  the 
true  spirit  of  Christian  charity :  we  never  knew  from  whom 
any  of  these  things  came. 

Our  good  cheer  costing  us  little  or  nothing,  we  were  glad 
to  share  it  with  our  fellow  Refugees,  who  did  not  meet  with 


134  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

the  same  generous  kindness.  Many  of  them,  too,  had  a  dis- 
taste for  English  cookery,  and  they  liked  exceedingly  to  par- 
take of  my  soup  and  bread.  They  came  to  assist  in  the  cook- 
ing first,  and  then  in  eating  the  food. 

This  mode  of  living  might  be  very  agreeable  to  some  per- 
sons, but  it  did  not  suit  my  wife  or  me.  Each  gift  reminded 
us  of  our  painful  dependence ;  and  we  looked  eagerly 
around,  hoping  to  discover  some  mode  by  which  we  could 
maintain  ourselves  without  charity. 

I  had  occasion  to  go  to  Bridgewater,  on  some    busin; 
connected  with   the  second  cargo  that  was   sent  to  France  ; 
and  while  I  was  there,  Mr.   Hoare,  an  alderman  of  the  bo- 
rough, and  a  very  upright,  worthy  man,  introduced  me  to  Sir 
Halsewell  Tynte,  who  lived  about  two  miles  fromBridgewater, 
which  led  to  my  making  an  arrangement  to  live  in  his  family, 
and  render  certain  services,  for  which  I  was  to  receive  £20 
per  annum  ;  and  as  I  was  to  live  at  his  table,  I  thought  the 
sum  would  be  sufficient  for  the  support  of  my  wife.     It  was 
on    the  18th    September,    that  I  went    to  live    at  a  distance 
from  her,  in  the  hope  of  supporting  her  independently,  but  I 
found  the  separation  so   grievous,  that   I  determined  to  fetch 
her  to  Bridgewater,  where  I  took  a  small  house.   Early  in  the 
year  1687  I  went  for  her,  and  brought  also  my  sister-in-law, 
Elizabeth  Boursiquot,  who  had  fled  from  France  with  us,  and 
our  infant  son,  who  had  been  born  during  my  absence,  and 
been  baptized  by   Mr.  Mausy,  the  French  minister,  and  pre- 
sented for  that  sacrament  by  Mr.  Fraine,  Mr.  Juliot,  and  his 
aunt  Elizabeth. 

Even  after  I  had  brought  your  mother  so  near  to  me  that 
I  could  visit  her  frequently.  I  found  it  a  great  trial  not  to  be 
with  her  constantly,  and  she  also  felt  the  privation  so  painfully, 


ASSISTANCE    FROM    COMMITTEE.  135 

that  I  determined  to  give  up  my  employment  and  return  to 
her.  I  preferred  the  coarsest  food  with  her  for  my  companion 
to  the  continual  feasts  of  which  I  partook  at  Sir  Halsewell's. 

Poverty  stared  us  in  the  face,  and  exertion  of  some  kind 
was  absolutely  necessary.  "We  tried  to  keep  a  small  shop  in 
Bridgewater.  but  our  efforts  were  not  crowned  with  success. 

You  may  be  surprised  that  in  my  difficulties  I  received  no 
assistance  from  the  fund,  collected  for  distribution  among  the 
suffering  French  Kefugees,  so  I  will  tell  you  how  it  happened. 
I  must  begin  the  story  at  a  period  dating  about  the  time  of 
my  arrival  in  England.  As  soon  as  my  friends  in  London 
heard  of  my  being  in  the  country,  they  brought  my  case,  un- 
known to  me,  before  the  committee  for  dispensing  the  fund. 
Mr.  Maureau,  my  advocate  at  Saintes,  drew  such  a  picture  of 
my  zeal  and  constancy  that  there  was  no  opposition  made  to 
placing  my  name  on  the  list  of  ministers,  although  I  was  only 
a  candidate,  and  I  was  to  receive  £30  per  annum.  The  first  I 
knew  of  what  was  done  was  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Maureau,  congratulating  me  on  my  escape,  and  enclosing 
to  me  the  sum  of  £7  10s.  as  the  first  quarter  of  a  pension  that 
the  committee  had  granted  me.  He  further  requested  me  to 
send  him  a  certificate  of  my  having  received  the  Communion 
according  to  the  rites  of  the  Church  of  England,  which  it 
would  be  necessary  to  produce  to  the  committee  before  I  could 
receive  the  second  quarter. 

I,  who  had  but  just  escaped  from  the  Tempter,  felt  alarmed 
at  this  mode  of  entitling  myself  to  receive  charity.  Before 
this  communication  reached  me  I  had  communed  most  cor- 
dially with  the  English,  after  the  manner  of  the  Established 
Churchy  without  the  least  scruple  of  conscience,  but  when  it 
became  the  condition  upon  which  I  was  to  receive  the  chari- 


136  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

ties  of  the  Kingdom,  the  case  was  altered.  I  looked  upon 
the  Communion  as  one  of  the  most  sacred  mysteries  of  our 
holy  religion,  one  which  it  was  unlawful  to  approach  with  any 
other  view  than  to  receive  thereby  the  benefits  of  the  sacrifice  of 
the  death  of  Christ.  When  I  saw  it  imposed  upon  me  to 
gain  pecuniary  advantages,  I  doubted  very  much  whether  any 
spiritual  benefit  could  be  derived  from  a  communion  received 
for  the  express  purpose  of  procuring  a  pension.  It  seemed 
to  me  a  very  papistical  sort  of  proceeding,  much  like  what  I 
had  seen  in  France,  "  Come  to  mass  and  you  shall  be  exempt- 
ed from  dragoons." 

I  had  hitherto  found  nothing  whatever  to  offend  me  in 
the  service  of  the  Church  of  England.     I  then  studied  it  very 
carefully,  and  I  heartily  embraced  all  its  doctrines  as  set  forth 
in  the  thirty-nine  articles ;  but  the  Church  Government,  espe- 
cially the  point  so  much  insisted  upon  of  Episcopacy  by  divine 
right,  seemed  to  me  to  bear  too  strong  a  resemblance  to  Popery. 
I  might  have  gotten  over  these   objections,  perhaps,  if  I 
had  not  learnt  their  cruel  persecution  of  their  brother  Protest- 
ants, the  Calvinists,  only  for  differing  on  the  subject  of  Epis- 
copacy,* and  some  ceremonies  which  were,  in  themselves,  of 
no  great  importance.     I  found  that  the  poor  Presbyterians 
had  been  imprisoned,  fined,  and  deprived  of  their  employments, 
because  they  would  not  consent  to  receive  Episcopal  ordina- 
tion in  conformity  with  the  laws  passed  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
II.,  and  furthermore,  I  was  told  by  the  Presbyterians,  that 
the  unfortunate  people  who  had  been  executed  after  the  Duke 


*  It  is  not  surprising  that  a  foreigner  should  confound  the  conscientious 
members  of  the  Church  of  England  with  the  disguised  Papists  who  were  so 
numerous  in  the  days  of  Charles  II.  and  James  II.,  by  whom  the  Calvinists 
were  persecuted. 


APPLICATION    FOR   RELIEF.  137 

of  Monmouth's  rebellion,  a  few  days  before  our  arrival,  and 
whose  heads  and  quarters  I  saw  exposed  on  all  the  towers, 
gates  and  cross-roads,  looking  absolutely  like  butchers'  sham- 
bles, had  many  of  them  been  guilty  of  no  crime  but  that  of 
being  Presbyterians.* 

I  confess  that  all  these  circumstances  combined  to  give 
me  a  prejudice  against  the  Established  Church,  and  the  use, 
which  it  was  proposed  to  me  to  make  of  the  Holy  Sacrament, 
went  so  much  against  my  conscience,  that  I  have  never  yet 
sent  the  certificate  to  qualify  me  for  receiving  the  second  quar- 
ter of  my  pension. 

The  committee,  appointed  for  distributing  the  money, 
were  guilty  of  a  flagrant  error  in  my  judgment.  The  money 
placed  under  their  control  arose  from  the  voluntary  contribu- 
tions of  the  whole  English  nation,  and  I  honestly  believe,  that 
the  Nonconformists  had  been  as  liberal  as  the  Episcopalians, 
and  yet  from  this  fund  no  relief  was  given  to  any  one  who 
did  not  hand  in  a  certificate  of  his  being  a  member  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  surely  this  was  unjust. 

I  was  at  one  time  so  ground  down  by  poverty,  and  my 
spirit  was  so  humbled,  that  I  actually  made  a  journey  to 
London  for  the  purpose  of  making  personal  application  to 
this  committee.  My  friends  told  me  that  the  best  plan  would 
be  for  me  to  call  upon  certain  Deans  and  other  high  dignitaries, 
the  most  influential  members  of  the  committee.  I  followed 
their  advice,  but  my  garments  were  old  and  shabby,  and  I 
found  it  very  difficult  to  obtain  an  entrance  at  any  of  the 
great  houses.     The  usual  ordeal  through  which  I  passed  was 

*  This  has  evidently  heen  a  party  statement,  and  according  to  history 
must  have  been  untrue,  for  Monmouth's  rebellion  was  an  effort  to  subvert 
the  government,  without  religious  object. 


138  HEMOIBS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

that  the  footman  who  opened  the  door  would  leave  me  to  wait  a 
long  time  in  the  hall,  as  though  I  were  a  common  beggar,  and, 
at  last,  return  to  tell  me  that  his  Reverence  was  not  at  leisure 
to  speak  to  me.  I  called  again  and  again,  uutil  the  servant 
was  so  weary  of  opening  the  door,  that  to  avoid  further  im- 
portunity, he  would  obtain  for  me  the  desired  audience.  He 
would  accompany  me  through  divers  richly  furnished  apart- 
ments, watching  me  the  while  to  see  that  I  did  not  steal  any 
of  the  plate,  piled  up  on  the  sideboards,  and  finally  usher  me 
into  the  private  apartment  where  the  Dean  was  sitting.  He 
would  inquire  my  business  without  so  much  as  offering  the 
poor  beggar  a  seat.  In  as  few  words  as  possible,  I  would  tell 
him  of  my  situation  and  sufferings,  and  be  proceeding  to  open 
my  papers  that  he  might  judge  for  himself.  I  was  stopped 
at  once,  "  No,  no,  I  have  no  time  to  read  any  testimonials, 
fold  them  up  again.  I  shall  hear  all  about  it  when  your  case 
comes  before  the  committee." 

The  urgent  necessities  of  those  who  were  dearer  to  me 
than  life  itself,  had  so  subdued  my  pride,  that  I  made,  not  one 
or  two  only,  but  a  round  of  such  visits  as  these.  It  was  all  to 
no  purpose,  the  money  was  for  Episcopalians  only. 

My  friend,  Mr.  Maureau.  held  the  office  of  Secretary  to 
the  Committee ;  he  took  up  my  cause  with  much  warmth,  and 
said,  "  You  will  not,  I  trust,  suffer  so  worthy  a  man  to  be  re- 
duced to  extreme  want,  without  affording  him  any  assistance  ; 
a  man  who  has  shown  that  he  counted  his  life  as  nothing 
when  the  glory  of  God  was  in  question,  and  who  voluntarily 
and  generously  exposed  himself  to  uphold  the  faith  of  a  num- 
ber of  poor  country  people.  Perhaps  there  are  not  four  minis- 
ters who  have  received  the  charity  of  the  committee,  who  have 
done  so  much  for  the  cause  of  true  religion  as  he  has  done." 


DlOGtNBNESS.  139 

He  could  say  nothing  that  would  help  my  cause  with  this 
committee,  so  long  as  the  fact  remained  without  contradiction, 
that  I  was  a  Presbyterian. 

Some  of  them  said,  "  He  is  a  young  man,  let  him  get  a  sit- 
uation as  a  servant ;  his  wife  can  do  the  same  :  and  they  may 
send  their  two  children  to  us,  and  we  will  have  them  taken 
care  of  in  the  house  we  have  provided  for  the  purpose." 

After  the  meeting,  I  was  directed  to  go  to  the  Grand 
Almoner,  to  receive  the  answer,  which  was  couched  in  much 
the  same  language  as  that  given  above.  My  eyes  filled  with 
tears,  and  I  felt  so  indignant  that  I  spoke  hastily,  and  said  : 
u  You  ought  to  follow  the  directions  in  the  New  Testament, 
and  put  yourself  in  my  place,  before  giving  such  cruel  advice." 
His  wife  was  present  at  the  time,  and  turning  to  her,  I  said  : 
"  Madam,  I  pity  you  most  sincerely,  for  being  united  to  a  man 
who  can  speak  with  so  much  indifference  of  the  separation  of 
husband  and  wife."  I  knew  that  they  had  no  children,  and  I 
went  on  :  "I  adore  the  wisdom  of  God,  who  has  not  thought  fit 
to  bestow  the  blessing  of  children  upon  one,  who  feels  it  so  tri- 
fling a  matter  for  a  parent  to  part  with  them.  Before  I  would 
place  mine  under  your  guardianship,  or  give  up  the  spouse 
whom  I  consider  as  one  of  the  choicest  blessings  God  has  be- 
stowed upon  me,  I  would  dig  the  ground  all  day  as  a  common 
laborer,  in  order  to  share  with  my  wife  and  children,  at  night, 
the  bread  I  had  earned  by  the  sweat  of  my  brow." 

The  committee  bestowed  upon  me  the  sum  of  three  pounds, 
which  I  was  told  was  all  that  I  should  ever  receive  from  that 
source.  I  returned  home  very  much  cast  down  by  the  result 
of  my  humiliating  application,  for  I  had  expended  between 
seven  and  eight  pounds  upon  travelling  and  its  necessary 
accompaniments. 


140  UEMOIB8    OP     A     III  <  .ri.N<  >  I     FAMILY. 

Some  charitable  Presbyteriani  heard  of  my  distress,  ami 
of  the  refusal  of  any  aid  from  the  fund  collected  for  the  relief 
of  suffering  French  Protestant  Refugees,  and  they  kindly  vol- 
unteered to  make  a  collection  for  me  in  their  congregation, 
which  was  a  most  seasonable  help  in  my  need. 

You  may  suppose  my  feelings  were  still  more  soured 
towards  Episcopalians  by  their  treatment  of  me.  I  now  real- 
ized, by  bitter  experience,  that  opposition  and  unkindness,  for 
difference  of  opinion,  have  a  much  greater  tendency  to  widen 
the  breach  than  to  bring  opponents  to  one  way  of  thinking. 

At  a  time  when  I  was  greatly  in  want  of  money,  I  found 
by  accident,  among  my  papers  which  I  had  brought  from 
France,  half  a  sheet  of  stamped  paper,  entirely  blank.  It 
occurred  to  me  instantly,  that  it  might  be  the  means  of  recov- 
ering for  me  something,  from  the  sale  of  the  property  I  had 
left  in  France.  My  cousin,  Peter  Robin,  had  acted  the  part 
of  a  faithful  agent  in  his  management  of  the  cargo  of  wheat 
which  Mr.  Downe  and  I  had  consigned  to  him,  and  he  was 
therefore  the  person  whom  I  fixed  upon  to  act  for  me  now.  I 
signed  my  name  at  the  foot  of  the  sheet,  and  sent  it  to  him. 
I  told  him  I  wished  him  to  make  use  of  it,  so  as  to  obtain 
money  for  me  for  the  sale  or  lease  of  my  estate.  I  desired 
him  to  take  care  that  he  affixed,  to  the  deed  he  executed,  a 
date  previous  to  that  of  my  leaving  France.  The  latter  pre- 
caution was  necessary  to  prevent  the  King  seizing  the  prop- 
erty. I  never  had  a  word  from  him  in  reply  ;  but  I  have 
reason  to  know  that  he,  the  said  Peter  Robin,  went  to  live  at 
my  house  after  he  received  my  letter,  and  from  that  day  he 
considered  it  was  his  own.  He  took  advantage  of  the  confi- 
dence I  placed  in  him  when  I  put  my  name  to  the  stamped 
paper  and  sent  it  to  him.     He  has   cheated  me  and  my  heirs 


MORAL    REFLECTION.  141 

after  me,  for  no  claim  could  now  be  made,  because  he  would 
at  once  defeat  it,  by  producing  a  deed  of  sale,  signed  by  my 
own  hand. 

I  would  have  you  look  upon  the  moral  furnished  by  this 
proceeding.  I  was  miserable  enough  to  desire  that  he  should 
execute  a  false  deed  for  me,  in  order  that  I  might  obtain 
something  from  the  property  I  had  left  in  France.  He  did 
execute  the  false  deed,  in  the  way  I  had  pointed  out,  but  he 
did  it  for  his  own  advantage,  not  for  mine  !  I  recognise  in 
this,  as  in  all  other  things,  the  justice  and  the  mercy  of  the 
just  Judge  of  the  universe.  I  was  punished,  as  I  deserved  to 
be  ;  God  directs  all  things  for  the  good  of  those  who  love  him, 
and  who  serve  him  with  faith  and  humility,  and  mingles  mer- 
cies with  the  punishment  of  his  children ;  and  in  this  case,  I 
think  I  see  plainly  the  great  benefit  to  my  family  that  he 
has  extracted  from  my  sin.  It  has  removed  all  temptation 
out  of  the  way  of  my  descendants,  that  might  have  seduced 
them  into  returning  to  the  Babylon  whence  he  had  withdrawn 
me,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  my  estate.  The  children  of 
some  Huguenot  Refugees,  unworthy  of  their  parents,  have  re- 
turned to  France  from  similar  inducements.  My  children  can 
never  do  so  ;  the  property  is  irrecoverably  lost.  When  I  re- 
joice that  the  temptation  is  removed,  you  are  not  to  suppose 
that  I  imagine  any  of  my  children  w~>uld  ever  have  been  se- 
duced into  returning  to  idolatry  for  the  sake  of  money.  I 
think  better  things  of  you;  and  I  have  a  strong  confidence 
that  you  also  will  so  instruct  your  children,  that  the  love  of 
God  and  of  his  true  religion  may  be  perpetuated  in  our  family 
to  the  remotest  generation. 


CHAPTER  XL 


Remove  to  Taunton — Receive  Ordination — Keep  a  Shop — Manufactory — Prospority — 
Summoned  before  the  Mayor — Defence — Speech  of  Recorder — Discharge. 


I  went  over  to  Taunton,  to  look  about  me,  for  any  prospect 
of  improving  my  circumstances,  and  I  was  so  far  successful 
that  I  obtained  a  few  pupils  to  instruct  in  the  French  lan- 
guage. At  first  I  went  there  only  for  the  day,  three  times  a 
week,  to  give  lessons,  but  after  a  while,  I  decided  that  it 
would  be  the  most  advantageous  plan  to  remove  my  family 
there  entirely,  and  keep  a  shop  as  we  had  done  in  Bridgewater, 
and  I  hoped  that  the  addition  of  the  profits,  from  teaching,  to 
those  from  the  shop,  would  maintain  us  all. 

I  had  been  in  the  habit  not  only  of  having  family  worship, 
but  of  preaching  to  the  circle  of  relatives  who  clustered  around 
us.  When  I  removed  to  Taunton,  three  or  four  French  fami- 
lies wished  to  join  us,  and  so  form  a  small  congregation.  I 
then  thought  that  I  ought  to  receive  that  authority  from  man 
which  I  had  already  received  from  God. 

I  was  aware  that  the  Episcopalians  possessed  all  the 
Church  Benefices,  and  filled  all  the  offices  of  trust  throughout 
the  kingdom,  but  I  was  not  dazzled  by  their  splendor.  I  pre- 
ferred the  simplicity  of  Divine  worship,  to  which  I  had  been 
accustomed  from  my  childhood,  to  the  grandeur  and  wealth 
of  the  Episcopalians. 


ORDINATION.  143 

Some  of  the  Presbyterians,  with  whom  I  had  become  ac- 
quainted, actually  hated  the  Episcopalians,  and  they  made  me 
believe  that  the  Church  of  England  was  a  kind  of  Romanism. 
I  held  in  abhorrence  all  the  practices  of  the  Papists,  so  I  de- 
termined to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  skin  of  the  beast, 
even  though  the  beast  itself  had  been  rejected.  I  was  at- 
tached to  the  leaves  of  the  tree  of  life  as  well  as  to  the  trunk, 
branches  and  fruit  ;  and  in  my  exile  I  determined  to  join  my- 
self to  that  company  of  believers,  who  most  nearly  resembled 
those  with  whom  I  had  suffered  in  my  own  country.  I  re- 
solved rather  to  labor  with  my  hands  while  I  preached  the 
pure  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  and  admitted  only  the  simplest 
ceremonies,  than  to  wound  my  conscience  by  entering  the 
Church  which  was  upheld  by  the  State. 

I  presented  myself  before  the  Protestant  Synod  assembled 
at  Taunton.  I  produced  the  testimonials  of  my  education, 
manner  of  life  and  sufferings,  which  I  had  brought  with  me 
from  France.  I  then  underwent  an  examination,  and  received 
Holv  Orders  from  their  hands  on  the  10th  June,  1688,  hav- 
ing  an  earnest  desire  to  exercise  the  functions  with  all  the 
Christian  humility,  zeal  and  affection  of  which  I  was  capable. 

After  leaving  "Barnstaple  I  was  never  again  so  poor  as  to  re- 
quire charity.  Mr.  Travernier  of  Plymouth  sent  his  son  to  be 
under  my  care  for  two  years,  and  he  lent  me  £100,  without  in- 
terest, for  that  length  of  time.  I  found  the  wholesale  dealers 
in  Bristol  and  Exeter  very  accommodating  to  me  in  granting 
credit.  I  paid  for  the  goods  as  fast  as  I  sold  them,  and  I  was 
then  allowed  to  take  a  fresh  supply  on  credit.  In  this  way  we 
gradually  increased  in  our  dealings  until  we  had  a  stock  of 
one  thing  or  other  to  the  amount  of  £400. 

When  I  lived  in  Bridjrewater  two  Frenchmen  had  applied 


1  J4  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

to  me  for  assistance,  which  I  could  not  furnish  myself,  but  I 
had  obtained  it  from  others,  and  when  I  gave  them  the  money 
I  said,  "  If  you  will  follow  my  advice,  and  learn  a  trade  at 
once,  you  will  never  be  obliged  to  ask  for  charity  again,  but 
will  become  independent.  There  are  in  Bristol  French  manu- 
facturers of  light  stuffs,  to  whom  I  would  recommend  you  to 
bind  yourselves."  They  followed  my  advice,  and  soon  after  I 
had  established  myself  at  Taunton,  they  called  on  me  for  the 
express  purpose  of  returning  their  thanks.  I  did  not  recog- 
nise them  in  the  least ;  the  rags  and  tatters  in  which  they  had 
formerly  appeared  had  given  place  to  decent  and  respectable 
clothing.  They  were  obliged  to  tell  me  that  they  were  the  per- 
sons whom  I  had  formerly  assisted,  and  recommended  to  learn 
a  trade,  and  that  they  had  done  so,  and  now,  all  they  wanted, 
was  a  small  advance  of  money  from  some  one,  and  they  would 
work  for  half  the  profits.  They  urged  me  to  undertake  it, 
and  they  said  £20  would  be  amply  sufficient  to  buy  worsted, 
yarn  and  dyes,  and  that  they  themselves  had  wherewithal  to 
buy  tools.  They  said  if  I  would  make  the  necessary  purchases 
for  them  they  would  work  two  years  for  me,  and  be  contented 
with  half  the  profit  on  the  work.  I  consented  to  it,  and  as  I  was 
unwilling  to  cramp  the  business  of  the  shop  by  taking  money 
from  it,  I  borrowed  the  £20  from  Mrs.  White,  a  widow,  who 
dealt  in  tobacco,  at  Bridgewater. 

Behold  me  now,  not  only  a  French  teacher  and  a  shop- 
keeper, but  a  manufacturer  also.  The  sea  had  been  too  cruel 
for  me  to  think  of  being  a  merchant  again. 

One  of  these  Frenchmen  whom  I  took,  as  it  were,  into 
partnership  with  me,  had  formerly  been  a  pickpocket  in  Lon- 
don, and  had  only  given  up  the  employment  from  fear  of  the 
consequences.       He   was  a  very  skilful  workman,  he  would 


PEOSPEEITY.  145 

accomplish  more  in  a  given  time  than  any  two  others,  and  his 
work  was  always  well  finished.  I  knew  nothing  of  his  former 
habits  of  life,  and  he  commended  himself  so  much  to  me  by 
his  cleverness,  that  I  made  him  the  chief  manager,  and  I  used 
to  send  him  to  Exeter  to  make  the  purchases,  and  he  was  as 
skilful  in  making  bargains  as  in  working.  I  frequently  trusted 
him  with  as  much  as  £20  or  £25  at  once,  for  this  purpose,  and 
he  was  uniformly  honest  and  correct  in  all  his  dealings  with 
me.  He  told  one  of  his  fellow  workmen  that  he  often  had 
been  strongly  tempted  to  run  away  with  the  money,  and  then  he 
would  say  to  himself,  "  What !  steal  from  a  man  who  has  been 
so  invariably  kind  to  me !  and  who  places  such  perfect  confi- 
dence in  me  !     No;  I  cannot  do  it." 

When  he  left  me,  I  have  understood  that  he  returned  to 
London,  met  with  his  old  associates  and  fell  into  bad  habits 
again. 

At  the  end  of  three  months  I  knew  much  more  than  the 
workmen  did.  I  invented  new  patterns  for  the  stuffs,  which 
I  showed  them  how  to  execute.  The  employment  proved  pro- 
fitable, and  I  had  insensibly  put  more  and  more  capital  into 
it,  until  at  the  end  of  a  year  I  had  £80  embarked  in  the  ma- 
nufactory, in  place  of  the  original  £20  which  was  the  estimate 
of  the  men.  They  quarrelled  amongst  themselves  about  the 
division  of  their  share  of  the  profits,  and  finally  came  to  me 
to  propose  that  I  should  pay  them  fixed  wages,  and  carry  on 
the  business  altogether  on  my  own  account. 

Every  thing  now  seemed  to  prosper  with  me.  I  hired  the 
handsomest  shop  in  Taunton,  opposite  the  cross  in  the  Market 
Place.  I  was  able  to  furnish  it  with  so  great  a  variety  that 
it  was  always  full  of  customers.  My  wife  was  kept  very 
busy,  though   she  had  two   boys,   Travernier  and   Garache,  to 

7 


14:6  MEMOEBfl   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

help  licr.      I  manufactured  stuffs  in  the  upper  part  of  the 
bouse  which  she  sold,  at  a  profit,  in  the  lower  part.      I  went  to 
Bristol  and  Exeter,  once  a  quartor,  to  lay  in  a  fresh  supply  of 
groceries  and  pay  oft'  the  old  debt.      I  procured  direct  from  Hol- 
land linens  of  various  qualities,  galloons,  thread,  needles,  and 
tin  and  copper  ware,  manufactured  there  by  French  refugees. 
These  articles  cost  me  much  less  than  if  I  had  bought  them 
in  England.     I  was  supplied  with  beaver  hats  from  Exeter, 
where  they  were  made  by  Frenchmen,  who  furnished  them  to 
no  one  in  Taunton  but  myself.     I  sold  French  brandy,  pure 
and  unadulterated,  whereas  the  Englishmen  generally  played 
tricks  with  theirs.     I  drew  custom  by  selling   Malaga   and 
Alicant  raisins,  at  the  price  retail  that  I  paid  for  them  by 
wholesale.     I  sold  needles  on  the  same  terms.     Every  one 
knew  the  value  of  these  articles,  and  the  sale  of  them  did  not 
amount  to  any  great  sum.     One  would  say  to  another,  "  You 
can  buy  beautiful  raisins  from  the  Frenchman  at  such  a  price," 
and  then  they  would  come  to  see  for  themselves,  buy  some 
raisins,  and  probably  ten  or  twelve  shillings  worth  of  other 
articles,  upon  which  we  made  a  profit,  so  we  found  our  account 
in  selling  cheap  raisins. 

The  other  shopkeepers  were  very  angry,  and  said  I  should 
most  certainly  be  bankrupt  soon,  for  I  sold  the  raisins  at  the 
same  price  they  paid  in  Bristol,  without  reckoning  the  cost  of 
transportation  and  loss  of  weight.  Their  mode  of  talking 
about  me  only  increased  my  sales,  for  the  people  came  to  get 
all  they  wanted  before  I  was  ruined.  When  my  friends  asked 
me  privately  why  I  sold  so  cheap,  I  told  them  that  I  found  it  to 
answer  very  well,  and  I  repeated  the  common  proverb,  "  Light 
gains  make  a  heavy  purse." 

Stranger,  as  I  was,  I  had  more  custom  than  any  other  shop 


SUMMONED   BEFORE    THE   MAYOR.  147 

in  the  town.  My  competitors  looked  on  patiently,  expecting 
that  it  could  not  last  much  longer,  and  their  day  would  come, 
when  I  had  to  put  the  key  under  the  door.  Instead  of  that,  I 
became  only  more  prosperous.  I  appeared  to  succeed  in  every 
thing  I  undertook. 

I  had  just  begun  to  breathe  freely,  after  all  my  trials,  and 
to  feel  myself  comfortable,  when  a  prosecution  was  commenced, 
and  I  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  Mayor  and  Court 
of  Aldermen. 

The  Mayor  was  a  wool-comber,  who  came  to  the  town  ori- 
ginally possessed  of  one  single  groat.  He  worked  a  long 
time  as  a  boy  comber ;  he  then  married  one  of  his  master's 
servants,  scraped  together  a  little  money,  and  began  business 
on  his  own  account.  At  the  age  of  thirty-six  or  thirty-seven 
years  he  learnt  to  read,  and  to  write  a  little.  In  course  of 
time  he  accumulated  as  much  as  £7000  or  £8000,  and  thereby 
obtained  the  honors  of  the  town,  for  this  was  the  third  time 
he  had  filled  the  office  of  Mayor. 

The  Aldermen  were  generally  persons  of  the  same  class, 
men  who  had  risen  in  the  world,  but  who  had  received  very 
little  education.  Some  were  woollen  manufacturers,  others  were 
shopkeepers,  and  they  all  seemed  to  think  that  I  had  inter- 
fered with  them,  so  they  could  scarcely  be  impartial  judges 
in  the  case.  I  certainly  had  entered  into  competition  with 
most  of  them,  for  I  employed  men  to  work  for  me  in  my  little 
manufactory,  and  I  sold  in  my  shop  most  of  the  articles  which 
they  dealt  in. 

There  was  but  one  man  in  all  this  body,  who  had  received 
a  good  education — the  Recorder.  He  had  consequently  great 
influence  over  the  others,  and  could  govern  the  cohort  very 
much  as  he  pleased.     I  had  every  reason  to  believe  that  he 


148  MEMOIRS   OF   A   IITJGUENOT   FAMILY. 

regarded  me  with  esteem,  for  I  had  frequently  been  in  his 
company,  and  had  had  many  interesting  conversations  with 
him  upon  philosophical  and  theological  subjects. 

When  I  appeared  in  answer  to  the  summons  I  had  re- 
ceived, I  found  the  accusations  were  of  a  very  multifarious 
character.  They  said  I  was  a  sharper,  a  Jack-of-all-trades. 
The  manufacturers  complained  that  I  had  the  wool  combed. 
I  dyed  it  myself,  had  it  spun  and  woven  in  my  own  house, 
and  then  I  retailed  it  myself  in  my  shop.  The  grocers 
brought  forward  their  grievance,  which  was  that  I  sold  a  bet- 
ter article  retail  than  they  could  buy  wholesale  at  the  same 
price  ;  and  that  I  sold  all  sorts  of  things  except  apothecaries' 
drugs.  The  dealers  in  tin  and  copper  ware  said  I  injured 
their  trade  so  much,  that  they  would  have  to  give  up,  and  go 
to  the  parish,  if  I  did  not  soon  shut  up  my  shop.  Those  who 
dealt  in  brandy  and  vinegar,  complained  that  they  were  left 
to  sit  quietly  with  their  arms  crossed  all  day  long,  while  cus- 
tomers thronged  my  shop,  so  that  the  liquor  could,  hardly  be 
measured  out  as  rapidly  as  it  was  inquired  for.  The  hatters 
said  their  trade  was  broken  up  by  the  French  beaver  hats  of 
various  kinds,  which  I  furnished  at  a  lower  price  than  it  cost 
them  to  import  them  from  France.  The  hosiers  felt  them- 
selves injured  by  the  stockings  of  St.  Maixant,  which  I  sold. 
The  drapers  were  neglected  by  their  old  customers  since  I 
had  introduced  chamois  leather,  dyed  of  all  colors,  for  mak- 
ing breeches — one  pair  of  which  outlasted  three  of  cloth,  and 
looked  better.  Added  to  all  this,  the  stranger,  who  was 
pocketing  the  profits  they  thought  they  ought  to  have,  was 
not  liable  to  assessment  for  government  taxes  and  town  rates, 
as  they  were.  He  was  also,  they  said,  a  Jesuit  in  disguise, 
who    said    mass    in    his   own    house    every     Sunday.       One 


DEFENCE.  149 

word  would  describe  him  as  well  as  a  thousand ;  he  was  a 
French  dog,  taking  the  bread  out  of  the  mouths  of  the 
English. 

Any  one  who  had  heard  their  accusation,  would  have  sup- 
posed I  was  as  rich  as  a  Jew.  I  attended,  to  make  my  own 
defence,  without  the  assistance  of  an  attorney,  and  I  had  no 
fear  for  the  result. 

Mr.  Mayor  came  to  the  point  at  once,  and  said  to  me, 
"  Have  you  served  an  apprenticeship  to  all  these  trades  ?" 

This  question  was  quite  to  the  purpose  ;  for  by  law  no 
man  can  carry  on  a  trade  to  which  he  has  not  served  an  ap- 
prenticeship. 

I  rose  without  embarrassment  to  reply,  and  spoke  in  a 
tone  loud  enough  to  be  heard  throughout  the  court :  "  Gen- 
tlemen, in  France  a  man  is  esteemed  according  to  his  qualifi- 
cations ;  and  men  of  letters  and  study  are  especially  honored 
by  every  body,  if  they  conduct  themselves  with  propriety, 
even  though  they  should  not  be  worth  a  penny.     All  the  no- 
bility of  the  land,  the  lords,  the  marquises,  and   dukes  take 
pleasure  in  the  society  of  such  persons.     In  fact,  there,  a  man 
is  thought  fit  for  any  honorable  employment,  if  he  be  but 
learned  :  therefore,  my  father,  who  was  a  worthy  minister  of 
the  Gospel,  brought  up  four  boys,  of  whom  I  was  the  young- 
est, in  good  manners  and  the  liberal  arts,  hoping  that  wher- 
ever fortune  might  transport  us,  our  education  would  serve 
instead  of  riches,  and  gain  us  honor  among  persons  of  honor. 
All  the  apprenticeship  I  have  ever  served,  from  the  age  of 
four  years,  has  been  to  turn  over  the  leaves  of  a  book.     I 
took  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  at  the  age  of  twenty-two, 
and  then  devoted  myself  to  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Hitherto,  I  had  been  thought  worthy  of  the  best  company 


160  -MI.MOIES    OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

wherever  I  had  been ;  but  when  I  came  to  this  town,  I  found 
that  science  without  riches,  was  regarded  as  a  cloud  without 
water,  or  a  tree  without  fruit ;  in  a  word,  a  thing  worthy  of 
supreme  contempt ;  so  much  so,  that  if  a  poor  ignorant  wool- 
comber,  or  a  hawker,  amassed  money,  he  was  honored  by  all, 
and  looked  up  to  as  the  first  in  the  place.  I  have,  therefore, 
gentlemen,  renounced  all  speculative  science ;  I  have  become 
a  wool-comber,  a  dealer  in  pins  and  laces,  hoping  that  I  may 
one  day  attain  wealth,  and  be  also  one  of  the  first  men  in 
the  town." 

When  I  ceased  speaking,  there  was  a  general  laugh 
throughout  the  assembly.  The  Mayor  and  some  few  of  the 
Aldermen  were  exceptions.  The  Recorder  himself  lost  his 
gravity  for  a  few  moments,  and  joined  in  the  mirth.  He  re- 
covered himself  presently,  and  rose  with  a  dignity  that  re- 
minded me  of  the  Town  Clerk  of  Ephesus ;  there  was  a  pro- 
found silence  as  soon  as  he  stretched  out  his  hand. 

u  Gentlemen,"  said  he,  "  King  Charles  II.,  of  blessed 
memory,  issued  a  declaration,  of  such  a  date,  whereby  he  in- 
vited the  poor  Protestants  who  were  persecuted  in  France  for 
the  cause  of  the  Gospel,  to  take  refuge  in  this  kingdom,  not, 
most  assuredly,  with  the  intention  of  suffering  them  to  die  of 
hunger,  but  rather  that  they  might  live  in  comfort  amongst 
his  subjects.  Thus  you  see  they  are  fully  entitled  to  every 
privilege  that  we  enjoy.  Suppose  Mr.  Fontaine  and  his 
family  had  not  the  means  of  gaining  a  livelihood,  and  they 
were  famishing  in  the  midst  of  us,  we  should  in  that  case  be 
obliged  to  feed  them.  By  law,  the  parish  would  be  burdened 
with  their  maintenance ;  for  you  know  you  could  not  send  him 
to  his  birth-place,  therefore  you  must  treat  him  as  if  he  had 
been  born  in  the  place  where  he  resides. 


eecokder's  speech.  151 

"  Although  Mr.  Fontaine  was  brought  up  to  nothing  but 
study,  yet  in  the  desire  he  has  to  live  independently,  without 
being  burdensome  to  any  one,  he  humbles  himself  so  far  as 
to  become  a  mechanic,  a  thing  very  rarely  seen  among  learned 
men,  such  as  I  know  him  to  be  from  my  own  conversations 
with  him.  Do  not  you  think  our  parish  is  obliged  to  him  for 
every  morsel  of  bread  he  earns  for  his  family  ?  It  would  be 
perfect  barbarity  to  pretend  to  put  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
his  earning  a  livelihood.  Are  you,  his  accusers,  disposed  to 
raise  a  fund,  and  settle  an  annuity  upon  him  and  his  family 
for  life  ?  Strangers  are  as  much  entitled  to  justice  at  our 
hands  as  our  neighbors  are.  I  will  answer  for  Mr.  Fontaine, 
that  if  you  will  secure  to  him  a  moderate  income,  he  will 
leave  mechanical  occupations,  and  gladly  return  to  intellec- 
tual labor." 

He  paused  awhile  and  looked  around  the  Court-room,  but 
no  one  broke  the  silence,  so  he  resumed : — "  Is  nobody  dis- 
posed to  come  forward?  It  is  a  strange  thing,  gentlemen, 
you  are  not  willing  to  let  him  earn  his  own  bread,  and  yet 
none  of  you  offer  to  give  it  to  him.  Shall  it  be  said  of  us, 
that  there  are  only  oneor  two  families  of  poor  Refugees  set- 
tled in  our  town,  who  have  abandoned  country,  friends,  pro- 
perty, and  every  thing  sweet  and  agreeable  in  this  life  for  their 
religion  and  the  glory  of  the  Gospel,  and  instead  of  cherish- 
ing these  people,  and  treating  them  as  the  suffering  members 
of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  and  providing  for  them  tenderly 
and  abundantly  by  our  charities,  we  would  even  hinder  them 
from  gaining  a  living  by  their  labor  ?  There  is  not  a  Turk 
in  Turkey  so  barbarous." 

He  then  turned  around  and  addressed  himself  to  me. 
"  You  may  go   away,  there  is  no  law  that  can   disturb  you,  I 


152  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

will  answer  for  it.  We  return  you  our  thanks  for  the  bread 
you  earn.      God  bless  you  and  your  labor  I" 

I  said,  "  May  the  Lord  bless  you  also  !" 

The  Court  resounded  with  thousands  "  God  bless  you,  Mr. 
Fontaine  I" 

This  was  the  end  of  the  law  proceedings,  but  not  of  the 
malicious  feeling  that  had  caused  the  prosecution.  The 
Mayor  and  his  party  hated  me  all  the  more  for  having  con- 
temned them  in  the  face  of  the  whole  town.  They  continued 
to  annoy  me  in  every  possible  way.  They  exaggerated  my 
profits  very  much,  they  magnified  them  to  guineas  when  my 
gain  was  but  in  pennies,  and  consequently  I  was  taxed  to 
the  utmost. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Eevolution  of  16SS— Landing  of  the  Dutch— Unexpected  visitor— Soldiers  billeted  on 
me— Retirement  from  business— Calimanco— Profitable  manufacture— Crippled 
Weaver— Secret  discovered— Visit  Dublin  and  Cork— Send  sons  to  Holland— In- 
crease of  family. 

A  short  time  after  the  prosecution  related  in  the  last  chap- 
ter the  glorious  Revolution  of  1 688  commenced.  I  felt  very- 
anxious  about  the  effect  it  might  have  upon  the  welfare  of 
me  and  mine.  I  had  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  end  of  the 
Monmouth  rebellion,  for  they  were  still  busy  hanging  and 
quartering  when  I  landed  in  England. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  marched  with  his  army  to  Exeter, 
where  he  was  welcomed  by  the  same  party  that  had  declared 
for  Monmouth.  Three  sorry-looking  Dutchmen  were  sent  to 
Taunton,  and  they  were  suffered  to  take  possession  of  the 
place  without  the  slightest  show  of  resistance  from  any  quar- 
ter.    The  common  people  hailed  their  arrival  as  a   joyous 

event. 

The  Mayor  and  Aldermen  were  most  decided  Jacobites  ; 
they  stood  aloof  to  watch  the  course  of  events,  and  contented 
themselves,  meanwhile,  with  noting  down  the  names  of  all 
persons  who  appeared  to  favor  the  Dutch,  in  the  expectation 
of  having  them  hanged  after  a  while,  as  those  had  been  who 
joined  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.    I  felt  very  certain  that  which- 

7* 


154  Ml  MnlKS    OF    A    II IY;  I' KNOT    FAMILT. 

ever  side  I  might  espouse,  my  name  would  have  a  prominent 
place  in  the  list  of  culprits,  and  I  was  the  more  convinced 
of  this  from  the  story  that  was  told  about  me. 

On  the  arrival  of  a  company  of  soldiers  at  Taunton,  they 
were  informed  that  there  was  a  French  Jesuit  in  the  place 
who  said  Mass  in  his  house  every  Sunday.  It  happened  for- 
tunately for  me,  that  the  Captain  of  this  company  was  a 
French  Protestant,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Holland,  and  en- 
tered the  army  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  He  was  pleased 
with  the  idea  of  attacking  a  French  Jesuit,  and  was  deter- 
mined to  be  the  first  to  seize  him,  so  he  obtained  a  direction 
to  his  abode,  and  was  posted  opposite  to  the  door  of  my  house 
with  a  guard  of  soldiers,  before  any  of  the  family  were  stir- 
ring, except  a  female  domestic  who  was  a  French  woman.  '  The 
Captain  asked  her  who  lived  in  that  house. 

She  replied,  "  Mr.  Fontaine,  a  minister  from  Royan  in 
France,  lives  here." 

The  Captain  immediately  desired  her  to  go  up  to  my 
room  and  tell  me  that  Captain  Rabainieres  was  below,  anx- 
ious to  embrace  me.  I  only  waited  long  enough  to  get  on 
my  dressing-gown,  and  went  down  to  welcome  a  dear  friend ; 
for  you  must  know,  we  had  been  intimately  acquainted  with 
each  other  in  France,  and  our  residences  were  only  four  or 
five  miles  apart.  We  embraced  one  another  with  the  warmth 
of  fraternal  affection.  I  was  then  introduced  to  the  rest  of 
the  officers,  who  were  most  kind  in  their  offers  of  friendship. 
I  cannot  pass  on  without  calling  your  attention  to  this  fresh 
instance  of  the  goodness  of  God,  whose  providence  watched 
over  and  shielded  me  from  threatened  danger. 

The  street  was  crowded  with  people  who  had  followed  the 
soldiers,  and  some  had  even  forced  their  way  into  my  house 


SOLDIERS    BILLETED    ON    ME.  155 

after  the  Captain,  to  make  sure  of  being  near  enough  to  enjoy 
the  sport  of  seeing  the  Jesuit  hung.  When  these  witnessed 
the  warmth  of  our  salutations,  they  knew  not  what  to  make 
of  it,  and  cried  out  that  they  were  lost  and  ruined.  "  Those," 
said  they, "  whom  we  hailed  as  our  liberators  must  themselves 
be  Papists." 

I  had  never  attended  the  Parish  Church  in  Taunton, 
which  led  many  into  the  belief  that  I  really  was  a  Jesuit,  and 
those  who  knew  better  studiously  kept  up  the  false  impres- 
sion, in  order  to  injure  me  with  the  community  at  large. 

The  officers  went  to  the  door  to  disperse  the  crowd,  which 
was  not  an  easy  matter,  under  the  disappointment  they  felt 
at  not  seeing  the  Jesuit  punished.  They  told  them  that  their 
Captain  knew  Mr.  Fontaine  to  be  a  good  Protestant,  better 
than  they  were  in  all  probability.  They  manifested  a  bitter- 
ness of  feeling  that  made  my  friend  decide  upon  leaving  a 
few  soldiers  at  my  door,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  in  case 
of  violence. 

When  several  more  regiments  belonging  to  King  William's 
army  were  quartered  in  Taunton,  you  may  rest  assured  I  was 
not  forgotten  in  the  billeting  of  them  upon  the  inhabitants. 

I  went  to  complain  to  the  Mayor  and  Sheriff  because  two 
soldiers  had  been  billeted  upon  me,  and  it  was  not  customary  to 
quarter  them  on  a  minister.  They  heard  me  patiently,  but  I 
had  scarcely  reached  home  before  two  more  soldiers  presented 
themselves  with  a  billet  for  me. 

I  complained  a  second  time,  and  I  was  answered  by  an 
assurance,  that  I  should  receive  full  justice,  and  directly  I 
got  home,  four  more  came  upon  me.  I  made  no  further  com- 
plaint, lest  T  should  draw  upon  myself  sixteen  instead  of 
eight.     I  had  to  support  them  for  three  whole  weeks,  during 


i;>ti  mi  koibs  of  a  huguenot  family. 

which  time  I  treated  them  as  well  as  I  could  ;  and  I  explained 
my  circumstances  to  them.  The  times  were  so  ticklish,  and 
the  town  magistrates  showed  so  decided  an  inclination  to  put 
difficulties  in  my  way,  that  I  thought  I  had  better  examine 

into  my  affairs,  pay  my  debts,  and  withdraw  from  all  large 
transactions  for  the  present.  I  was  occupied  during  the  day 
teaching  French  and  Latin,  so  that  I  was  obliged  to  steal 
many  hours  of  the  night  from  sleep,  to  find  time  to  make  an 
exact  inventory  of  all  that  I  possessed.  I  put  down  every 
thing  at  a  low  valuation,  and  I  was  pleased  to  find  that  there 
was  enough  to  pay  all  that  I  owed,  and  a  little  to  spare.  I 
sent  some  of  the  stuffs  of  my  own  making  to  the  wholesale 
dealers,  from  whom  I  had  made  purchases  on  credit,  and 
I  begged  they  would  sell  them  as  opportunity  offered,  repay 
themselves  with  the  proceeds  first,  and  then  return  to  me  any 
balance  that  should  remain.  This  arrangement  was  equally 
satisfactory  to  both  parties ;  I  was  able  to  pay  my  debts  by 
it,  and  those  from  whom  I  had  bought  on  credit,  were  very 
glad,  in  these  hard  times,  to  find  themselves  secured  against 
possible  loss. 

As  soon  as  it  became  known  that  I  wished  to  dispose  of 
my  shop,  and  stock  in  trade,  a  young  man  came  forward  to  be 
the  purchaser,  who  expected  to  do  wonders  ;  he  had  heard 
such  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  money  I  had  made  by  the 
business.  He  took  every  thing  as  it  stood,  paying  me  the 
actual  cost,  as  appeared  from  the  entries  in  my  books.  The 
whole  amounted  to  four  hundred  pounds,  which  sum  he  paid  to 
me  in  cash,  and  I  made  use  of  it  at  once  to  pay  the  wholesale 
dealers ;  so  that,  after  the  sale  of  my  manufactured  stuffs, 
which  I  had  already  sent  to  them,  they  found  themselves  in- 
debted to  me.     I  requested  them  to  keep  the  money  in  their 


BIRTH    OF   MARY    AXN'E.  157 

hands  for  me  at  present,  in  order  that  I  might  have  it  as  a 
little  leaven,  to  begin  again  with  renewed  vigor,  whenever  the 
political  troubles  should  be  at  an  end. 

When  I  looked  upon  the  result  of  this  winding  up  of  my 
business,  I  could  not  but  feel  very  grateful  to  my  Maker  for 
the  blessing  upon  my  labors,  which  had  enabled  me  to  pay 
every  thing  I  owed,  including  the  debt  left  after  that  last  dis- 
astrous voyage,  which  had  hung  most  heavily  upon  me  ever 
since.  Though  I  had  not  been  pressed  for  payment  by  those 
who  had  lent  me  the  money  in  my  extremity,  yet  I  now  felt  it 
a  vast  relief  to  be  able  to  clear  it  all  off,  principal  and  interest. 
After  all  this,  I  was  sole  owner  of  the  tools  and  utensils  re- 
quired in  manufacturing  the  stuffs,  I  was  the  proprietor  of 
good,  comfortable  household  furniture,  and  had  fourteen 
pounds  in  cash.  Your  mother  and  I  had  undergone  much 
labor  and  fatigue  of  body,  and  considerable  anxiety  of  mind, 
in  accomplishing  these  great  things,  but  it  was  for  the  sake  of 
our  dear  children,  and  what  will  not  parents  do  for  their  off- 
spring !  How  much  better  was  it  for  us  all  thus  to  struggle 
through  difficulties  together,  than  to  have  weakly  followed  the 
advice  of  the  committee  in  London,  and  given  up  my  children 
to  be  educated  in  their  Institution  !  We  always  find  that  God 
assists  those  who  put  their  trust  in  Him. 

On  the  12th  April,  1690,  my  wife  gave  birth  to  a  daugh- 
ter, whom  she  and  I  presented  for  baptism  the  next  day ;  and 
I  baptized  her  myself,  naming  her  Mary  Anne :  Mary,  after 
my  mother,  and  Anne,  from  the  second  name  of  my  wife. 

For  several  months  I  followed  only  the  one  employment 
of  keeping  a  school,  by  which  I  did  not  make  quite  enough  to 
maintain  my  family.  I  found  it,  too,  a  very  ungrateful  em- 
ployment, and  I  became  tired  of  it. 


158  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

When  James  II.  had  taken  refuge  in  France,  and  William 
and  Mary  been  received  as  King  and  Queen  of  England, 
things  began  to  assume  a  settled  aspect,  and  I  thought  I 
might  venture  to  begin  some  sort  of  business  again. 

There   was  a  sort  of  stuff,  manufactured  at  Norwich  at 
that    time,  called    Calimanco,    which    was    very    substantial, 
and    also   fashionable,  and    I   determined    upon    making  the 
attempt  to   imitate  it.     I  had  never,  you  know,  served   any 
apprenticeship,  so  it  was  all  the  same  to  me  what  I  undertook 
to  make,  I  must  call  upon  the  ingenuity  of  my  own  brain  to 
aid  me.     I  therefore  thought  it  would  be  better,  when  I  began 
again,  to  try  something  new  instead  of  going  on  in   the  old 
beaten  track.     The  stuff  called  serge,  which  we  had  made  be- 
fore, was  now  out  of  fashion,  and  those  who  manufactured  it 
scarcely  earned  salt  to  their  porridge;    but  then,  they  had 
served  an  apprenticeship  to  it,  and  as  they  worked  altogether 
mechanically,   and   not  with   the    understanding,   they  were 
really  incapable  of  putting  their  hands  to  any  thing  else.     I 
was  possessed  of  a  large  share  of  that  sort  of  perseverance 
which  some  people  call  obstinacy,  and  without  which  I  cer- 
tainly could  not  have  overcome  the  almost  insurmountable 
difficulty  which  met  me  at  the  outset. 

The  Norwich  stuff  was  made  of  extremely  fine  worsted, 
double  twisted.  Now,  there  was  not  in  Taunton  a  spinner 
who  could  spin  so  fine,  nor  a  weaver  who  knew  how  to  weave 
it ;  no  machinery  suitable  for  the  manufacture,  nor  a  person 
who  knew  how  to  construct  it.  I  had  never  seen  the  ma- 
chinery, but  I  saw  that  if  money  was  to  be  gained  by  manu- 
facturing, this  was  the  stuff  that  ought  to  be  produced.  As  I 
could  not  get  the  worsted  spun  fine  enough  to  allow  of  re- 
twisting  and  doubling  it,  I  must  try  what  could  be  done  with 
a  single  thread. 


CALESIANCO.  159 

I  engaged  a  weaver  for  ray  experimental  attempt,  who 
was  out  of  employment,  and  was  apparently  very  docile  ;  I 
made  all  the  machinery,  I  put  it  up  with  my  own  hands,  and 
spent  a  couple  of  hours  every  day  trying  to  instruct  him. 
This  went  on  for  three  months,  altering  the  threads  and  ma- 
chinery for  new  trials  about  once  a  fortnight,  and  still  not  an 
inch  of  the  desired  fabric  was  produced ;  and  I  was  paying 
the  weaver  his  full  wages  all  the  time. 

Some  little  time  after  this,  a  young  man  came  to  solicit 
charity  from  me  ;  he  was  in  extreme  distress,  absolutely  pen- 
niless, and  his  wife  in  hourly  expectation  of  her  confinement. 
He  entreated  me  to  give  him  some  employment,  and  said  that 
he  would  spare  no  pains  to  give  me  satisfaction ;  and  he  was 
sure  that  I  never  should  see  cause  to  repent  of  it,  for  his 
urgent  need  would  be  a  spur  to  his  assiduity  in  laboring  for 
one  who  should  help  him  at  this  pinch.  I  took  him  and  his 
wife  into  my  house,  I  fed  the  two,  and  soon  three  of  them.  I 
fitted  up  a  loom  for  him,  to  try  what  he  could  do ;  and  he 
kept  his  word,  for  he  worked  day  and  night,  entering  into  all 
my  plans,  and  never  appearing  wearied  of  making  efforts.  He 
was  very  grateful  to  me  for  maintaining  him  and  his  wife,  and 
he  tried  to  give  proof  of  it  by  faithful  industry.  He  also 
knew,  that  if  he  was  successful,  he  would  certainly  be  able  to 
earn  a  comfortable  subsistence.  He  tried  seven  or  eight  dif- 
ferent plans  during  a  fortnight,  and  at  the  end  of  it  produced 
one  yard  of  Calimanco,  which  looked  very  well ;  but  being  of 
single  thread,  it  had  no  more  substance  than  serge.  I  was 
obliged  to  set  my  wits  to  work  once  more,  to  try  whether  I 
could  not  discover  some  mode,  by  which  a  substantial  fabric 
could  be  made  out  of  the  materials  I  had  at  command.  I 
contrived  it,  at  last,  by  the  following  process :   I  made  the 


160  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

warp,  which  appeared  all  on  the  right  side,  of  fine  wool 
coarsely  spun  ;  and  the  weft,  of  very  coarse  wool,  combed 
like  fine  wool,  and  spun  in  a  thick,  compact  thread.  The 
second  piece  was  begun,  upon  this  new  and  successful  plan, 
just  two  months  after  I  received  the  family  into  my  house. 
The  one  piece  of  twenty  yards,  which  was  all  that  we  had  to 
show  for  our  labor,  sold  for  threepence  a  yard,  but  we  did  not 
tell  any  one  how  long  we  had  been  employed  in  making  it. 

I  kept  an  exact  account  of  all  that  I  had  expended  in 
these  fruitless  attempts  and  the  small  proceeds  resulting  from 
the  sale  of  the  first  piece  made  my  inmate  very  discreet  and 
considerate  in  his  expenses.  He  never  asked  me  for  any 
money  that  he  could  possibly  do  without. 

By  degrees  he  became  more  expert  in  the  work.  He  was 
soon  able  to  make  half-a-yard  a-day,  then  a  yard,  and  after 
more  practice  several  yards.  When  the  second  piece  was 
taken  out  of  the  frame  it  appeared  really  handsome,  and  was 
as  strong  and  substantial  as  the  Norwich  Calimanco  ;  but 
there  was  great  disappointment  when  it  came  home  from  the 
mill  where  it  had  been  pressed,  it  looked  no  better  than  a 
coarse  coverlet,  for  it  had  great  strong  hairs  sticking  out  in 
all  directions.  I  recollected  that  when  I  was  at  school  I  had 
often  gone  to  warm  myself  in  a  hatter's  shop  opposite  to  the 
school,  and  I  used  to  watch  the  process  of  burning  off  the 
long  hairs  from  the  hats  with  a  wisp  of  straw,  so  I  thought 
that  a  similar  plan  might  be  adopted  for  remedying  the  defect 
in  my  Calimanco. 

A  hat  can  easily  be  turned  round  in  the  hand  to  apply 
the  flame  to  all  sides,  not  so  a  long  piece  of  stuff.  A  machine 
would  be  required  to  apply  it  with  certainty  and  regularity. 
I  was  too  impatient  to  wait  for  the  production  of  a  machine, 


SUCCESS.  161 

and  determined  to  singe  this  first  piece  as  well  as  I  could 
by  hand.  I  had  to  call  in  the  aid  of  my  wife  and  her  sister 
Jane  Boursiquot,  who  laughed  so  much  at  my  dilemma  that 
I  almost  felt  discouraged.  I  made  the  stuff  damp  all  over  so 
that  I  might  not  burn  it  as  well  as  the  hairs,  and  they  held 
it,  one  on  each  side,  while  I  passed  the  blazing  wisp  of  straw 
over  it.  At  last  the  work  was  finished,  and  then  I  had  the 
right  to  laugh,  for,  when  washed  and  pressed,  it  looked  really 
beautiful.  I  sent  it  to  a  draper  at  Exeter,  who  allowed  me 
two  shillings  and  sixpence  a  yard  for  it.  I  found  I  could 
make  it  for  just  half  the  sum,  so  I  gained  an  ample  reward 
for  all  my  expenditure  of  time,  labor  and  money. 

My  workman  improved  rapidly,  he  made  it  better  and 
better  every  day,  and  he  gained  such  facility  by  practice  that 
at  last  he  was  able  to  turn  out  ten  or  twelve  yards  in  a  day. 
I  had  hitherto  merely  supplied  him  with  what  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  himself  and  his  wife,  but  I  now  promised  to  pay 
him  four  pence  half-penny  for  every  yard  he  made  in  future. 
I  also  took  into  my  employ  again  the  first  weaver  who  had 
labored  so  long  unsuccessfully,  and  he  too  acquired  the  art 
after  a  while. 

I  now  hired  a  shop  for  the  sale  of  my  Calimanco  ;  I  took 
from  my  old  tradesmen  all  the  articles  I  wanted,  and  paid 
them  with  my  own  goods.  I  employed  more  workmen,  and  I 
bound  each  one,  under  a  penalty  of  £10,  not  to  work  for  any 
one  else,  or  to  teach  the  art  to  other  workmen.  They  were 
all  willing  to  make  such  terms,  because  they  could  earn  three 
times  as  much  by  working  for  me  as  by  making  serge. 

When  I  had  planned  a  machine  to  singe  off  the  hairs,  I 
employed  a  different  mechanic  to  make  each  part,  so  that  not 
one  of  them  knew  the  use  of  that  which  he  was  making,  and 


W>'2  MEMOIRS    OF    ,\     lll'UUENOT    FAMILY. 

when  I  had  got  the  various  parts  ready  I  put  the  machine  to- 
gether myself.  It  consisted  of  two  large  rollers,  and  the 
piece  was  wound  gently,  off  the  one,  and  upon  the  other,  and 
fire  applied  during  its  passage  ;  when  both  sides  were  singed 
it  was  washed  in  the  river,  then  pressed,  and  it  really  had 
much  the  appearance  of  the  true  Calimanco  ;  the  strength  of 
the  coarse  worsted  gave  it  substance,  and  the  fineness  of  the 
warp  gave  it  lustre.  I  now  gave  up  teaching  entirely,  and 
confined  myself  to  my  manufactory,  which  proved  very  great 
slavery,  for  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  secret  the 
mode  by  which  we  removed  the  coarse  hairs,  and  therefore  I 
was  obliged  to  do  that  part  of  the  work  myself.  My  wife  or 
my  sister-in-law  turned  the  spit  while  I  roasted  the  joint. 

I  succeeded  so  well,  that  in  the  course  of  seven  or  eight 
months  I  was  able  to  keep  from  twelve  to  fifteen  looms  con- 
stantly going.  I  had  not  been  long  at  work  before  the  profit- 
able  nature  of  my  new  trade  became  known,  and  the  old-fash- 
ioned manufacturers  of  serge  were  envious  of  it.  Their  as- 
tonishment at  my  inventive  genius  was  very  great,  they  almost 
looked  upon  it  as  sorcery  ;  and  it  was  increased  by  an  inci- 
dent which  I  will  relate.  I  heard  accidentally  of  a  poor  wea- 
ver who  had  lost  a  leg,  and  in  consequence  of  it,  he  was,  ac- 
cording to  the  general  opinion,  incapable  of  ever  working 
again  at  his  trade  of  weaving  serge,  because  they  and  their  fa- 
thers before  them  had  made  use  of  two  feet  to  work  the  loom, 
they  did  not  imagine  it  possible  that  anybody  could  weave 
with  only  one  leg.  The  poor  man  had  been  supported  by  the 
parish  for  three  years.  I  thought  much  about  his  distressed 
condition,  and  wondered  within  myself  whether  it  would  not 
be  possible  to  devise  some  plan,  whereby  he  could  work  at  his 
old  trade.     I  made  many  experiments,  and  at  last  I  hit  upon 


CRIPPLED    WEAVER.  163 

the  right  thing  ;  I  went  without  loss  of  time  to  see  the  poor 
fellow,  who  lived  in  the  house  of  his  brother.  I  asked  him  if 
he  would  not  like  to  be  able  to  weave  once  more. 

"Alas  !"  said  he,  weeping,  ';God  has  been  pleased  to  de- 
prive me  of  my  leg  and  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  weave." 

His  brother  was  then  working  in  a  loom  by  his  side  ;  I 
turned  to  him,  and  asked  him  to  get  out  of  the  frame  and  let 
me  make  some  alterations  in  the  treads.  He  allowed  me  to 
do  so,  and  I  then  detached  all  the  cords  from  the  treads,  and 
arranged  them  differently,  and  asked  the  cripple  to  enter  the 
frame.  I  then  showed  him  how  his  remaining  leg  was  com- 
petent to  all  the  work,  directing  him  to  put  his  foot  first  on 
the  one  tread  and  then  on  the  other.  In  the  course  of  an 
hour  he  made  a  quarter  of  a  yard  of  serge,  equal  in  every  re- 
spect to  the  rest  of  the  piece  which  had  been  woven  by  his 
brother  who  possessed  two  legs. 

I  then  explained  to  him  most  particularly  the  manner  in 
which  he  must  make  the  preparation  for  weaving  with  one  foot, 
so  as  not  to  run  any  risk  of  getting  his  work  in  confusion.  I 
then  left  him  in  the  act  of  calling  upon  God  for  blessings  to  be 
showered  upon  me  and  mine,  in  return  for  the  benefit  I  had 
conferred  upon  him  and  his  family,  by  enabling  him  to  earn  a 
livelihood  by  his  labor.  For  several  days  afterwards  the 
house  was  thronged  with  weavers  who  went  to  witness  the  ex- 
traordinary sight  of  a  man  weaving  with  but  one  leg. 

The  son  of  the  Mayor,  before  whom  I  was  formerly  cited 
to  appear,  had  a  great  desire  to  make  Calimanco  like  mine,  so 
he  bribed  one  of  my  workmen  to  teach  him  how  to  do  it, 
and  guaranteed  to  him  the  £10  which  he  was  bound  to  forfeit 
to  me  if  he  worked  for  any  one  else.  I  did  not  sue  him  for 
it,  I  thought  the  trouble  would  be  more  than  it  was  worth. 


1()4  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

The  young  man  had  not  possessed  himself  of  my  whole 
secret  by  his  underhand  proceeding.  The  workman  made  the 
Calimanco  for  him  as  he  had  done  for  me,  but  he  knew  nothing 
of  the  mode  by  which  I  got  rid  of  the  long  hairs  that  had 
perplexed  me  at  the  outset.  When  several  pieces  had  been 
made  and  pressed,  they  proved  utterly  unsaleable,  from  the 
hairs  upon  them  ;  so  I  stepped  forward  and  made  an  offer  of 
fifteen  pence  a  yard,  which  was  gladly  accepted.  I  burnt  off  the 
hairs,  and  then  resold  them  at  two  shillings  and  sixpence  a  yard. 
The  treacherous  weaver  was  now  thrown  completely  out  of  em- 
ployment. He  dared  not  show  himself  to  me,  and  as  he  could 
not  produce  a  profitable  article  for  the  man  who  had  tempted 
him  to  betray  my  secret,  he  would  not  employ  him  any  more, 
for  he  was  not  disposed  to  make  stuff  merely  to  sell  it  in  an 
unfinished  state  to  me.  The  wretched  workman  went  off  one 
morning  with  whatever  he  could  lay  hands  on  belonging  to  his 
late  employer,  and  among  other  things,  a  handsome  overcoat 
with  very  large  silver  gilt  buttons  upon  it.  He  went  to  Lon- 
don, and  I  have  heard  he  became  a  regular  thief,  and  was 
eventually  hanged. 

The  attempt  to  supplant  me  had  proved  so  unfortunate 
to  both  master  and  workman,  that  a  long  time  was  allowed  to 
elapse  before  any  further  effort  of  that  kind  was  made,  From 
the  end  of  the  year  1690  until  the  year  1693,  I  worked  in 
peace,  and  retained  for  my  own  benefit  the  profit  of  my  inven- 
tion. During  this  interval  the  demand  for  serge  gradually 
decreased,  and  trade  became  so  bad  that  actual  want  seemed 
to  sharpen  the  faculties  of  the  serge  manufacturers,  and  they 
determined  to  do  their  best  to  imitate  my  Calimanco.  My 
secret  was  at  length  discovered  by  some  pieces  having  inad- 
vertently been  sent  to  be  pressed  without  having  been  sufli- 


SECRET   DISCOVERED.  165 

ciently  washed  in  the  river  first,  and  the  smell  of  burning  dis- 
closed the  mystery.  Then  it  was  recollected  how  many  trusses 
of  straw  I  had  been  in  the  habit  of  buying,  and  laying  the 
two  circumstances  together,  they  could  have  no  longer  any 
doubt  as  to  my  plan  of  removing  the  hairs  by  fire.  After  a 
good  deal  of  trouble  they  got  rollers  at  work  like  mine,  and 
every  one  left  off  making  serge. 

The  coarse  worsted  had  been  despised  before,  and  I  pur- 
chased it  at  the  rate  of  a  penny  half-penny  a  pound ;  the  in- 
creased demand  raised  the  priee  to  fourpence  a  pound.  The 
market  became  overstocked  with  Calimancos,  and  the  price 
fell  to  two  shillings,  then  to  eighteen  pence,  and  at  last  to 
fifteen  pence  a  yard. 

I  made  mine  spotted  with  a  different  color  from  the  ground, 
and  obtained  a  preference  over  theirs,  but  they  soon  imitated 
me.  I  then  contrived  fresh  variations  in  the  patterns,  and 
made  a  kind  of  spotted  serge,  which  sold  at  three  times  the 
price  of  the  old-fashioned  kind.  I  spent  the  whole  of  the 
year  1694  in  this  most  vexatious  occupation;  all  the  time 
racking  my  brains  to  invent  something  new,  and  as  soon  as  I 
had  succeeded,  I  had  the  mortification  of  finding  myself  imi- 
tated and  undersold.  I  became  weary  of  the  business,  and 
seeing  that  I  had  now  made  £1000  in  the  course  of  three  years, 
I  thought  I  would  leave  the  place  and  try  whether  I  could  not 
find  a  French  Church  in  want  of  a  minister.  I  knew  that 
there  were  many  French  Protestant  Refugees  in  Ireland,  so  I 
went  to  Dublin  to  make  inquiries.  I  was  there  recommended 
to  go  to  Cork,  and  I  accordingly  proceeded  thither,  and  found 
that  several  French  families  were  settled  there,  who  were 
very  desirous  to  have  a  minister,  but  they  had  hitherto  hardly 


166  MKMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

dared  to  make  the  attempt,  because  their  means  would  not  allow 
them  to  offer  a  sufficient  stipend. 

God  had  vouchsafed  to  bless  my  labors,  and  I  felt  myself 
independent,  therefore  this  opportunity,  of  preaching  the  Gos- 
pel without  remuneration,  was  most  pleasing  to  me,  and  I 
agreed  to  return  to  Cork  and  take  charge  of  the  Church,  as 
soon  as  I  could  wind  up  my  affairs  in  Taunton  and  remove  my 
family.  * 

I  met  with  two  very  poor  French  families  in  Cork,  who 
were  almost  in  a  state  of  starvation  from  want  of  employment ; 
they  were  weavers  by  trade.  My  sympathy  was  much  ex- 
cited by  their  condition,  and  I  was  anxious  to  help  them,  and 
as  the  most  feasible  plan  for  doing  so  appeared  to  me  to  give 
them  work  in  their  own  trades,  I  bought  worsted  and  dyes  for 
their  use,  and  deposited  £25  with  Mr.  Abelin,  an  Elder  of 
our  Church,  and  I  directed  him  to  expend  it  in  whatever  ap- 
peared requisite  to  enable  them  to  manufacture  such  stuffs  as 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  make  in  France.  He  kept  a 
shop,  and  I  requested  he  would  receive  their  work  and  sell  it 
for  them  as  fast  as  it  was  finished,  and  out  of  the  proceeds  fur- 
nish them  with  fresh  materials,  and  at  the  same  time  keep  a 
sort  of  general  supervision  over  their  families  until  my  return. 
He  attended  to  my  wishes,  and  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  find- 
ing, when  I  returned  to  Cork,  that  they  had  been  comfortably 
supported,  out  of  the  profits  upon  their  labor,  during  my  ab- 
sence, and  the  little  capital  I  had  deposited  with  Mr.  Abelin 
was  undiminished. 

On  my  return  to  Taunton  we  set  to  work  most  vigorously 
to  prepare  for  removing  to  Ireland,  and  the  packing  up  our 
goods,  and  closing  my  manufacturing  concerns,  occupied  about 
six  weeks.     We  took  twelve  horse  loads  of  furniture  and  bag- 


SEND    SONS    TO    HOLLAND.  167 

gage  to  Bristol,  whence  we  intended  to  embark  for  Ireland. 
I  purchased  there  a  variety  of  drugs  for  dyeing,  and  large  cop- 
pers for  the  same  purpose,  and  screws,  such  as  might  be  re- 
quired for  putting  up  presses,  and,  in  short,  every  thing  that 
I  thought  would  be  of  use  in  the  manufactory  which  I  pro- 
posed establishing  at  Cork.  I  knew  that  it  would  be  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  me  to  do  something  for  the  support  of  my 
family,  or  I  should  soon  see  the  end  of  my  thousand  pounds, 
as  the  congregation  for  whom  I  was  called  to  officiate  were 
unable  to  pay  me  any  stipend. 

Before  I  embarked  for  Ireland  I  took  my  two  oldest  sons, 
James  and  Aaron,  to  London,  and  sent  them  thence  to  Am- 
sterdam to  be  under  the  care  of  a  relation  settled  there.  My 
chief  reason  for  this  step  was  to  avoid  a  sweeping  catastrophe, 
like  that  which  cut  off  the  whole  family  of  my  brother-in- 
law  Sautreau,  which  I  have  already  mentioned.  By  separat- 
ing my  family  I  hoped  that  some  of  them  might  be  spared, 
in  case  of  shipwreck. 

I  ought  not  to  take  leave  of  Taunton,  without  naming 
that,  during  our  residence  there,  my  wife  had  not  been  less 
fruitful  than  my  brain ;  we  were  now  the  parents  of  six  chil- 
dren ;  James,  Aaron,  Mary  Anne,  Peter,  John  and  Moses. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Arrival  at  Cork— Pastoral  charge— Manufactory— Happiness— Dissension  in  the  Church 
— Eesignation — Reply — Eemarkablo  Dream — Visit  fishing  station— Death  of  Aaron 
—Become  Fisherman— Removal  to  Bear  Haven— Loss  of  the  Robert— Bad  season 
— Trading  voyage — Successful  fishery — Loss — Irish  neighbors. 

We  landed  in  safety  at  Cork  on  the  24th  December.  1694, 
and  the  agreement  I  had  already  entered  into  with  the  con- 
gregation was  solemnly  renewed.  You  can  see  the  particulars 
in  the  Act  of  the  Consistory  of  Cork,  dated  19th  January, 
1695,  on  which  day  I  commenced  the  discharge  of  my  pastoral 
duties. 

At  first  I  preached  in  Christ  Church,  the  use  of  it  being 
granted  to  us  after  the  English  had  finished  the  services  of 
the  day.  We  then  assembled  in  the  County  Court-room  for 
our  worship  ;  and  finally,  I  gave  up,  for  the  use  of  the  Church, 
a  spacious  apartment  on  the  lower  floor  of  my  house,  which 
we  had  regularly  fitted  up  for  the  purpose  with  pulpit,  benches, 
and  every  thing  necessary. 

My  manufactory  here  was  altogether  different  from  that 
which  I  had  carried  on  at  Taunton.  I  considered  it  most  for 
my  advantage  to  make  something  for  which  there  would  be  a 
demand  near  home.  The  great  article  of  manufacture  in 
Cork  at  that  time  was  a  sort  of  coarse  baize,  two  yards  wide. 
I  thought  I  would  try  to  make  something  better  than  that, 


MA"NTTACTORY.  169 

and  I  soon  succeeded  in  making  good  broadcloth,  for  which  it 
was  only  necessary  to  use  finer  wool  than  for  baize  and  to 
weave  it  more  closely  and  compactly. 

I  took  a  large  house,  a  little  out  of  town,  in  which  I  es- 
tablished my  manufactory.  I  gave  out  the  spinning  and 
weaving.  I  put  up  a  hot-press  and  a  cold-press  in  my  house, 
and  the  latter  was  so  contrived  as  to  compress  the  bales  of 
goods.  I  had  all  the  tools  and  machinery  required  for  teas- 
ing and  dressing  the  cloth,  and  for  combing  and  carding  the 
wool.  I  built  my  dye-house  near  the  river  for  the  conveni- 
ence of  pumping  up  the  water.  A  dyer  in  the  city  applied 
to  me  for  permission  to  make  use  of  my  apparatus,  which  I 
granted  on  condition  that  he  should  dye  all  my  worsted  and 
cloth  without  charge,  and  make  me  a  certain  allowance  out 
of  his  profits  in  dyeing  for  other  people,  and  I  well  remember 
that  in  fifteen  months  he  gained  enough  to  pay  me  nearly 
£50  for  my  share.  My-  knowledge  and  experience  were  of 
great  service  to  him,  because  I  had  always  written  down  the 
exact  proportion  of  each  drug  that  we  used  at  Taunton,  and 
attached  to  the  memorandum  a  pattern  of  the  article  dyed. 
When  he  received  any  order  he  invariably  came  to  consult 
with  me,  and  by  referring  to  my  books  and  comparing  his 
pattern  with  those  I  had  preserved,  I  was  able  to  tell  him  at 
once  the  exact  quantity  he  would  require  of  each  drug,  and 
my  instruction  never  failed  to  prove  correct. 

I  was  now  at  the  height  of  my  ambition.  I  was  beloved  by 
my  flock,  to  whom  I  preached  gratuitously,  and  thereby  had 
the  heartfelt  satisfaction  of  serving  the  God  who  had  blessed 
me  without  deriving  any  pecuniary  advantage  from  it.  My 
dear  wife  gained  from  our  manufactory  an  ample  support  for 
the  family.     We  were  able  to  furnish  a  number  of  French 

8 


170  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Refugees  with  employment,  by  which  they  earned  enough  to 
maintain  their  families  respectably.  The  Church  increased 
daily ;  Refugees  came  from  various  parts  to  settle  in  Cork 
when  they  heard  that  a  French  Church  was  established  there. 
After  a  while  those  members  of  the  congregation  who  were 
in  easy  circumstances  became  ashamed  of  allowing  me  to 
preach  without  compensation,  and  they  proposed  to  raise  some- 
thing by  voluntary  contribution,  if  it  were  only  to  show  that 
they  were  grateful  for  my  services.  When  it  came  to  my 
knowledge,  I. thanked  them  much  for  their  kind  intentions ; 
but  I  told  them  that  as  they  could  not  possibly  raise  enough 
to  support  my  family  without  exertion  on  my  part,  I  would 
greatly  prefer  that  whatever  sum  they  were  able  to  collect 
should  be  appropriated  to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  of  whom 
there  were  many  in  the  congregation.  I  said  that  it  was  a  very 
great  pleasure  to  me  to  imitate  St.  Paul,  preaching  the  Gospel 
and  at  the  same  time  earning  my  living  by  the  labor  of  my 
hands.  They  were  well  satisfied  with  the  view  I  took,  for 
they  could  not  raise  more  than  £10,  or  at  the  very  utmost 
£15,  which  would  have  been  a  mere  trifle  towards  the  support 
of  my  large  family. 

On  the  16th  September,  1697,  my  wife  gave  birth  to  an- 
other boy,  whom  we  presented  to  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  Bap- 
tism, and  I  baptized  him  myself,  after  our  service  was  over, 
on  the  19th  of  the  same  month.  We  gave  him  the  name  of 
Francis.  I  was  the  godfather,  for  I  had  a  great  dislike  to 
make  people  solemnly  promise  that  which  they  had  no  inten- 
tion of  performing.  On  the  day  of  his  baptism  I  made  a 
great  supper,  as  though  I  intended  to  feast  the  wealthiest  of 
the  French  Refugees  in  Cork,  but  instead  of  that  I  invited 
about  a  dozen  of  the  poor  of  my  flock,  and  after  they  had 


ISAAC   DE   LA   CROIX.  171 

eaten  and  drank  abundantly  of  the  best.  I  gave  each  one  a 
shilling  to  take  home. 

I  have  already  said  that  the  French  had  received  me 
with  much  kindness,  and  I  may  say  the  same  of  the  people 
generally.  The  Corporation  of  Cork,  as  a  mark  of  their  es- 
teem, presented  me  with  the  freedom  of  the  City.* 

This  state  of  things  was  altogether  too  good  to  last ; 
my  cup  of  happiness  was  now  full  to  overflowing,  and  like 
all  the  enjoyments  of  this  world,  it  proved  very  transitory. 

Great  numbers  of  zealous,  pious,  and  upright  persons  had 
joined  our  communion ;  but  it  could  not  be  expected  that  all 
should  be  of  this  class.  Unfortunately,  there  were  some  in 
the  flock  whose  conduct  was  not  regulated  by  the  principles  of 
our  holy  religion. 

A  man  named  Isaac  de  la  Croix,  originally  a  merchant  in 
Calais,  had  caused  dissension  in  the  Church  there  before  its 
condemnation,  and  had  then  settled  in  Dover,  where  he  also 
made  dissension  in  the  Church.  It  must  have  been  to  punish 
us  for  our  sins,  that  he  came  from  there  to  join  our  Church, 
and  he  had  not  been  with  us  more  than  eighteen  months, 
when  he  was  the  occasion  of  discord  amongst  us  also.  The 
history  of  it  is  as  follows :  he  had  a  son  of  about  twenty-five 
years  of  age,  who  was  in  the  habit  of  doing  business  on  his 
own  account.  This  young  man  chartered  a  vessel  of  about 
thirty  tons,  for  Ostend,  which  he  loaded  with  butter  and  tallow, 
promising  payment  in  ready  money.  On  a  certain  Saturday 
afternoon,   he  weighed   anchor    and  dropped  down  to  Cove, 

*  It  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  that  my  father,  James  Maury,  the 
great-grandson  of  James  Fontaine,  was  also  settled  in  a  foreign  land,  and 
was  so  highly  esteemed  by  the  community  amongst  whom  he  lived,  that  tho 
Corporation  of  Liverpool  did  by  him,  as  that  of  Cork  by  his  ancestor,  voted 
to  him  the  freedom  of  the  Borough. 


172        UEM0IB8  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  expecting  to  sail  early  in  the 
morning,  and  being  Sunday,  he  hoped  to  steal  away  unob- 
served, and  get  off  to  sea  without  paying  for  his  cargo. 
Amongst  the  tradespeople  to  whom  he  had  given  a  written 
promise  of  payment,  was  a  butcher,  who  had  some  doubt  of 
the  young  man's  integrity,  and  therefore  took  the  precaution 
of  going  to  the  father  to  ask  him  to  put  his  name  to  his  son's 
promissory  note.  The  father  refused  to  do  so,  saying  he  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  business.  He  imagined  his 
son  had  by  that  time  placed  himself  beyond  pursuit ;  but  it 
was  not  so,  for  the  butcher  hired  a  boat  immediately,  took 
bailiffs  with  him,  and  followed  the  vessel  to  Cove,  and  before 
sunset  he  put  a  stop  to  her  sailing,  unless  the  bills  were 
paid  first.  The  dishonest  intentions  of  both  father  and  son 
became  apparent,  and  were  frustrated. 

I  solemnly  declare  that  I  had  not  heard  a  whisper  of  the 
transaction  when  I  mounted  the  pulpit  next  day.  It  so  hap- 
pened, strangely  enough,  that  I  had  been  for  some  weeks  en- 
gaged in  delivering  a  series  of  sermons  upon  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments ;  and  on  that  day  I  had  arrived  at  the  Eighth 
Commandment,  in  regular  course.  In  explaining  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  the  various  ways  in  which  the  command  of 
God,  u  Thou  shalt  not  steal,"  may  be  broken  by  violating  the 
spirit  of  it,  I  very  naturally  mentioned  the  tricks  and  eva- 
sions sometimes  practised  in  commercial  dealings.  I  pointed 
to  acts  so  similar  to  the  recent  fraudulent  attempt,  that  Isaac 
de  la  Croix  was  sure  I  meant  it  for  him ;  others  of  the  con- 
gregation thought  so  likewise.  It  was  concluded  I  could  not 
have  sketched  his  character  so  true  to  the  life,  without  know- 
ing his  history.     He  was  extremely  displeased,  and  uttered 


DISSENSION.  173 

most  blasphemous  oaths  as  he   left  the  church,  and  ended 
with  exclaiming,  u  Thou  shalt  pay  me  for  this." 

After  the  service  was  concluded,  some  of  the  elders  of  the 
Church  came  and  spoke  to  me  on  the  subject.  I  protested  to 
them  that  it  was  the  first  I  had  heard  of  it,  and  therefore 
they  must  ascribe  the  singular  coincidence  to  the  Providence 
of  God  alone.  Mr.  de  la  Croix  would  never  believe  it,  and 
he  continued  his  threats  of  vengeance ;  and  in  the  end,  he 
made  his  words  good,  for  he  was  the  cause  of  much  anxiety 
and  distress  to  me. 

On  Monday  morning  it  was  ascertained  that  father  and 
son  were  alike  unable  to  pay  for  the  cargo.  The  son  ab- 
sconded, and  I  never  heard  more  of  him.  The  creditors  took 
possession  of  the  articles,  and  each  tradesman,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, took  back  his  own  property,  and  the  vessel  was  soon  emp- 
tied. The  captain  was  the  chief  loser,  for  he  had  to*seek  a 
fresh  freight. 

Mr.  de  la  Croix  kept  his  promise,  and  lost  no  opportunity 
by  which  he  could  revenge  himself  upon  me  for  the  injury  he 
imagined  I  had  inflicted  upon  him.  His  plan  was  to  try  to 
poison  the  minds  of  my  flock,  and  make  them  dissatisfied 
with  me.  He  began  first  with  persons  whom  he  knew  to  be 
weak  and  vain ;  he  told  them  they  need  not  expect  to  rise  to 
consideration  in  the  city  while  they  had  a  Presbyterian 
for  their  pastor.  In  this  way  he  made  an  impression  on  the 
minds  of  some  who  aspired  to  the  office  of  Mayor  or  Sheriff; 
they  in  turn  talked  over  the  matter  with  others,  and  by  de- 
grees a  spirit  of  opposition  was  infused  into  the  minds  of  a 
number  of  my  hearers,  and  they  waited  upon  me  to  request 
that  I  would  receive  ordination  from  the  Bishop.  I  was  not 
at  all  disposed  to  accede  to  their  request,  on  the  contrary,  I 


174  MK1KHES  OF  A  HUGtJENOT  FAMILY. 

used  every  argument  to  prevent  them  from  deserting  us,  and 
going  over  to  the  Established  Church.  In  the  course  of  the 
discussion  I  became  warm,  and  in  the  heat  of  dispute,  I  said 
that  which  I  must  acknowledge  it  would  have  been  much  bet- 
ter to  have  left  unsaid,  even  though  true.  My  opponents 
went  to  the  Bishop  to  make  a  complaint  of  me,  and  they  told 
him  all  that  I  had  said,  much  that  I  had  not  said,  and  most 
assuredly  had  not  even  so  much  as  thought.  They  effected 
what  they  wished,  and  exasperated  the  Bishop  so  much  against 
me,  that  he  made  a  formal  complaint  to  Lord  G-alway,  then 
in  a  high  office  in  Ireland,  who  was  disposed  to  sacrifice  me 
to  please  the  Bishop  of  Cork.  We  had  a  long  correspondence 
on  the  occasion,  of  which  you  will  find  copies  amongst  my  pa- 
pers. Mr.  de  la  Croix  declared  that  I  was  not  a  minister  at 
all,  and  he  went  about  in  the  congregation,  and  visited 
amongst  them  from  house  to  house,  and  told  them  all,  that  I 
was  not  an  authorized  minister.  His  misrepresentations  were 
so  far  credited,  that  I  was  obliged  to  write  for  vouchers  to 
the  gentlemen  of  the  Walloon  Church,  in  Threadneedle-street, 
London.  All  this  was  most  distressing  to  me,  and,  finally, 
for  the  peace  of  the  church,  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  request  the 
Consistory  of  Cork  to  receive  my  resignation.  I  annex  a 
copy  of  their  reply  to  me. 

(Copy.) 

Mr.  James  Fontaine,  our  Minister,  having  written  to  this 
congregation  to  request  to  be  released  from  the  service  of  the 
church,  for  reasons  assigned  in  his  letter  of  30th  May  last, 
this  congregation,  distressed  at  the  prospect  of  separation, 
and  the  causes  which  have  led  him  to  request  it,  deem  it 
expedient,  nevertheless,  to  give  a  reluctant  and  sorrowful  con- 


EEPLY.  175 

sent  to  his  desire ;  thanking  him  most  humbly  for  the  services 
he  has  rendered  to  this  church  during  two  years  and  a  half, 
■without  receiving  any  stipend  or  equivalent  whatever  for  his 
unceasing  exertions.  We  feel  bound  to  testify,  that,  though 
he  has  been  obliged  to  use  his  own  industry  for  the  support 
of  his  family,  yet  it  has  never  occasioned  him  to  neglect  any 
duty  of  the  Holy  Ministry.  We  have  been  extremely  edified 
by  his  preaching,  which  has  always  been  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  pure  word  of  God.  He  has  imparted  consolation  to 
the  sick  and  afflicted,  and  set  a  bright  example  to  the  flock  of 
the  most  exemplary  piety  and  good  conduct.  We  pray  God 
to  bless  him  and  his  family,  and  to  grant  him  the  consolation  of 
exercising  elsewhere,  with  more  comfort  to  himself,  those  gifts 
which  God  has  given  him  for  the  holy  ministry  to  which  he 
has  been  called. 

In  testimony  whereof  we  have  given  to  him  this  present 
certificate  at  Cork,  5th  June,  1698. 

Signed,  P.  Renue, 

P.  Cesteau, 

M.  Ardouem,  ^  Elders. 

Caillon, 
John  Hanneton, 

Thus  you  see  how  much  injury  may  be  done  by  one  quarrel- 
some, malicious  individual  in  a  church.  The  poor  minister  is 
under  the  necessity  of  sacrificing  his  own  comfort  for  the  peace 
of  the  Church.  I  was  certain  that  if  I  did  not  resign,  a 
schism  would  be  created,  and  did  my  best  to  prevent  it.  I 
wrote  to  Lord  Galway  and  told  him  that  if  any  change  should 
be  made  in  the  mode  of  worship  I  had  adopted,  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  English  clergymen,  I  should  feel  myself  bound,  in 
spite  of  my  resignation,  to   officiate  for  that  portion  of  the 


176  MEM0IB8  OF  A   III  (.1  KNOT    FAMILY. 

flock  who  preferred  the  French  usage.  I  believe  this  threat 
was  not  without  its  effect  in  causing  Lord  Galway  to  recom- 
mend Mr.  Marcomb  for  my  successor,  which  was  most  satis- 
factory to  me.  for  he  continued  to  carry  on  every  thing  in  the 
way  I  had  commenced,  and  the  Church  service  has  ever  since 
been  conducted  in  the  French  mode. 

I  sometimes  felt  regret  that  I  had  been  so  humble  as  to 
request  my  discharge,  for  you  will  find  in  the  sequel  that  I 
lost  at  Bear  Haven  all  the  property  I  had  acquired.  Never- 
theless God,  who  only  sends  afflictions  to  try  our  faith,  and 
not  to  bring  us  to  ruin,  has,  in  his  infinite  wisdom,  turned  all 
my  misfortunes,  losses  and  mortifications  to  my  ultimate  ad- 
vantage, even  in  this  life,  and  he  has,  in  a  manner  almost 
miraculous,  provided  for  all  my  wants,  and  enabled  me  to  give 
my  children  the  good  education  I  desired. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1698,  my  property  began  to  dimi- 
nish. A  merchant  in  France  who  had  heard  that  I  lived  in 
Cork,  and  could  be  depended  on  for  honesty,  consigned  a  ves- 
sel to  my  address.  I  knew  nothing  whatever  of  the  man,  but 
I  received  from  him  a  very  complimentary  letter.  I  was 
simple  enough  to  accept  the  consignment,  and  pay  the  freight 
and  duties.  The  cargo  consisted  chiefly  of  salt  and  red  wine 
from  the  Isle  of  Re.  When  the  wine  came  to  be  tried,  it 
was  found  of  such  inferior  quality  that  the  dealers  only 
offered  £  I  per  hogshead  for  that  on  which  I  had  paid  a  duty 
of  £3  the  hogshead.  This  vessel  was  no  sooner  discharged 
than  another  followed  with  similar  lading,  except  that  there 
was  white  wine  also.  I  was  obliged  to  pay  the  freight,  but  I 
had  gained  experience  enough  by  the  first  cargo  not  to  pay  the 
duty.  By  the  representations  which  were  made,  part  of  the 
duty  was  remitted  on  the  second  cargo.     After  all  was  sold  I 


REMARKABLE    DREAM.  177 

was  left  a  loser  by  the  payment  of  the  duty  on  the  first  cargo. 
I  drew  upon  the  merchant  for  the  deficiency,  but  he  allowed 
the  bill  to  be  protested  and  never  paid  me  the  balance. 

Before  proceeding,  I  must  relate  a  very  extraordinary 
event.  I  have  already  mentioned  sending  my  two  older  boys, 
James  and  Aaron,  to  Amsterdam  at  the  time  I  left  Taunton. 
They  remained  there  two  whole  years,  and  when  I  wished 
them  to  return,  a  captain  of  a  vessel,  who  was  named  De 
Coudre,  was  going  from  Cork  to  Ostend,  and  I  made  an  ar- 
rangement with  him  to  bring  them  back  on  his  return  voyage. 
We  were  quite  ignorant  of  the  character  of  De  Coudre,  we 
only  knew  that  he  had  relations  living  in  that  part  of  France 
from  which  my  wife  came,  but  the  opportunity  seemed  most 
favorable  for  the  return  of  our  boys,  and  we  had  no  reason  to 
mistrust  the  man.  I  shipped  £40  worth  of  my  manufactures 
on  board  his  vessel.  I  wrote  by  him  and  desired  the  boys  to 
join  him  at  OsteDd,  which  they  did.  The  vessel  was  not  to 
come  direct  to  Cork,  but  to  stop  first  and  discharge  part  of 
the  cargo  in  London.  The  Captain  was  instructed  to  take  the 
boys  immediately  on  arrival  to  my  brother  Peter,  at  the  Pest 
House.  I  had  a  letter  announcing  their  safety  at  my  brother's 
house,  where  they  were  to  stay  until  the  merchandise  was 
discharged  and  the  vessel  ready  for  sea.  The  night  after  I 
received  this  letter  I  was  disturbed  by  the  most  distressing 
dream  that  could  be  imagined.  I  saw  my  poor  boys  strug- 
gling in  the  water,  without  any  possibility  of  receiving  help, 
they  must  inevitably  be  drowned.  I  awoke  in  perfect  agony, 
and  only  closed  my  eyes  to  be  distressed  again  by  a  recur- 
rence of  the  same  dreadful  vision.  In  the  morning  I  wrote  a 
letter  to  my  brother  ;  I  told  him  I  had  altered  my  plan,  and 
did  not  like  to  trust  the  boys   at  sea  any  more,  so  he  must 

8# 


178  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

send  them  by  land  to  Chester,  and  from  Chester  they  could 
cross  the  Channel  to  Dublin,  and  proceed  thence  by  land  to 
Cork.  The  letter  was  sent,  and  it  might  have  been  supposed 
that  the  weight  would  have  been  taken  from  my  mind,  and  my 
fears  have  been  dissipated,  but  it  was  no  such  thing ;  the  same 
dreadful  sight  appeared  before  me  again,  in  my  dreams,  each 
succeeding  night,  and  the  impression  made  upon  my  mind  was 
so  powerful  that  I  was  really  sick  with  anxiety  and  distress  ; 
On  the  next  post  day  I  wrote  a  second  letter  to  my  brother, 
I  gave  him  the  particulars  of  the  repeated  dreams  which  had 
affected  me  so  much.  I  told  him  I  could  not  look  upon  them 
in  any  light  but  that  of  a  warning  from  God,  and  that  if  my 
children  should  still  be  with  him,  I  charged  him  not  to  let  them 
go  to  sea.  I  said  that  if  he  should  do  so,  after  my  telling  him  of 
the  warning  I  had  received,  and  the  calamity  I  feared  were  to 
befall  them,  I  should  for  ever  lay  the  blame  at  his  door.  I 
made  use  of  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  language  in  this 
letter,  which  he  had  but  just  received  when  De  Coudre,  being 
ready  for  sea,  called  upon  my  brother  to  take  the  boys  from 
his  house  to  the  vessel.  He  put  the  letter  into  his  hand  that 
he  might  read  it  for  himself.  He  was  greatly  infuriated  and 
tried  to  take  the  boys  by  force.  When  he  found  he  could  not 
get  them,  he  went  off,  and  refused  to  let  them  have  any  of  their 
effects  from  the  vessel. 

They  returned  by  land,  according  to  my  directions  ;  thanks 
be  to  my  Heavenly  Father  for  his  providential  warning !  De 
Coudre  put  to  sea  without  them ;  and  neither  he  nor  any  of 
his  crew  have  ever  since  been  heard  of. 

The  boys  told  me,  when  they  reached  home,  that  this  man 
was  the  most  horrid  blasphemer  they  had  ever  heard ;  they 
said  they  had  trembled  with  fright  at  hearing  him  vomit  forth 


WISH    TO    QUIT    CORK.  179 

his  imprecations,  even  against  Heaven  itself.  On  one  occa- 
sion, when  they  had  stormy  weather,  he  had  stamped  upon  the 
deck  like  a  madman,  roaring  out  to  the  devil  to  come  and  do 
his  work.  Who  knows  but  that  God,  at  that  moment,  would 
have  punished  this  impious  blasphemer,  and  precipitated  his 
body  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  and  his  soul  into  the  gulf  of 
hell,  if  it  had  not  been  for  those  two  innocent  children,  in 
favor  of  whom  he  deferred  his  vengeance,  and  warned  me  in  a 
dream  what  I  should  do. 

James  will  confirm  to  you  the  truth  of  this  most  extraor- 
dinary incident.  I  am  sure  he  can  never  forget  his  wonderful 
preservation.  I  would  say  to  him,  that  I  trust  the  grateful 
recollection  of  it  may  be  of  service  to  him  through  the  whole 
course  of  his  life.  When  he  is  tempted  to  sin  against  God,  I 
would  have  him  pause,  and  ask  himself  the  question,  whether 
it  was  to  commit  this  sin,  that  God  withdrew  him  so  miracu- 
lously from  the  waves  of  the  sea. 

I  now  resume  the  thread  of  my  story.  About  the  time 
that  I  was  deprived  of  the  very  great  comfort  of  preaching 
the  word  of  God  to  my  countrymen  in  Cork,  there  was  an  Act 
passed  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  forbidding  the  ex- 
portation of  any  manufactured  woollen  goods  from  Ireland. 
This  law  broke  up  my  manufactury  entirely ;  for  the  broad- 
cloth I  made  was  much  better  suited  for  exportation  than  for 
home  use.  Cork  had  ceased  to  be  an  agreeable  residence  to 
me  after  the  disputes  in  the  Church ;  and  though  I  remained 
there  for  some  months,  and  I  preached,  in  English  in  a  Pres- 
byterian Church  every  Sunday,  yet  I  had  an  unsettled  feeling, 
and  was  all  the  time  on  the  look-out  for  any  thing  that  might 
turn  up  to  suit  me  better. 

I  sometimes  thought  of  buying  a  farm  to  live  upon  with 


180  mi  M"ii:-   OF    \    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

the  money  I  had  realized.  While  I  was  in  this  state,  looking 
on  all  sides  for  something  advantageous,  I  accidentally  met 
with  a  ir.  reliant  from  Kinsale,  who  told  me  of  his  having  pur- 
chased fish  at  Bantry,  for  shipment  to  Spain,  upon  which  he 
had  made  a  large  profit,  and  fiat  the  fisherman  from  whom  he 
made  the  purchase,  had  also  made  a  profit.  I  thought  I 
should  like  such  an  employment  very  much,  being  one  so  im- 
mediately dependent  upon  the  good  Providence  of  God  for 
guiding  the  nets,  and  giving  success  according  to  his  pleasure. 
It  seemed  to  me  one  of  the  most  innocent  of  all  occupations ; 
so,  contrary  to  the  course  of  the  Apostles,  who,  from  fisher- 
men became  preachers,  I,  who  had  been  a  preacher,  thought 
of  becoming  a  fisherman. 

I  sold  all  my  manufacturing  implements  and  utensils, 
gave  up  the  employment,  and  leaving  my  family  in  Cork,  I 
set  out  upon  a  tour  of  observation  through  the  fishing  region. 
At  Baltimore  I  made  acquaintance  with  Colonel  Beecher,  who 
had  very  extensive  fisheries,  and  at  Castle  Haven  with  Colonel 
Townsend  ;  I  purchased  from  the  latter  gentleman  some  very 
good  second-hand  tackle  and  boats,  all  complete.  I  ascer- 
tained that  it  was  impossible  to  carry  on  fishing  with  success 
unless  you  had  a  large  farm,  with  many  tenants  upon  it,  bound 
to  fish  only  for  you.  I  went  to  Bear  Haven,  and  there  hired 
a  considerable  farm  from  Mr.  Boyd,  at  £100  per  annum, 
another  from  Mr.  Davis,  at  £31,  lO.s,  and  a  third  at  £18. 

Behold  me  now  in  the  midst  of  great  preparations  for 
being  both  a  farmer  and  a  fisherman.  I  purchased  a  cargo  of 
salt  to  be  in  readiness  ;  I  put  part  of  it  in  a  cellar  at  Bantry, 
and  part  at  Bear  Haven.  I  did  nothing  but  spend  money 
this  season  ;  it  was  too  late  for  fishing  when  I  began,  but  I 
was  full  of  sanguine  expectations  for  the  next  year. 


DEATH    OF   AARON.  l&l 

Whilst  I  was  making  these  preparations  at  Bear  Haven, 
in  the  year  1699,  it  pleased  God  to  withdraw  my  second  son, 
Aaron,  from  this  world.  This  event  was  the  most  afflictive 
that  I  had  ever  yet  experienced  during  the  whole  course  of 
my  life.  The  loss  of  property  had  never  weighed  heavily 
upon  me,  but  the  loss  of  this  dear  child  afflicted  me  extremely. 
He  had  been  long  an  invalid  :  his  complaint  was  consump- 
tion, and  his  sufferings  were  very  great  at  times,  from  violent 
pain  in  his  chest.  He  evinced  the  most  entire  resignation  to 
the  will  of  God,  and  with  a  firmness  beyond  his  years  tried  to 
console  his  mother,  who  was  shedding  tears  at  his  bedside. 
He  assured  her  of  the  fulness  of  his  hope,  that  through  the 
merits  of  his  Saviour  he  was  going  to  be  received  into  a  state 
of  everlasting  happiness. 

This  grievous  dispensation  made  Cork  still  more  unpleas- 
ant to  us,  and  we  determined  to  remove  to  Bear  Haven,  where 
I  had  rented  the  farms  for  the  fishery.  I  sold  the  lease  of 
my  house  at  Cork,  with  the  improvements  I  had  made  in  it, 
for  £100. 

In  this  new  undertaking  I  went  into  partnership  with  my 
cousin.  John  Arnauld.  and  Messrs.  Renue.  Thomas  and  Gour- 
bould,  all  merchants  in  London.  They  were  to  have  one  half 
and  I  the  other.  I  put  down  to  their  share,  at  cost  price, 
half  of  the  Robert,  a  ketch  of  about  40  tons  burthen,  that  I 
already  owned,  and  half  the  price  of  the  tackle,  boats,  and 
salt,  that  I  had  purchased.  They  bought  in  London,  on  joint 
account  with  me,  two  other  vessels,  of  about  50  tons  each, 
the  Goodwill  and  the  Judith.  They  sent  the  Goodwill  to  me 
with  nets,  cordage,  and  every  thing  necessary  to  make  two 
more  tackles,  and  the  Judith  was  sent  to  France  for  another 
cargo  of  salt.     As  we  intended  to  salt  the  fish  ourselves,  I 


182  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

built  a  house  for  the  purpose,  with  stone  walls  and  a  slated 
roof,  and  shelves  suitable  for  the  purpose  required,  cellars  to 
store  the  salt  in.  and  presses  in  which  to  press  the  fish.  I 
also  built  more  boats,  and  got  the  tackle  all  ready ;  and  so 
now,  in  the  year  1700,  we  were  only  waiting  for  God  to  send 
us  the  fish ;  we  were  fully  prepared  to  catch  them,  and  turn 
them  to  the  best  advantage. 

At  first  I  had  only  James,  my  eldest  son,  with  me.  As 
soon  as  I  had  completed  my  preparations,  and  had  every  thing 
ready  for  the  comfort  of  the  family,  I  sent  James  to  Cork  for 
bis  mother  and  the  children.  They  came  round  by  sea  in  the 
Robert  to  Bantry,  and  thence  to  Bear  Haven. 

The  first  year  and  a  half  we  lived  in  a  mere  cottage, 
thatched  with  straw ;  and  we  owe  it  to  the  good  Providence 
of  God,  that,  while  we  were  so  much  exposed,  we  never  suffered 
from  the  tories,*  or  robbers,  of  whom  there  were  great  num- 
bers in  these  parts. 

Having  no  immediate  use  for  the  Robert,  we  chartered 
her  to  a  merchant  in  Cork  to  go  to  Spain.  The  captain  was 
an  Irishman,  named  James  Joy,  and  he  was  instructed  to  re- 
ceive the  money  for  the  freight,  and  to  employ  it  immediately 
in  purchasing  salt,  oranges  and  lemons.  He  obeyed  his  in- 
structions thus  far,  but  instead  of  bringing  the  cargo  to  Cork, 


*  The  word  tory  having  been  long  known  as  a  cant  term  applied  to  a  par- 
ticular party,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  remark  that  it  is  here  used  according  to 
its  original  signification.  It  is  derived  from  the  Irish  word  toruighim,  to 
pursue  for  purposes  of  violence,  and  in  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth  we  dis- 
cover it  first  used  to  signify  the  lawless  banditti  who  were  so  troublesome  in 
Ireland  during  her  reign.  In  England  we  find  it  applied  for  the  first  time, 
by  the  opponents  of  Charles  I.,  to  the  followers  of  that  unfortunate  prince, 
under  an  idea  that  he  favored  the  Irish  rebels ;  and  by  an  ea«y  transition  it 
became  the  distinctive  appellation  of  that  party  who  wished  for  the  greatest 
extension  of  the  royal  prerogative. 


UNSUCCESSFUL    FISHERY.  183 

he  ran  the  vessel  ashore  on  t"he  coast  of  France,  scuttled  her, 
and  sold  the  wreck  with  whatever  was  recovered  from  it  to  a 
French  merchant,  and  he  remained  in  France  to  enjoy  his  ill- 
gotten  wealth.  This  was  the  unfortunate  end  of  the  ketch 
Robert,  so  far  as  we  were  concerned,  but  I  have  heard  that 
the  person  who  purchased  her,  as  a  wreck,  was  able  to  have 
her  repaired,  at  a  cost  of  little  more  than  a  crown,  and  that 
she  has  since  been  making  trading  voyages  on  the  French 
coast. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1700,  we  first  commenced  fishing  for 
cod,  off  the  Island  of  Durzey,  but  the  weather  was  unfavorable, 
high  winds  and  rough  sea,  which  obliged  us  to  return  with 
scarcely  any  fish,  and  we  had  been  at  great  expense.  We 
next  attempted  to  take  salmon  ;  our  expenses  were  but  small, 
our  gains  smaller  still. 

In  July  we  mustered  our  whole  force  to  take  herrings, 
three  tackles,  six  boats,  and  forty-five  men,  at  an  incredible 
expense.  Had  the  fish  been  as  abundant  as  usual  at  this 
season  of  the  year,  our  profits  would  have  been  considerable, 
even  though  the  expenses  were  so  heavy.  Very  few  fish  ap- 
peared, but  we  were  obliged  to  keep  up  the  expensive  estab- 
lishment, for  perhaps  the  fish  might  come,  on  the  very  day 
when  we,  for  the  sake  of  economy,  had  disbanded  our  force 
and  given  up  waiting  for  them.  One  single  draught  in  a 
large  shoal  of  herring  might  pay  all  the  expenses  of  one,  two, 
or  even  three  years.  We  were  paying  the  same  wages  to  the 
men  all  the  time  they  were  waiting,  whether  they  caught  any 
fish  or  not. 

This  season  passing  away  with  so  little  result,  we  thought 
it  needless  to  keep  both  our  vessels  waiting  for  fish ;  so  we 
3ent  the  Judith  on  a  trading  voyage  to  Spain.     With  the  pro- 


184  MKMOJKS   OF    A    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

bability  before  us  of  some  day  sending  the  Goodwill  to  Vir- 
ginia, we  added  another  deck  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  to- 
bacco dry  if  she  should  have  a  cargo  of  it.  This  was  an  ex- 
pense of  £80,  and  made  the  vessel  look  clumsy,  but  she  still 
sailed  well.  Finding  that  I  had  not  fish  enough  to  give  her  a 
full  cargo,  I  proceeded  by  the  directions  of  my  partners  in  Lon- 
don to  fill  her  up  with  beef,  butter,  cheese  and  candles,  which 
were  of  the  value,  including  the  fish,  of  £450.  They  recom- 
mended that  she  should  be  sent  to  Madeira  first  to  dispose  of 
her  cargo,  that  she  should  there  invest  the  proceeds  in  wine, 
then  go  to  Barbadoes  to  sell  the  wine,  and  purchase  with  the 
proceeds  sugar,  rum  and  molasses,  and  proceed  with  these  to 
Virginia,  and  after  disposing  of  this  third  cargo,  take  in 
tobacco  to  bring  home. 

She  accordingly  went  to  Madeira,  where  she  found  so  many 
vessels  had  already  arrived  laden  with  provisions,  that  every 
thing  had  to  be  sold  under  its  cost.  The  same  bad  fortune 
attended  them  at  Barbadoes,  many  vessels  had  brought  wine, 
and  the  price  was  low.  It  had  been  agreed  that  the  seamen 
should  receive  their  wages  at  the  second  port,  and  this  swal- 
lowed up  so  much  money,  in  addition  to  the  losses  sustained 
by  each  cargo,  that  only  £130  was  left  to  invest  in  sugar, 
&c.  With  this  small  cargo  they  went  on  to  Virginia,  where 
the  cry  was  still  the  same,  so  many  vessels  were  there  already, 
that  the  foreign  produce  was  at  a  low  price,  and  tobacco  was 
so  much  in  demand  to  fill  the  vessels,  that  it  was  high.  The 
Pilot,  who  had  come  on  board  the  vessel,  saw  how  unpleasantly 
the  Captain  was  situated,  and  he  suggested  to  him  that  it 
would  be  for  his  advantage  to  take  his  cargo  more  into  the  in- 
terior, and  lie  offered  to  conduct  the  vessel  to  a  river  he  told 
him  of  that  ran  eighty  leagues  up  the  country,  named,  I  think, 


TKADING   VOYAGE.  185 

Patuxent.  The  Captain  decided  to  follow  his  advice,  for  he 
thought  he  might  almost  as  well  return  without  a  vessel  as 
without  a  cargo.  When  they  reached  the  port,  the  Captain 
had  every  thing  his  own  way,  for  no  vessel  had  been  there  for 
more  than  six  months,  and  they  had  not  a  pound  of  sugar,  or 
a  drop  of  rum  or  molasses  in  the  place.  He  did  so  well  with 
his  half  cargo,  that  he  got  in  exchange  a  full  cargo  of  tobacco. 
Every  part  of  the  vessel  was  crammed,  even  to  the  cabin  and 
the  sailors'  beds.  She  arrived  at  Bear  Haven  in  August,  1701, 
and  I  had  been  so  perfectly  successful  with  the  fishery,  that  I 
had  a  cargo  ready  for  her  to  take  in  ;  but  the  tobacco  was 
obliged  to  be  first  taken  to  London  to  be  discharged.  I  wrote 
to  my  partners  most  urgently  to  use  all  possible  dispatch  and 
send  her  back  to  me  for  the  fish. 

On  the  3d  day  of  August,  1701,  my  wife  was  brought  to 
bed  of  our  youngest  child  Elizabeth.  On  that  day  we  had 
most  remarkable  success  in  fishing.  Our  new  slated  house 
was  not  yet  quite  finished,  and  we  were  living  in  one  end  of 
the  herring  house,  which  was  so  full  with  the  immense  quantity 
taken,  that  every  place  was  piled  up  with  them,  even  to  the 
very  door  of  the  chamber  in  which  my  wife  was  confined. 

We  cured  this  season  more  than  two  hundred  thousand 
herrings ;  we  pressed  enough  to  fill  two  hundred  hogsheads, 
and  we  also  put  up  two  hundred  barrels  of  pickled  herrings. 
Besides  this,  we  had  twelve  tierces  of  salmon,  seven  or  eight 
hundred  dried  codfish,  and  two  thousand  dried  flukes,  altoge- 
ther worth  about  £1200.  I  was  in  daily  and  hourly  expecta- 
tion of  the  arrival  of  the  Goodwill.  I  wrote  and  wrote  again 
to  my  partners  to  make  haste  and  send  her,  in  order  that  she 
might  take  the  first  cargo  of  the  season  to  Leghorn,  and  be- 
ing first  in  the  market  would  give  us  a  large  profit. 


L86  MEMUIKS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

While  I  was  in  this  state  of  suspense,  I  sent  a  small 
quantity  by  a  vessel  loading  at  Bear  Haven  for  Leghorn,  a 
few  of  each  kind,  and  valuing  the  whole  stock  at  the  price  I 
obtained  for  these,  we  should  have  received  £1500  for  thenij 
if  the  Goodwill  had  only  returned  to  take  them. 

It  turned  out  that  my  partners  owned  a  large  quantity  of 
wine  in  Spain,  and  they  were  alarmed  by  rumors  of  war.  In 
such  an  event  they  would  have  lost  all  their  wine  if  it  had  re- 
mained in  Spain  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if  brought  to  England 
the  prospect  of  war  would  be  sure  to  increase  its  -value.  This 
was  a  large  concern,  and  the  fishery  a  small  one  to  them, 
though  a  very  large  one  to  me.  They  thought  nothing  of  .the 
non-shipment  of  the  fish,  and  kept  the  Goodwill  running  to  and 
fro  as  fast  as  possible,  hoping  to  secure  all  their  wine  for  them 
before  the  declaration  of  war. 

At  last  they  wrote  to  me  to  sell  the  fish  at  Cork,  as  they 
really  could  not  send  the  Goodwill.  I  went  there,  and  found  no 
purchaser.  I  wrote  again,  and  begged  them  to  send  me  another 
vessel  if  they  could  not  let  me  have  the  Goodwill,  for  time  was 
flying  rapidly,  and  the  fish,  which  ought  to  have  been  shipped 
long  ago,  were  still  on  hand  deteriorating  in  value.  A  man 
named  Carre,  in  Cork,  wrote  to  my  partners,  and  told  them  he 
was  expecting  a  ship,  and  that  if  it  came  he  would  give  a  certain 
price  for  the  fish,  about  £600  for  the  whole.  Instead  of  sending 
me  another  vessel  in  place  of  the  Goodwill,  they  said  I  had  better 
by  all  means  let  Carre  have  the  fish  at  his  price.  I  went  to  con- 
clude the  bargain  with  him  early  in  December,  for  it  was  better 
to  sell  at  half  price  than  lose  them  altogether  by  keeping  too 
long.  Mr.  Carre  said  he  took  them  only  on  condition  that  a 
vessel  he  was  expecting,  I  know  not  whence,  perhaps  from  the 
kingdom  of  the    Moon,   should   arrive   in  the   course  of  the 


LOSSES. 


187 


month  of  December.     I  wrote  again  to  my  partners,  I  com- 
plained excessively  of  their  neglect  of  my  interests.     I  told 
them  that  Carre  had  not  the  character  of  being  a  man  of  in- 
tegrity, and  it  was  absurd  to  depend  upon  him.     As  I  had  an- 
ticipated, his  ship  came  not,  and  I  doubt  whether  he  had  ever 
expected  any.      Wearied  by  my  importunities,  they  at  last 
bought  an  old  vessel  from  Mr.  Kenue,  which  was  delayed  for 
repairs,  and  did  not  reach  Bear  Haven  till  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary,  1702.     I  loaded  her  with  all  possible  dispatch,  and  on 
the  5th   February  she  cleared  out,  and  went  as  far  as   the 
mouth  of  the  harbor,  where  she  sprung  a  leak,  and  most  of  the 
sailors  ran  away,  only  three  or  four  remaining  with  the  mas- 
ter to  work  the  pumps.     I  hired   some   Irishmen   to  pursue 
the  sailors   and   bring   them   back.     By  much  entreaty  and 
many  smooth  words  I  persuaded  them  to  go  on  board,  help  to 
stop  the  leak,  and  continue  the  voyage.     They  sailed  for  Leg- 
horn and  there  sold  the  fish,  from  which  I  never  received  one 
single  farthing.     I  was  informed  that  the  fish  were   so  bad, 
that  nothing  more  than  was  sufficient  for  paying  the  charges 
of  all  kinds  had  been  received  for  them.     I  did  not  expect 
much,  for  Lent  was  over  before  the  vessel  reached  Leghorn, 
and  some  of  the  fish  would  probably  be  injured  by  the  leak  ; 
but  I  could  not  suppose  there  would  be  no  return  whatever, 
unless  there  was  dishonesty. 

Thus  G-od,  to  whose  blessed  will  we  must  submit,  in  his 
infinite  and  unsearchable  wisdom,  saw  fit  to  deprive  us  of  all 
the  advantages  we  had  anticipated  from  this  most  abundant 
season.  We  had  stretched  out  our  hands  to  receive  the  gift, 
but  we  could  only  see  it.  we  were  not  allowed  to  grasp  it. 
All !  all  was  lost !  Thus  had  God  willed  it.  We  were  not 
worthy  of  it. 


188  MEMOIRS   OF   A   1IUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

My  London  partners  had  sustained  so  much  loss  by  the 
fishery,  never  considering  that  they  alone  were  to  blame  for  it, 
that  they  wrote  to  me  saying  they  would  have  nothing 
more  to  do  with  such  a  losing  concern.  It  was  in  vain 
I  wrote  to  them  that  their  agreement  was  for  three  years, 
and  that  I  had  made  all  my  engagements  for  that  length  of 
time,  and  this  was  only  the  second  year.  And  I  had  hired 
fishermen  for  the  next  year,  and  it  would  be  impossible  for 
me  to  draw  back  without  forfeiting  at  least  £100.  I  made 
a  full  representation  of  all  these  circumstances;  I  pointed  out 
to  them  how  hard  it  was  upon  me,  when  they  had  occasioned 
the  loss  by  detaining  the  Goodwill  for  their  own  purposes.  I 
could  not  induce  them  to  continue,  and  therefore  I  was  obliged 
to  go  on  for  another  year  on  my  own  account.  The  Good- 
will was  sold  in  London  for  a  trifle  compared  with  her  cost. 
The  expenses  attendant  upon  building  the  cellars,  herring- 
house  and  presses,  as  well  as  the  cost  of  the  boats  and  tackle, 
were  all  charged  to  my  account.  They  allowed  me  some- 
thing for  their  share  of  the  use  of  them  during  the  two  past 
years.  They  made  it  out  that  I  owed  them  £600  when  all 
was  wound  up.  Thus  I  was  totally  and  entirely  ruined,  but 
it  was  the  will  of  God,  and  blessed  be  his  name  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  grace,  which  enabled  my  dear  wife  as  well  as  my- 
self to  submit  to  the  chastisement  without  murmuring.  We 
were  able  to  say  from  the  heart,  "  Thy  will  be  done  i" 

Amongst  other  expenses  necessarily  entailed  upon  me, 
was  the  building  of  a  house  for  our  residence,  with  substan- 
tial stone  walls,  slated  roof  and  towers  ;  in  fact,  a  sort  of  little 
fortification,  for  defence,  in  case  of  need,  from  the  French 
Corsairs  who  sometimes  made  attacks  upon  unprotected  parts 
of  the  coast.     This  cost  me  a  great  deal  of  money,  but  you 


IEISH   NEIGHBOES.  189 

■ 

will  find  in  the  sequel  it  was  not  thrown  away.  The  good 
providence  of  God  made  it  the  human  means  of  procuring  for 
me  great  advantages  hereafter. 

My  Irish  neighbors  were  in  the  habit  of  pillaging  and 
cheating  me  in  a  thousand  indirect  ways.  I  had  brought 
thirteen  destitute  Frenchmen  into  the  neighborhood,  who  had 
served  in  the  army  under  King  William,  and  had  been  dis- 
charged, the  war  being  over,  and  they  knew  not  where  to  lay 
their  heads. 

I  gave  them  land  to  cultivate,  but  whether  it  was  owing 
to  their  ignorance  of  agriculture,  their  habits  of  indolence 
engendered  by  a  military  life,  or  the  perpetual  injuries  they 
received  at  the  hands  of  the  Irish,  I  know  not ;  but  certain  it 
is,  they  became  discouraged,  and  most  of  them  left  me  before 
the  end  of  the  -three  years.  I  lost  £80  by  them,  having  ad- 
vanced so  much  for  their  use. 

When  God  vouchsafes  his  blessing,  every  thing  prospers, 
but  let  him  withdraw  the  light  of  his  countenance,  and  the 
best  laid  plans  and  most  energetic  labors  result  in  nothing  but 
failure.  Every  thing  now  went  wrong  with  us.  There  was  a 
Court  held  for  the  Barony  at  Bear  Haven  which  was  com- 
petent to  decide  in  all  causes  under  forty  shillings.  I  do  not 
believe  that  there  were  more  than  a  half  a  dozen  Protestants 
in  the  adjacent  country  besides  my  own  family,  and  those  I 
had  brought  with  me,  so  that  when  I  or  any  of  my  Protes- 
tants demanded  what  was  due  to  us,  the  matter  was  referred 
to  a  jury  of  Papists,  who  invariably  decided  against  us.  Pro- 
testants were  never  by  any  chance  summoned  to  sit  as  jurors, 
and  the  consequences  were  most  vexatious,  for  we  not  only 
lost  our  lawful  dues,  but  were  condemned  to  pay  costs  like- 
wise.    On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Irish  took  it  into  their  heads 


190  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

to  make  any  claim  upon  us,  bow  unfounded  soever  it  might  be, 
they  were  sure  to  recover.  Boyd  was  the  judge  for  the  Ba- 
rony ;  be  was  a  great  rogue  ;  Dwyer  was  the  attorney,  and  be 
was  no  better.  After  some  little  experience,  I  put  a  stop  to 
this  system  of  cheatery  and  false  swearing  by  appealing  from 
the  decision  of  the  Barony  to  the  County  Assizes.  I  may 
say  with  truth,  that  I  was  the  only  person  in  the  whole  Barony 
who  could  be  said  to  be  really  and  truly  in  the  Protestant 
interest,  for  the  very  few  Protestants  who  had  lived  there  any 
length  of  time  appeared  to  have  caught  the  infection,  and  be- 
come as  bad  as  the  Irish  Papists  themselves. 

I  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  in  that  capacity  I  exert- 
ed myself  to  the  utmost  to  break  up  the  intercourse  subsisting 
between  the   Irish  robbers  and   the   French   privateersmen, 
who  were  the  best  of  friends,  mutually  aiding  each  other  on 
all  occasions,  for  the  Irish  seemed  to  look  upon  it  as  a  settled 
point,  that  the  enemies  of  the  English  must  be  their  greatest 
friends.     It  was  quite  natural  that  my  steady  course  of  oppo- 
sition to  their  evil  practices  should  draw  upon  me  the  hatred 
of  these  people,  and  I  soon  had  the  evidence  of  its  being  so ;  ( 
for  I  received  a  message  from  one  Skelton,  a  captain  of  an  or- 
ganized band  of  robbers  in  the  woods,  threatening  me  with  an 
attack,  saying  that  I  might  keep  what  guard  I  pleased,  but 
they  would  manage  to  surprise  me  some  clay  or  other,  and  % 
they  would  be  with  me  before  I  had  time  to  turn  round.     I 
caused  Skelton  to  be  informed  that  if  he  declared  foxes'  war  I 
should  do  the  same ;  so  he  and  his  comrades  had  better  be 
upon  their  guard,  lest  I  should  be  beforehand  and  seize  upon 
some  of  them  first.     It  so  happened,  about  four  or  five  months 
afterwards.  I  received  information  that  a  notorious  robber 
was  concealed  in  the  cleft  of  a  rock,  close  to   the  sea-shore, 


IRISH    NEIGHBORS.  191 

upon  my  farm.  I  armed  myself,  and  took  some  of  my  Pro- 
testant servants,  upon  whom  I  could  depend,  and  went  down 
to  the  rock,  which  we  surrounded,  and  finding  him  there,  we 
took  him  prisoner  and  sent  him  to  Cork,  where  he  was  tried 
at  the  next  Assizes,  condemned  and  executed.  I  received  the 
thanks  of  the  magistrates  and  the  Government  for  the  service 
I  had  rendered  to  the  country  by  taking  up  this  man.  The 
others  were  rather  afraid  of  me  afterwards,  and  kept  aloof. 
In  the  course  of  twelve  months  this  whole  troop  of  brigands 
was  dispersed.  They  had  quarrels  amongst  themselves,  and 
betrayed  one  another.  I  notice  this  as  one  more  instance  of 
the  superintending  providence  of  G-od,  which  most  mercifully 
turned  aside  a  threatened  blow. 

The  animosity  against  me  still  continued,  nay,  it  rather 
gained  strength,  for  I  was  determined  to  do  my  duty  as  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  I  persevered  in  sending  to  Cork  for 
trial  all  persons  who  were  found  to  be  in  the  habit  of  holding 
communications  with  French  privateers,  and  trading  with 
smugglers.  The  number  was  commonly  eight  or  ten  every 
Assizes.  The  privateers  sustained  a  heavy  loss  by  this,  or 
rather  I  should  say,  lost  the  opportunity  of  making  their 
usual  gains,  by  being  deprived  of  the  means  of  obtaining  the 
information  they  were  in  the  habit  of  receiving,  as  to  what 
vessels  were  in  the  neighboring  ports,  where  they  were  going 
the  value  of  their  cargoes,  &c,  &c,  which  had  enabled  them 
to  make  many  rich  prizes.  The  Irish  were  rewarded  for 
their  treachery  on  such  occasions  by  a  considerable  share  of 
the  booty,  and  they  were  of  course  very  much  enraged  at  me 
for  putting  a  stop  to  their  trade.  All  efforts  to  injure  me 
had  hitherto  been  unsuccessful,  but  they  felt  that  they  must 
make  a  desperate  effort  to  drive  me  away  from   the  neighbor- 


192  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

hood,  or  their  occupation  was  gone  ;  but  once  rid  of  me,  they 
knew  they  could  have  it  all  their  own  way  again.  So  it 
proved  ;  for  after  I  left  the  neighborhood  the  privateers  hov- 
ered on  the  coast,  and  received  information,  took  prizes,  and 
bestowed  rewards  as  heretofore,  and  one  by  one,  all  the  res- 
pectable Protestants  moved  away. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Attacked  by  a  French  Privateer— Defence— Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond— Ammuni- 
tion furnished  by  Government— Small  Fort— Visit  Dublin— London— Pension — 
Copy  of  Warrant — Eeturn  Home. 

After  having  well  deliberated,  a  force  was  brought  to  bear 
against  rue  that,  to  all  human  appearance,  would  be  amply 
sufficient  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  my  enemies. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  June,  in  the  year 
1704,  a  French  privateer  hove  in  sight;  she  floated  gently 
towards  my  house,  in  a  perfect  calm.  She  had  a  force  of 
eighty  men  on  board,  besides  four  of  my  Irish  neighbors  who 
acted  as  guides.  She  mounted  ten  guns.  I  watched  her 
progress,  and  thought  their  object  was  to  bring  her  to  the 
south  of  my  house,  where  at  high  water  the  guns  would  have 
full  scope  and  bear  directly  upon  the  front.  I  would  prevent 
that,  if  it  were  possible,  and  therefore  I  mustered  all  the  men 
I  could  find,  exactly  twenty  in  number.  I  furnished  all  the 
Protestants  with  muskets,  and  the  Papists  with  clubs  to  carry 
on  their  shoulders,  which  made  them  look  like  armed  men 
when  seen  from  a  distance.  I  gave  directions  that  all  should 
follow  me  and  do  as  I  did.  We  went  round  the  little  cove, 
stooping  very  low,  as  if  we  wished  to  hide  ourselves,  though  in 
reality  I  made  choice  of  the  highest  ground  in  order  that  we 
might  the  more  certainly  be  seen  from  the  privateer.     I  then 

9 


194  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

ordered  all  the  men  to  go  behind  a  large  rock  near  the  shore, 
while  I  stood  alone  on  the  top  of  it,  within  sight  of  the  vessel. 
I  told  them  all  to  appear  on  one  side  of  the  rock,  as  if  they 
were  peeping  out  of  curiosity,  while  I  was  looking  the  other 
way ;  then  I  turned  round  and  made  angry  gesticulations,  as 
if  I  were  finding  fault  and  striking  some  of  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  I  directed  them  all  to  show  their  heads  on  the  other 
side  of  the  rock  ;  I  turned  again,  and  appeared  as  if  I  were 
anxious  that  they  should  be  concealed.  The  enemy  having 
seen,  as  they  thought,  forty  men  behind  the  rock,  did  not 
deem  it  expedient  to  effect  their  landing  at  a  point  so  well 
guarded.  They  turned  about  towards  the  mouth  of  the  creek 
upon  which  my  house  stood,  and  there  they  were  opposite  to 
one  corner  of  the  house,  from  which  point  their  fire  would  be 
comparatively  without  effect.  Thus,  my  manoeuvre  produced 
exactly  the  change  in  their  purpose  which  I  had  intended  it 
should.  They  dared  not  venture  up  the  creek  for  fear  of  get- 
ting aground  at  low  water. 

"When  I  saw  that  they  had  decided  upon  their  position  I 
took  my  men  back  by  a  low  path,  and  this  time  I  really  made 
them  hide  themselves,  so  that  the  men  on  board  the  vessel 
could  not  see  one  of  us  on  our  way  back  to  the  house.  I 
took  all  the  Protestants  in  with  me  to  assist  in  the  defence, 
and  sent  the  Papists  away.  The  privateer  cast  anchor  about 
a  long  musket-shot  distant  from  the  house,  and  presently  the 
lieutenant  landed  with  twenty  men,  and  made  haste,  apparently 
with  the  intention  of  reaching  the  house  before  he  thought  I 
could  have  had  time  to  return  from  the  rock.  I  had  seven 
men  with  me  in  addition  to  my  wife  and  children ;  four  or 
five  of  these  were  of  very  little  use  to  me.  I  placed  them  all 
at  different  windows,  I  posted  myself  in  one  of  the  towers 


ATTACK.  195 

over  the  door,  and  as  the  lieutenant  was  advancing  with  every 
appearance  of  confidence  in  his  mien,  I  fired  at  him  with  a 
blunderbuss  loaded  with  large  shot,  some  of  which  entered  his 
neck  above  the  shoulder-blade,  and  the  rest  his  side.  He  was 
taking  aim  at  me  as  he  fell,  which  made  the  fire  go  too  high. 
I  ran  for  another  loaded  piece  which  was  in  the  next  room, 
and  during  my  short  absence  his  men  took  him  up,  crossed 
the  ditch  and  carried  him  back  to  the  vessel. 

The  Commander  was  furious  at  such  unexpected  resist- 
ance from  a  Minister,  and  sent  another  officer  on  shore,  with 
twenty  more  men  and  two  small  cannon.  They  placed  these 
under  cover  of  the  rocks  and  hedges,  and  cannonaded  the 
north  side  of  the  house,  while  the  guns  of  the  vessel  bore  up- 
on the  south-east.  Being  altogether  unaccustomed  to  this 
kind  of  music,  I  must  acknowledge  that  when  the  first  cannon 
ball  struck  the  house,  I  felt  some  tremors  of  fear.  I  instantly 
humbled  myself  internally,  before  my  Maker,  and  having 
committed  myself,  both  soul  and  body,  to  his  keeping,  my 
heart  revived  within  me.  I  regained  my  courage,  and  suffered 
no  more  from  fear.  I  popped  my  head  out  of  the  window  to 
see  what  effect  the  ball  had  produced  on  our  stone  wall :  and 
when  I  perceived  that  it  had  only  made  a  slight  scratch,  I 
cried  out  joyfully,  u  Be  of  good  courage,  my  children,  their 
cannon-balls  make  no  more  impression  on  our  stone  walls, 
than  if  they  were  so  many  apples  !" 

I  had  an  officer  staying  with  me,  with  whom  I  had  been 
conversing  the  night  before  this  attack,  as  to  the  probable 
chance  of  my  being  able  to  offer  successful  resistance  upon 
such  an  occasion  as  the  present.  His  reply  had  been  very 
discouraging  :  he  thought  a  cannon  would  make  as  short  work 
with  us  as  if  our  habitation  had  been  a  castle  of  cards.      I  be- 


196  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

lieve  that  it  was  the  impression  he  had  given  me  of  our  weak- 
ness, which  occasioned  the  apprehension  I  felt  when  the  ball 
struck  the  house,  but  which  was  perceptible  to  no  one  but 
myself  and  my  Heavenly  Father,  who,  in  answer  to  my  peti- 
tion, had  dissipated  my  fears. 

John  McLiney,  a  brave  Scotchman,  was  stationed  at  a 
window  which  overlooked  the  cannon  upon  the  shore.  He 
had  fired  repeatedly,  without  effect ;  so  at  last  he  put  a  dou- 
ble charge  of  powder  into  his  musket,  fired  again,  and  killed 
the  man  who  was  pointing  the  cannon.  After  this,  they  re- 
moved their  battery  to  a  more  sheltered  position  ;  they  placed 
themselves  behind  a  rock,  about  thirty  paces  distant  from  the 
north-east  corner  of  the  house,  where  every  one  could  be  pro- 
tected from  our  fire,  except  at  the  time  of  reloading  the  can- 
nons, when  we  could  take  aim  at  the  men  so  employed.  The 
change  of  place  was  much  more  favorable  for  us,  because,  be- 
ing at  a  corner  of  the  house,  the  walls  could  not  be  injured 
by  their  fire  :  they  could  only  strike  the  slates  on  the  roof.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  time,  there  were  two  or  three  hundred  Irish- 
men collected  on  a  neighboring  height,  watching  the  conflict, 
rejoicing  in  the  anticipation  of  our  defeat,  and  waiting  impa- 
tiently for  the  moment  when  they  might  come  down  and  par- 
ticipate in  the  plunder. 

A  Frenchman,  named  Paul  Roussier,  a  very  brave  man, 
and  a  skilful  soldier,  was  posted  in  the  garret,  opposite  to  the 
battery  of  our  enemy.  He  constructed  a  sort  of  rampart, 
with  sheeps'  fleeces,  that  we  had  stored  away  there,  and  he 
then  made  an  opening  in  the  roof,  through  which  he  kept  up 
an  incessant  fire.  He  was  constantly  supplied  with  arms 
ready  loaded.  As  soon  as  he  had  fired,  he  handed  his  piece 
to  one  of  the  children,  who  gave   him  another  in  exchange,  all 


SELF-POSSESSION    OF    WIFE.  197 

ready  to  be  fired.  He  killed  one  of  the  assailants.  They  on 
their  part  displayed  equal  activity,  keeping  up  a  constant 
fire  with  their  cannons.  The  pirates  on  board  the  vessel 
fired  against  the  windows  with  small  arms.  We  did  our  best 
to  barricade  them  with  mattresses  and  large  books. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  action,  some  of  our  muskets 
were  a  little  out  of  order.  The  officer  who  was  loading  for 
Paul  Roussier,  was  in  such  a  state  of  confusion,  that  he  had 
actually  put  in  the  ball  before  the  powder.  My  wife  was 
here,  and  there,  and  everywhere,  carrying  ammunition,  and 
giving  encouragement  to  all,  as  well  by  what  she  said,  as  by 
her  own  calm  deportment.  When  she  came  into  the  room 
where  the  officer  had  just  made  the  mistake  I  have  mentioned, 
he  went  up  to  her  and  took  her  by  the  hand,  and  said,  "  Alas  • 
my  dear  lady,  what  must  be  done  1  we  are  ruined.  It  is  the 
height  of  folly  to  attempt  to  resist  any  longer,  for  our  arms 
are  in  bad  order ;  here  are  no  less  than  three  useless  mus- 
kets." 

I  would  observe  to  you  that  we  had  not  less  than  eighteen 
muskets  in  the  house,  besides  two  blunderbusses  and  several 

pistols. 

My  wife  replied  to  him  with  her  usual  composure,  "  We 
are  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty,  and  nothing  can  happen  to 
us  without  his  permission.  I  trust  he  will  not  suffer  us  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  these  wicked  men ;  but  we  must  not 
lose  our  courage ;  rather  let  us  try  if  we  cannot  mend  any 
thing  that  is  out  of  repair." 

She  then  came  to  me,  and  begged  I  would  leave  my  post. 
and  go  into  the  parlor,  to  encourage  the  men,  and  do  away 
with  the  alarm  engendered  by  the  fears  this  faint-hearted 
gentleman  had  expressed.     I  went  immediately,  and  upon 


198  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

examining  the  useless  muskets,  I  found  that  one  of  them 
wanted  a  flint,  another  had  some  dirt  in  the  touch-hole,  and 
the  third  had  two  cartridges  in  it,  one  on  the  top  of  the 
other,  and  a  ball  below  both,  next  to  the  touch-hole.  I 
laughed  at  him  when  I  showed  him  how  promptly  the  mus- 
kets were  put  in  order,  and  there  were  no  more  complaints  on 
that  score.  My  wife  was  perfectly  fearless.  I  wanted  a  needle 
to  broach  the  muskets,  which  she  went  to  fetch  for  me  from 
a  place  where  the  balls  were  coming  in  at  the  window  like 
hail,  and  she  did  not  think  of  stooping  to  avoid  them  until  I 
called  out  to  her  to  do  so. 

The  children  were  naturally  very  much  frightened  by  the 
noise  made,  when  the  roof  was  struck,  and  slates  were  shiv- 
ered by  the  balls,  which  she  observed,  and  she  said  to  them, 
"  Take  courage,  my  children,  do  not  forget  that  we  are  in 
the  hands  of  God.  It  is  not  our  fear  that  will  give  us 
safety,  on  the  contrary,  God  will  bless  our  courage.  If  you 
are  not  able  to  fire  upon  the  enemy  yourselves,  you  can 
at  least  load  the  muskets  for  your  father,  and  for  others 
who  are  older  and  stronger  than  you  are.  Drive  away  fear 
from  your  hearts  as  much  as  possible,  and  leave  the  care  of 
your  persons  to  God." 

This  address  to  the  children  was  of  much  use  to  the  older 
persons  who  were  present ;  it  appeared  to  inspire  them  with 
fresh  confidence  and  courage.  Ere  long,  however,  we  had  a 
serious  cause  for  anxiety  ;  our  powder  was  becoming  so  scarce, 
that  we  felt  as  if  we  ought  to  begin  to  use  it  more  sparingly. 
We  were  in  a  state  of  great  perplexity.  If  we  did  not  con- 
tinue the  same  fire,  we  thought  the  enemy  would  perceive  the 
difference,  and  attack  us  with  fresh  vigor  :  and  if  we  went  on 
at  the  rate  we  had  hitherto  done,  we  should  not  have  more 


VICTOKY.  199 

than  enough  to  last  three  hours.  The  whole  stock,  at  the  out- 
set,  was  but  twelve  pounds.  "  Great  God  !  it  was  then,  in  our 
moment  of  need,  that  thou  didst  discourage  our  enemies,  and 
make  them  to  turn  their  backs  upon  us  in  flight." 

Claude  Bonnet,  a  French  soldier,  discovered  that  one  of 
them  was  running  away,  so  he  went  forward  to  fire  upon  him, 
and  at  that  very  moment  a  ball  from  the  enemy  struck  against 
the  house,  rebounded,  and  entered  the  fleshy  part  of  his  arm, 
without  touching  the  bone.  This  showed  us  that  we  were  not 
invulnerable,  and  that  if  we  had  been  spared,  it  was  to  God 
that  we  owed  our  preservation,  and  to  Him  we  ought  to  return 
thanks. 

My  dear  wife  was  the  surgeon ;  she  had  him  laid  upon  a 
bed  without  any  noise,  and  applied  the  first  dressing  to  his 
wound  with  her  own  hands.  The  engagement  lasted  from 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  four  in  the  afternoon,  and 
during  the  whole  time  there  had  never  been  the  least  cessation 
in  the  firing,  except  for  a  very  few  minutes  after  the  first  man 
was  killed.  We  had  no  one  wounded  but  Claude  Bonnet, 
with  the  exception  of  a  slight  hurt  one  of  the  children  re- 
ceived from  a  piece  of  slate  striking  against  his  thumb.  The 
loss  sustained  by  the  enemy  was  three  killed  and  seven  wound- 
ed, as  we  afterwards  ascertained  from  the  Irishmen  who  were 
on  board.  When  the  assailants  had  returned  to  their  vessel, 
we  inspected  the  stations  they  had  occupied  on  shore,  and  we 
found  a  quantity  of  blood  which  they  had  evidently  tried  to 
hide  by  treading  earth  and  leaves  into  it. 

The  privateer  remained  at  anchor  for  some  time,  and  we 
feared  they  might  be  preparing  for  a  second  attack,  for  which 
we  were  in  very  poor  condition,  being  so  near  the  end  of  our 
powder.     We  determined,  however,  that  if  they  should  land 


200        MEMOEES  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

again,  we  would  not  waste  the  little  powder  we  bad  left,  but 
only  fire  when  we  could  «takc  aim.  While  we  were  waiting 
the  development  of  their  plans,  we  all  took  some  nourishment, 
which  we  stood  in  much  need  of  after  our  fatigue. 

When  we  returned  from  the  rock,  first  thing  in  the  morn- 
ing, I  had  given  to  each  man  one  large  glass  of  Sherry,  and 
after  that,  during  the  whole  action,  I  did  not  permit  any  one 
to  taste  a  single  drop  of  wine,  spirit,  or  strong  beer. 

In  a  short  time  we  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  vessel 
draw  up  her  anchor,  and  sail  away ;  and  we  then  returned 
most  hearty  thanks  to  God  for  our  glorious  deliverance. 

I  wrote  immediately  to  Lord  Cox,  then  Lord  Chancellor 
of  Ireland,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 
I  gave  them  a  full  account  of  the  whole  affair.  Before  I  men- 
tion the  opening  paragraph  of  my  letter  to  the  Duke,  I  should 
name,  that  about  nine  months  previous  to  the  attack,  he  had 
made  a  tour  through  a  great  part  of  Ireland,  in  company  with 
the  Chancellor.  When  they  were  at  Kinsale,  Mr.  Davis,  one 
of  my  landlords,  and  I,  went  there  to  pay  our  respects  to 
them.  Before  the  interview,  it  had  been  agreed  between  Mr. 
Davis,  the  Chancellor,  and  myself,  that  if  there  should  be  any 
opening  for  it,  I  should  contrive  to  say  something  in  favor  of 
erecting  a  fort  in  our  neighborhood,  and  they  would  support 
me  in  it ;  for  they  were  fully  as  anxious  to  have  one  as  I  was. 

The  Chaucellor  introduced  us  both  to  the  Duke  as  Justices 
of  the  Peace,  who  did  our  duty.  His  Grace  conversed  with 
Mr.  Davis  for  a  few  minutes  ;  but  when  he  found  that  I  was 
a  French  Refugee,  he  addressed  himself  more  particularly  to 
me,  and  he  carried  on  the  conversation  in  the  French  lan- 
guage. He  asked  me  how  long  I  had  resided  in  this'  barba- 
rous part  of  the  country,  what  flock  I  had,  &c,  to  all  which  I 


LETTER   TO    DUKE   OF   OKMOND.  201 

replied.  He  then  inquired  about  the  produce  of  the  country, 
and  how  we  managed  to  transact  our  business  in  this  quarter. 
I  told  him  what  a  fine  harbor  we  had,  and  mentioned  its  par- 
ticular advantages,  and  thinking  the  opportunity  a  good  one 
for  introducing  the  subject,  I  mentioned  the  danger  to  which 
we  were  exposed  from  the  iniquitous  practices  of  French  pri- 
vateers. I  then  said,  "  If  the  Government  could  only  be  in- 
duced to  build  a  fort  there  for  our  protection,  I  am  sure  it 
would  become  a  favorite  place  for  the  settlement  of  French 
Refugees ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  would  also  prove  a  safe- 
guard to  the  commerce  of  the  whole  kingdom." 

According  to  our  previous  arrangement,  the  other  gentle- 
men were  ready  to  support  what  I  had  recommended  with 
various  arguments :  but  the  Duke  rather  wittily  cut  short  our 
discourse  by  saying :  c:  Pray  to  God  for  us,  and  we  will  take 
care  to  defend  you  in  return." 

This  reply  was  so  much  to  the  purpose,  that  we  were 
silenced  ;  we  had  not  another  word  to  say.  I  felt  a  little 
confused,  and  the  tittering  of  some  of  the  Duke's  friends  was 
annoying. 

God  having  now  given  us  this  remarkable  deliverance,  I 
thought  the  time  had  arrived  when  I  should  be  justified  in  re- 
proaching his  Grace  with  breach  of  promise.  Immediately 
after  the  battle,  before  the  sun  had  set,  on  that  very  evening, 
I  wrote  him  a  letter,  beginning  as  follows : — 

"  Since  I  had  the  honor  of  paying  my  respects  to  your 
Grace  at  Kinsale,  I  have  not  failed  to  pray  for  you  daily,  in 
conformity  with  the  request  you  then  made  ;  but  you  must 
allow  me  to  complain,  that  your  Grace  has  not  been  equally 
true  to  the  promise  you  then  made  of  defending  me,  for  with- 
out your  assistance.  I  have  had  to  defend   myself  from  the 

9* 


202  MEMOIRS   <>k   a    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

attack  of  a  French  corsair,  who,"  &c,  &c.  I  then  went  on  to 
give  him  the  particulars  of  the  engagement,  and  of  our  glori- 
ous victory. 

I  inclosed  this  letter,  unsealed,  to  my  cousin,  Arnauld,  in 
London,  and  I  begged  him,  after  he  had  read  it,  to  seal  and 
deliver  it.  He  had  some  hesitation  about  the  expediency  of 
delivering  it ;  he  thought  it  was  too  bold.  Nevertheless,  he 
complied  with  my  request,  sealed  it,  and  then  went  with  it  to 
the  door  of  the  Duke's  hotel,  and  gave  it  to  the  first  servant 
he  saw.  without  waiting  for  any  answer,  or  even  ascertaining 
that  it  had  reached  its  destination. 

The  good  and  generous  Duke  was  delighted,  seeing  that 
the  boldness  of  it  was  justified  by  the  defence  we  had  made. 
He  inquired  immediately  for  the  person  who  had  brought  it, 
and  as  he  was  not  forthcoming,  he  requested  Colonel  Boisron, 
who  happened  to  be  with  him,  to  write  an  answer,  telling  me 
how  much  he  was  charmed  with  my  conduct,  as  well  as  with 
my  manner  of  relating  it  to  him  ;  and  that,  if  it  should  ever 
be  in  his  power  to  serve  me,  I  might  be  assured  he  would  take 
great  pleasure  in  doing  so. 

In  the  mean  time  my  name,  and  that  of  my  wife  also,  be- 
came known  throughout  Europe,  by  means  of  the  newspapers 
giving  the  history  of  our  defence.  I  received  a  letter  from 
Government,  dated  10th  June,  1764,  complimenting  me  on 
my  conduct,  congratulating  me  on  the  happy  result  of  the 
conflict,  and  adding,  they  would  take  care  I  should  be  better 
provided  for  defence  in  case  of  another  attack.  A  warrant 
was  inclosed  in  the  letter,  directing  the  keeper  of  the  maga- 
zine at  Kinsale  to  deliver  to  me  one  barrel  of  gunpowder  and 
two  barrels  of  musket-balls.  I  had  not  asked  any  such 
supply. 


PREPARATION  FOR  FUTURE  DEFENCE.        203 

The  four  Irishmen  who  had  acted  as  guides  to  the  French 
were  very  much  alarmed  ;  they  feared  that  if  I  discovered 
them  I  should  hand  them  over  to  justice  ;  so  they  prudently 
determined  to  be  beforehand,  and  they  came  voluntarily  be- 
fore me,  and  made  oath  that  the  French  had  taken  them  by 
main  force.  They  furnished  us  with  the  information  I  have 
given  already  of  the  extent  of  the  loss  sustained  by  the  French. 
They  told  us  that  the  lieutenant,  whom  we  had  slain,  was  a 
near  relation  of  the  Captain,  who  was  so  furious  at  his  death, 
that  he  swore  if  he  took  me  he  would  roast  me  alive  and  salt 
me. 

After  this  I  determined  to  build  a  kind  of  fortification 
at  the  back  of  my  house,  to  answer  the  double  purpose  of 
protecting  the  lower  floor  from  the  guns  of  ships,  and  de- 
fending the  mouth  of  the  creek.  I  bought  several  six- 
pounders  which  had  been  fished  up  from  a  vessel  lost  on  the 
coast.  I  had  three  carriages  made  for  them,  and  I  raised  a 
fortification  of  turf,  whose  parapet  was  eighteen  feet  in  thick- 
ness, and  so  situated  as  to  command  the  entrance  of  the  creek, 
and  cover  the  lower  story  of  my  house  entirely,  on  the  side 
next  the  creek. 

My  Irish  neighbors  were  much  chagrined  at  the  unexpect- 
ed issue  of  the  attack,  which  they  had  felt  certain  was  to  rid 
the  country  of  me  for  ever.  They  were  more  and  more 
annoyed  as  they  saw  the  progress  of  my  preparations  for 
future  defence.  They  tried  to  alarm  me  ;  they  said  to  me  that 
perhaps  I  was  not  aware  there  was  an  Act  of  Parliament 
which  forbade  any  person  to  erect  a  fortification,  or  mount 
guns  without  the  special  permission  of  Government.  I  re- 
plied to  them  that  I  knew  all  about  the  Act  of  Parliament 
quite  as  well  as  they  did.  but  I  had  no  fear  of  disturbance  in 


204  MK.MOIRS   OF    A    BUGTJENOT    FAMILY. 

my  work,  after  the  decided  evidences  I  had  received  of  the 
friendship  and  esteem  of  the  Government.  "  Were  it  other- 
wise," said  I,  "  I  would  much  rather  fall  into  the  hands  of  an 
English  jury  than  those  of  French  pirates." 

I  made  an  application  to  the  Government  for  ammunition 
when  I  had  completed  my  fort.  I  was  promptly  furnished 
with  five  hundred  cannon  balls,  four  barrels  of  gunpowder, 
and  the  greatest  abundance  of  matches.  I  required  no  stronger 
proof  of  approbation. 

By  the  month  of  November  I  had  completed  every  thing, 
and  finding  that  the  Lord  Lieutenant  had  returned  to  Dublin, 
I  thought  it  would  be  right  that  I  should  go  and  wait  upon 
him,  and  present  a  full  report  of  what  I  had  done.  During  my 
residence  at  Bear  Haven,  I  had  from  time  to  time  been  able 
to  render  material  assistance  to  merchant  vessels,  and  more 
than  once  to  ships  of  war,  in  distress.  I  took  with  me  certi- 
ficates of  these  facts. 

Upon  my  arrival  in  Dublin  I  was  received  by  the  Council 
with  the  utmost  kindness.  They  voted  the  sum  of  £50  to 
me  at  once,  as  a  temporary  assistance  until  something  better 
could  be  done  for  me,  and  they  recommended  me  most  strongly 
to  claim  a  pension  for  my  services,  and  they  themselves 
brought  my  case  officially  before  the  Lord  Lieutenant.  After 
a  while  he  issued  an  order  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  Ire-! 
land,  to  give  me  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  Lord 
Godolphin,  then  Lord  High  Treasurer  of  England. 

I  went  to  England  with  my  documents  in  the  month  of 
April,  1705,  and  while  I  was  still  in  London,  urging  my 
claims,  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  came  there, 
and  was  of  essential  service  to  me  in  gaining  my  pension.  He 
treated  me  at  all  times  with  every  possible  kindness. 


PENSION    FKOM    QUEEN    ANNE.  205 

The  warrant  for  my  pension  was  presented  to  me  on  the 
17th  October,  1705,  and  here  follows  a  copy  of  the  document. 

(Copy,) 

To  our  right  trusty,  and  right  entirely  beloved  Cousin  and 
Councillor,  James,  Duke  of  Ormond,  our  Lieutenant-General 
and  General  Governor  of  our  Kingdom  of  Ireland,  and  to  our 
Lieutenant  Deputy,  or  other  chief  governor  or  governors  of 
that,  our  kingdom  for  the  time  being. 
ANNE  R. 

"Right  trusty,  and  right  entirely  beloved  Cousin  and  Coun- 
cillor, we  greet  you  well.  Whereas  James  Fontaine,  Clerk, 
did  by  his  humble  petition  to  us,  pray  that  we  would  be  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  bestow  on  him  a  pension  of  five  shillings  a 
day  on  our  establishment  of  our  kingdom  of  Ireland,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  good  services  in  his  defence  against  a  French 
Privateer,  and  the  great  charge  he  is  at  in  securing  the  re- 
mote port  he  lives  in  against  the  insults  of  the  French,  and 
whereas  our  High  Treasurer  of  England  hath  laid  before  us 
a  report  made  by  you  upon  said  petition,  wherein  you  testify 
that  the  petitioner  is  settled  in  a  very  remote  port,  in  Bear 
Haven,  in  our  said  kingdom,  which  place  is  very  much  infested 
with  the  privateers,  that  he  hath  built  a  very  strong  house 
with  a  small  sort  of  sod  fort,  on  which  he  hath  the  permis- 
sion of  our  said  government  to  mount  five  guns ;  that  he  hath 
often  been  in  danger  of  being  attacked  by  the  Privateers,  and 
that,  by  the  continuance  of  the  said  fort,  he  hath  protected  several 
merchant  ships  ;  that  there  hath  been  produced  to  you  several 
very  ample  certificates  from  the  merchants  of  Dublin  and  of 
Cork,  of  the  commodiousness  of  that  place  for  securing  mer- 


206  BiEMOIR8  OF    A    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

chant  ships,  as  also  from  the  Captains  of  our  ships,  the  Arundel 
and  the  Bridgewater,  and  that,  upon  the  whole,  you  are  of 
opinion  that  the  said  James  Fontaine  very  well  deserves  our 
favor  and  encouragement,  in  consideration  of  his  said  services 
and  expenses,  and  in  regard  he  is  a  French  Refugee,  you  pro- 
pose that  a  pension  of  five  shillings  a  day  may  be  inserted  for 
him  on  the  establishment,  under  the  head  of  French  Pen- 
sioner, to  commence  from  Michaelmas,  1705.  Now,  we  hav- 
ing taken  the  premises  into  our  Royal  consideration,  are  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  consent  thereunto,  and  accordingly,  our  will 
and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do  hereby  direct,  authorize  and  com- 
mand, that  you  cause  the  said  pension  or  allowance  of  five 
shillings  a  day  to  be  paid  to  him,  the  said  James  Fontaine,  or 
his  assignees  from  Michaelmas  last,  1705,  as  aforesaid,  for 
maintaining  the  said  fort  for  the  better  preservation  of  our 
subjects  of  our  said  Kingdom  against  the  insults  of  French 
Privateers,  the  same  to  continue  during  our  pleasure,  and  to 
be  placed  for  him  in  the  list  of  French  Pensioners  on  the 
establishment  of  our  expenses  in  our  said  Kingdom,  and  paid 
in  like  manner  as  others,  the  pensions  within  the  said  list  are. 
or  shall  be  payable.  And  this  shall  be  as  well  to  you  for  so 
doing,  as  to  our  Lieutenant  Deputy,  or  other  chief  governor 
or  governors  of  our  said  Kingdom  for  the  time  being,  and  to 
our  Receiver  General,  and  all  others  concerned  in  making  the 
said  payments,  and  allowing  thereof,  upon  account,  a  sufficient 
warrant,  and  so  bid  you  very  heartily  farewell. 

':  Given  at  our  Court  at  St.  James's,  the  twelfth  day  of 
October,  1705,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign. 
'•  By  Her  Majesty's  command, 

"  Godolphin. 


"Entered  at  the  Signet  Office,  on  the  17th 
day  of  October,  1705. 


>  "  Geo.  Wooddeson,  Dep." 


KINDNESS    OF   JOHN    AKNAULD.  207 

My  inventive  genius  iiad  now  entirely  forsaken  me,  but  the 
providence  of  God  had  not.  The  same  God  who  at  first 
called  light  out  of  darkness,  had  now  shown  his  power  in  frus- 
trating the  designs  of  our  enemies,  and  turning  to  our  honor 
and  advantage  the  very  enterprise  by  which  they  had  hoped 
and  expected  to  seal  our  ruin.  If  it  had  not  been  for  their 
cruel  attack,  we  should  never  have  become  known  to  persons 
who  have  proved  most  kind  friends  to  us.  Let  us  never  for- 
get that  we  are  indebted  to  our  Heavenly  Father  for  inclining 
towards  us  the  heart  of  a  kind  and  charitable  earthly  sovereign. 
The  signal  failure  of  our  adversaries'  schemes  reminded  me 
of  the  enigma  of  Samson  in  the  Bible ;  "  Out  of  the  eater 
came  forth  meat,  and  out  of  the  strong  came  forth  sweetness." 

I  must  not  omit  to  mention  the  kindness  and  hospitality 
of  my  cousin.  John  Arnauld.  I  was  his  guest  during  the 
whole  time  I  was  in  London,  and  he  not  only  declined  ac- 
cepting any  compensation  for  my  board,  but  he  lent  me  nearly 
£30  to  further  my  views  in  applying  for  a  pension,  and  at  a 
time,  too,  when  he  saw  little  chance  of  my  ever  being  in  a 
situation  to  repay  him.  Thanks  be  to  God,  I  have  since  that 
time  so  far  prospered  in  my  school  as  to  be  able  to  return  him 
this  money. 

During  my  absence  from  home,  privateers  had  been  occa- 
sionally seen  hovering  about  the  mouth  of  the  harbor.  One 
of  them  had  approached  the  house,  and  appeared  to  be  taking 
the  same  course  that  had  been  followed  by  the  vessel  that  at- 
tacked us.  My  wife  was  on  the  alert,  she  had  all  the  cannons 
loaded,  and  one  of  them  fired  off.  to  show  that  all  was  in 
readiness  for  defence,  and  when  they  saw  this,  they  veered 
about,  landed  on  Great  Island,  stole  some  cattle,  and  sailed 
away. 


208  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

After  my  return  we  had  occasional  alarms,  vessels  would 
approach  now  and  then  and  seem  to  threaten  a  descent ;  but  it 
ended  in  nothing  but  giving  us  a  little  fright,  and  making  us 
brush  up  our  arms,  for  when  they  saw  that  we  were  in  a  state 
of  preparation  they  went  off,  contented  with  stealing  whatever 
they  could  lay  their  hands  upon. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Attacked  by  a  second  privateer — Out-houses  fired — Breach  in  the  wall — Wounded — 
Surrender — Carried  off  to  the  vessel — Expostulation  with  Captain — Kansom — Peter 
left  as  a  hostage. 

With  a  constant  apprehension  of  attack  before  us,  we  lived 
on  the  u  qui  vive  "  from  the  first  day  of  June,  1704,  until  the 
eighth  day  of  October,  1708,  when,  with  all  our  precautions, 
we  were  actually  taken  by  surprise. 

A  company  of  soldiers  was  quartered  among  the  Irish  in 
the  Half  Barony,  and  the  Captain,  who  commanded  them, 
lodged  and  boarded  at  my  house,  but  unfortunately,  both  he 
and  the  Lieutenant  happened  to  be  absent  at  that  time,  they 
had  gone  to  Bantry,  and  the  Ensign  was  left  in  command  of 
the  company.  He  was  an  imprudent  inexperienced  youth, 
without  any  sort  of  judgment. 

A  French  privateer  entered  the  harbor  during  the  night, 
and  anchored  off  Bear  Haven,  about  five  miles  from  my  house, 
and  entirely  out  of  our  sight.  She  hoisted  English  colors  by 
way  of  deception,  and  she  succeeded  to  her  wish,  for  the  En- 
sign no  sooner  discovered  her,  than,  concluding  she  was  a  ves- 
sel just  arrived  from  America,  he  went  down  with  two  or  three 
soldiers  of  his  company,  in  great  haste  to  be  the  first  to  board 
her,  in  order  to  regale  himself  with  rum  punch,  a  beverage  of 
which  he  was  unhappily  much  too   fond.     He  was  made  a 


210  KEMOIB8   OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

prisoner  the  instant  his  foot  touched  the  deck  of  the  vessel, 
but  the  Captain  and  the  officers  behaved  towards  him  with 
the  greatest  civility.     He  was  a  little  shocked  at  first,  but 

•  made  him  BO  very  welcome,  treating  him  to  the  best  of 
wine  and  brandy,  that  he  soon  lost  the  remembrance  of  his 
situation,  and  gave  the  Captain  all  the  information  he  wanted, 
and  it  was  of  a  nature  to  encourage  him  to  proceed.  He  told 
him  that  the  soldiers  were  dispersed  throughout  the  Barony, 
without  any  commander,  for  the  Captain  and  Lieutenant  were 
both  absent,  as  well  as  himself,  and  that  he  was  sure  it  would 
be  very  easy  to  surprise  my  house,  for  I  had  no  one  near 
enough  to  help  me  but  my  own  family.  Upon  the  strength  of 
this  information,  the  Captain  had  the  boats  prepared  for 
going  ashore.  He  sent  eighty  men  in  three  boats,  commanded 
by  two  Lieutenants,  who  were  both  Irishmen,  natives  of  the 
Barony.  « 

A  great  portion  of  the  crew  were  Irishmen,  and  amongst 
them  was  a  man  named  Sullivan,  whose  life  I  had  formerly 
been  the  means  of  saving,  when  he  was  proclaimed  as  a  tory 
and  a  robber.  He  fled  to  France,  and  I  had  so  much  com- 
passionate feeling  for  his  wife,  whom  he  had  left  behind  with 
seven  or  eight  children  to  maintain,  that  I  allowed  her  to  live 
rent-free  on  my  farm,  and  fearing  the  family  might  perish 
with  hunger,  I  returned  to  her  a  milch  cow  and  ten  or  twelve 
sheep,  which  Sullivan  had  made  over  to  me  for  rent  due  before 
he  went  away.  This  was  the  man  who  came  to  reward  me  for 
my  kindness  to  him  and  his,  by  acting  as  a  guide  to  the  party. 
No  one  knew  better  than  he  the  exact  situation  of  my  house, 
and  every  thing  belonging  to  it. 

They  quitted  the  ship  at  midnight,  landed  before  it  was 
light,  and  commenced  their  march  about  daybreak,  in  perfect 


SECOND   ATTACK  211 

silence,  and  stooping  very  low,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
neither  seen  nor  heard,  An  Irish  servant  who  was  fetching 
home  the  cows  was  the  first  person  to  discover  them;  march- 
ing in  good  order,  and  only  the  distance  of  a  long  musket 
shot  from  the  house.  He  ran  home  as  fast  as  he  could,  and 
cried  out  that  we  were  all  lost,  for  a  number  of  armed  men 
were  in  sight.  We  got  up  directly,  and  I  ordered  every  door 
to  be  shut,  but  there  was  so  much  confusion  that  the  gates  of 
the  large  court  in  front,  and  even  the  house  door  below  the 
tower  were  forgotten  and  left  open  for  some  time.  This  was 
perceived  by  the  enemy  as  we  afterwards  learned,  but  it  was 
supposed  to  have  been  done  on  purpose  as  a  feint,  and  that 
we  must  have  a  loaded  cannon  within  ready  to  fire  if  any  one 
approached.  When  the  men  were  near  enough  to  hear  me,  I 
hailed  them  through  a  speaking-trumpet,  and  told  them  if  they 
were  friends  to  stop,  and  let  us  know  who  they  were,  and  if 
enemies,  to   come  forward,  and  we  would   receive  them  with 

vigor. 

In  the  mean  time  my  children  were  busily  engaged  load- 
ing our  arms  and  putting  them  in  order.  The  men  continued 
to  advance  ;  so  I  ordered  my  son  James  to  fire  upon  them 
from  a  garret  window  with  our  largest  gun,  which  was  six  feet 
long.  This  made  them  lower  their  heads  ;  they  then  separa- 
ted into  six  detachments  and  took  various  posts,  and  some  of 
them,  under  cover  of  hedges  and  ditches,  contrived  to  get 
round  to  the  back  of  the  house.  They  had  determined  to 
root  us  out  this  time,  for  their  first  act  was  to  set  fire  to  the 
malt-house,  which  was  towards  the  east,  then  to  the  stacks  of 
hay,  straw  and  grain  which  were  at  the  north  and  east,  and 
after  that  to  the  cow-house,  stable,  and  long  fish-press  which 
were  at  the  west  of  my  house.     These  were  all  very  combus- 


'1 12  MEMOIKS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

tible,  and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  we  were  encompassed 
with  flames  on  every  side  but  one,  and  by  reason  of  the  fire 
and  smoke  between  them  and  us  we  were  unable  to  see  our 
enemies,  and  we  suffered  much  from  the  smoke,  which  found 
its  way  to  us  through  every  crevice. 

I  ordered  the  servants  to  put  water  in  every  tub  and 
bucket  that  could  be  found,  and  then  immerse  sheep-skins 
with  wool  upon  them,  and  ox-skins,  of  both  which  we  had 
many  in  the  house.  When  these  were  thoroughly  saturated  I 
had  them  placed  in  the  windows,  as  being  the  most  exposed 
parts  of  the  house.  My  dear  wife  superintended  these  ar- 
rangements. The  roof  was  slated,  so  there  appeared  but  lit- 
tle danger  of  fire  being  communicated  to  us  through  that 
channel. 

The  whole  garrison  consisted  of  my  wife  and  myself,  our 
children  and  four  servants ;  two  of  the  latter  were  mere  cow- 
boys, and  the  other  two  had  never  seen  a  battle.  We  fired 
hap-hazard,  as  fast  as  we  could  load ;  we  did  so,  because  we 
could  actually  see  nothing  but  fire  and  smoke,  and  therefore 
could  not  aim  at  our  enemies.  My  chief  apprehension  arose 
from  the  fear  that  they  might  possess  themselves  of  our  can- 
non and  turn  them  against  ourselves,  and  therefore  I  thought 
that  while  unable  to  see  what  our  assailants  were  doing,  I 
could  not  employ  myself  better  than  in  firing  my  large  blun- 
derbuss every  few  minutes  in  the  direction  of  the  cannon. 
Once  after  I  had  fired,  I  thought  I  discovered  that  they  had 
been  making  the  attempt,  for  there  was  much  noise  and  con- 
fusion, and  it  was  evident  they  were  carrying  off  a  wounded 
man.  I  could  hear  them  very  distinctly,  but  I  could  see  no- 
thing :  I  was  encouraged,  however,  by  what  I  heard,  to  fire 
from  time  to  time  in  the  same  direction. 


SETTING   FIRE   TO    EOOF.  213 

It  was  not  until  all  that  I  have  related  had  been  done, 
that  I  "became  aware  of  the  doors  being  open  of  which  I  have 
already  spoken,  and  I  sent  some  one  to  shut  them. 

While  I  was  firing  at  random,  I  had  a  glimpse  of  a  man 
setting  fire  to  the  covering  of  the  fish-press ;  I  took  deliberate 
aim  at  him  with  my  blunderbuss,  loaded  as  usual  with  swan- 
shot,  and  wounded  him  in  several  places,  but  not  seriously. 

While  we  were  blinded  and  suffocated  by  the  smoke  from 
the  burning  stacks,  our  adversaries  raised  a  small  mound  of 
turf  and  wood,  behind  which  they  intrenched  themselves,  and 
set  to  work  with  long  poles  to  detach  the  slates  from  the  roof 
of  the  north-east  tower.  At  soon  as  they  uncovered  a  por- 
tion, they  applied  fire  to  it,  by  means  of  burning  straw  at 
the  end  of  their  poles,  and  in  this  way  the  roof  was  on  fire 
three  times,  and  we  as  often  extinguished  it  from  within. 

About  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  they  accomplished 
making  a  breach  in  the  wall  of  this  same  north-east  tower. 
We  could  see  them  at  work  with  iron  bars,  and  while  the^y 
were  so  engaged  my  children  fired  upon  them :  they  formed  a 
sort  of  rampart  with  a  mattress  on  the  top  of  a  large  basket, 
such  as  is  used  in  the  country  for  carrying  peat.  They  knelt 
behind  this  rampart,  and  fired  as  fast  as  they  could  one  after 
the  other,  without  daring  to  show  their  noses. 

The  enemy  still  continued  at  work  with  their  long  poles 
and  firebrands  endeavoring  to  set  the  roof  on  fire.  When 
the  smoke  had  subsided  a  little,  I  hit  upon  a  position  from 
which  I  could  see  to  take  aim  at  their  hands,  as  they  raised 
them  above  their  intrenchment  to  guide  the  poles.  I  fired, 
and  I  thought  I  hit  them,  but  as  they  still  persevered  in 
their  work,  I  began  to  think  it  probable  that  I  had  not  put  a 
sufficient  charge  in  the  piece,  so  when  I  loaded  again  I  put  in 


214  MEMOIEfi   OF   A   HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

a  double  quantity  of  powder.  I  had  no  sooner  loaded  than  I 
had  the  opportunity  of  aiming  at  a  hand  I  saw  raised  ;  I  fired, 
but  my  piece  was  overloaded,  and  it  burst,  by  which  unfortu- 
nate accident  I  was  thrown  down  with  much  violence,  three 
of  my  ribs  and  my  right  collar-bone  were  broken,  and  the 
flesh  of  my  right  hand  was  much  torn.  I  was  so  completely 
stunned  that  I  had  no  power  to  move,  or  even  to  breathe  for 
some  seconds.  My  wife  saw  me  fall,  and  she  naturally  con- 
cluded I  had  been  struck  by  a  ball  from  the  enemy.  She  ran 
to  my  assistance,  and  raised  me  up  without  making  any  noise 
whatever.  As  soon  as  I  was  able  to  articulate,  I  told  her 
how  it  had  happened.  I  was  now  completely  "  hors  de  com- 
bat," but  I  had  already  done  much  work,  for  I  had  fired  five 
pounds  of  swan  shot  from  my  now  disabled  piece,  during 
the  morning.  After  I  was  prostrated,  my  dearest  wife 
assumed  the  command  ;  she  had  an  eye  to  every  thing ;  she 
went  round  to  furnish  ammunition  as  it  was  required,  and 
she  gave  courage  as  well  by  her  exhortations  as  by  her  ex- 
ample. 

In  the  mean  time  the  enemy  had  been  engaged  upon  the 
breach,  which  they  had  increased  to  four  or  five  feet  square : 
nevertheless,  they  derived  no  benefit  from  it ;  my  sons  de- 
fended it  by  an  incessant  fire  from  behind  their  mattress  ram- 
part. At  last,  a  grenade  was  thrown  in  at  the  breach,  which 
ran  under  the  basket,  and  overturned  the  whole  affair,  but 
without  doing  any  harm,  thanks  be  to  God,  except  giving  the 
boys  a  fright  which  made  them  abandon  their  post ;  but  only 
for  a  .very  short  time.  One  of  them  ran  to  me,  in  great  dis- 
may, to  tell  me  that  the  hole  was  as  large  as  any  door,  and 
that  the  enemy  were  entering  by  it;  the  other  boys  were  still 
firing  from  the  dormar  windows. 


COURAGE    OF    BOYS.  215 

I  immediately  rose  from  my  bed.  and  asked  them  to  give 
me  a  pistol  ready  cocked  and  loaded,  which  I  took  in  my  left 
hand,  the  right  being  useless.  I  called  my  family  around  me, 
and  I  said  to  them,  a  I  see,  my  dear  children,  that  we  must 
be  overpowered  by  the  great  number  of  those  who  are  attack- 
ing us  ;  it  is  inevitable ;  but  we  will  not  stand  quietly  to  be 
killed  like  dogs ;  let  us  rather  sell  our  lives  dearly,  and  die 
like  lions."  I  was  advancing  towards  the  breach  while  I  said 
these  words. 

As  soon  as  I  had  done  speaking,  my  poor  boys  re-entered 
the  room,  and  took  up  their  old  position  without  a  word  or  a 
gesture  indicative  of  fear  ;  they  replaced  their  basket  and  mat- 
tress, exposed  to  the  fire  of  more  than  ten  muskets.  It  was, 
indeed,  a  melancholy  sight !  but.  at  the  same  time,  I  was  grati- 
fied with  their  display  of  unflinching  courage.  Blessed  be 
thou,  0  my  God  !  who  preserved  them  from  injury  amid  such 
a  shower  of  balls. 

When  they  resumed  the  fire,  the  enemy  retreated  from  the 
breach,  and  did  not  dare  to  show  their  heads,  or  even  their 
hands,  which  caused  all  their  fire  to  be  thrown  away ;  for,  by 
not  raising  the  butt-end  of  their  muskets,  they  carried  too 
high,  and  the  shot  went  far  above  us  every  time.  Seeing  that 
we  did  not  give  way  in  the  least,  they  began  to  tire  of  our 
obstinate  resistance.  They  might  possibly  have  heard  me 
speak  to  the  children,  and  it  is  very  certain  they  overrated 
our  force  extremely ;  for,  from  the  constant  fire  in  all  direc- 
tions, as  well  as  upon  the  main  point  of  attack,  they  concluded 
that  we  must  have  at  least  twenty  men.  They  called  out  to 
us  to  surrender,  and  they  would  give  us  good  quarter. 

I  held  a  conversation  with  my  wife  and  children,  and  we 
determined,  at  any   rate,  to   hear  what   terms  they  offered. 


216  MEMOIRS   OF   A    EUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

The  firing  was  Btopped  on  both  sides,  and  I  advanced  to  the 
broach  to  hold  a  parley  with  them.  One  of  the  Irish  lieuten- 
ants came  forward  and  took  aim  at  mo  ;  my  second  son,  Peter, 
saw  what  lie  was  about,  before  I  observed  him,  and  he  imme- 
diately caught  hold  of  me  and  drew  me  one  side,  barely  in 
time  to  save  me  from  being  the  victim  of  their  treachery ,  for 
the  ball  passed  within  two  or  three  inches  of  my  stomach. 

I  was  extremely  indignant,  and  said,  "  Ah!  you  traitors! 
was  it  then  merely  with  the  view  of  surprising  me,  that  you 
proposed  a  parley  ?  Fire  upon  these  traitors,  my  sons  ;  fire,  I 
say."  The  boys  obeyed  me  without  loss  of  time,  and  fired 
upon  the  deceitful  miscreants. 

I  had  foolishly  exposed  myself  to  a  very  great  danger,  by 
placing  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  an  enemy  whom  I 
might  have  known  was  destitute  of  all  honorable  feeling.  The 
ever  watchful  providence  of  God  again  interposed  for  my 
deliverance. 

We  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  for  another  quarter  of  an 
hour,  when  the  enemy  called  out  to  us  again,  and  made  a  sec- 
ond offer  of  good  quarter.  I  reproached  them  with  their 
recent  perfidy,  and  told  them  I  could  not  trust  persons  who 
had  already  attempted  to  betray  the  confidence  I  had  reposed 
in  them. 

They  then  threatened  that,  if  we  refused  to  surrender, 
they  would  throw  a  barrel  of  powder  in  the  breach,  and  blow 
us  all  up. 

"  I  have  three  or  four  at  your  service  here,"  said  I,  "  and 
I  intend  to  scatter  their  contents  over  this  floor  and  the  inner 
hall,  and  whenever  you  are  pleased  to  enter,  I  will  throw  a 
lighted  turf  upon  it,  and  make  you  dance.  You  may  depend 
upon  it.  I  will  not  perish  without  you." 


TEEMS    OF   SUEEEXDEE.  217 

The  desperate  tone  of  this  reply  made  them  repeat  once 
more  their  offer  of  good  quarter. 

i 

I  said,  "  I  do  not  know  what  you  mean  by  good  quarter  ; 
but  this  I  know,  I  am  resolved  not  to  surrender  uncondition- 
ally.    I  would  rather  perish  with  my  whole  family." 

They  left  off  firing,  and  begged  I  would  order  my  people 
to  do  the  same,  that  we  might  speak  about  terms ;  so  we  had 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  on  both  sides.  Their  proposition 
was,  that  they  should  have  the  plunder,  to  which  I  assented ; 
for,  with  our  lives,  we  should  most  certainly  have  lost  our 
goods.  I  demanded  life  and  liberty  for  myself  and  all  who 
were  with  me.  They  spoke  to  me  in  English ;  and  I  said  I 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Englishmen  or  Irishmen  in 
making  the  treaty. 

"  I  consider  myself  a  British  subject,  and  as  such,  I  will 
only  treat  with  the  French,  who  are  at  war  with  England,  and 
I  request  the  French  commander  to  come  forward,  and  put 
his  head  to  the  breach ;  I  assure  him  that  he  may  do  so  with 
perfect  safety.     We  have  no  traitors  in  our  ranks." 

One  of  the  rascally  Irish  lieutenants  then  presented  him- 
self as  the  commander  of  the  party.  He  went  by  the  name 
of  Carty  in  Ireland,  and  La  Touche  in  France ;  he  could 
speak  French  as  well  as  I  could.  I  told  him,  that  as  an  Irish- 
man, I  had  not  the  slightest  reliance  upon  him,  but  it  was  as 
the  authorized  agent  of  the  French  commander,  that  I  was 
willing  to  treat  with  him.  I  then  repeated  to  him  the  terms 
of  capitulation,  speaking  French  all  the  time.  He  was  to 
guarantee  life  and  liberty  to  all  of  us,  and  to  promise  on  their 
part  the  most  strictly  honorable  deportment  while  in  pos- 
session, and  they  were  to  have  the  plunder. 

They  swore  to  the  observance  of  these  terms  as  French- 
10 


218  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

men  and  men  of  honor.  After  which  I  had  one  thing  more 
to  say  :  "  I  am  now  going  to  open  the  door  for  your  admit- 
tance, and  I  give  you  warning  beforehand,  that  I  will  not  suf- 
fer any  one  to  enter  but  through  the  door.  Whoever  attempts 
to  come  in  by  the  breach,  will  be  shot  down  directly." 

This  was  agreed  to  likewise,  and  I  then  had  the  doors 
opened,  and  I  ranged  myself,  my  wife,  my  sons  and  four  ser- 
vants in  regular  order,  to  surrender  our  arms  to  the  Com- 
mander, as  he  entered. 

Oh,  God  !  our  Preserver  !  thou  knowest,  and  none  else 
can  know  the  state  of  my  feelings  at  that  moment,  to  see  my 
beloved  wife  and  dear  children,  at  the  mercy  of  enemies,  four- 
teen of  whom  we  had  wounded.  Oh  !  what  everlasting 
praises  do  we  owe  to  thee  for  our  preservation.  It  was  thou 
who  restrained  our  blood-thirsty  enemies  from  executing  the 
vengeance  which  they  had  sworn  against  us.  Oh,  my  God ! 
I  beseech  thee  to  sanctify  the  lives  which  thou  hast  so  mira- 
culously preserved,  and  assist  us  to  devote  them  to  thy 
service. 

The  Commander,  and  a  good  many  of  the  men  came  in, 
and  seeing  only  five  youths,  and  four  cowherds,  they  looked 
anxiously  around,  and  asked  me  where  all  my  men  were,  evi- 
dently fearing  an  ambuscade. 

"  You  need  not  fear  any  thing  dishonorable  from  me," 
said  I,  "  you  now  see  our  whole  garrison."  "  Impossible," 
said  he,  "  these  children  could  never  have  kept  up  all  the 
firing." 

My  wife  then  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  "  I  am  in  hopes,  sir, 
that  the  fact  of  so  few  persons  having  made  this  gallant  de- 
fence, will  be  an  inducement  to  you — whom  I  trust  we  shall 
find  a  man  of  honor — to  treat  us  with  the  more  considera- 


PLUNDER.  219 

tion."      She   then  said,  "  Are  you  the  Commander  of  this 
party?" 

"  I  am,  Madam." 

"  "Wait  a  moment,"  said  she,  a  and  I  will  give  you  my 
keys."  As  she  handed  them  to  him,  she  begged  he  would 
restrain  his  followers  within  the  bounds  of  propriety.  He 
promised  to  do  so. 

"  In  making  terms  with  you,  I  forgot  to  name  my  library," 
said  I.  "  I  hope  that  you  will  not  take  advantage  of  my  omis- 
sion, but  allow  me  to  retain  my  books,  which  are  of  great  va- 
lue to  me,  and  can  be  of  no  use  to  you  or  your  followers." 

He  promised  that  they  should  be  spared,  and  he  placed 
a  guard  at  the  door  of  my  study  ;  but  very  soon  the  men 
forced  their  way  there,  as  elsewhere,  and  took  possession  of 
all  my  handsomest  books,  leaving  behind  but  few,  and  those 
the  shabbiest  in  external  appearance. 

My  house  was  well  furnished  ;  and  as  we  had  not  thought 
of  a  surrender  until  it  actually  took  place,  we  had  not  had 
time  or  opportunity  for  secreting  any  thing.  "We  were  strip- 
ped of  every  thing,  furniture,  linen,  clothing,  even  to  our  very 
coats,  which,  in  the  heat  of  action  we  had  taken  off  to  give 
more  freedom  in  the  movement  of  our  arms. 

They  filled  their  own  three  boats  quite  full,  and  then  they 
took  three  of  mine,  and  filled  them  also  with  their  booty. 
When  they  were  ready  to  return  with  their  rich  prize  to  the 
vessel,  they  took  me,  my  sons  James  and  Peter,  and  two  of 
the  servants,  prisoners.  It  was  all  to  no  purpose  that  I  re- 
minded the  Commander  of  the  terms  upon  which  we  had  sur- 
rendered, and  that  it  was  a  decided  infraction  of  the  treaty 
which  he  had  sworn  to  observe.  He  replied  that  my  name 
had  become  so   notorious  amongst  the  privateers  of  St.  Ma- 


220  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

Iocs,  that  he  dared  not  return  to  the  vessel  without  me ;  the 
Captain's  order  was  most  peremptory,  not  to  think  of  coming 
back  to  the  vessel  unless  he  had  me  with  him,  dead  or  alive. 
He  promised  again,  in  the  most  faithful  manner,  that  I  should 
not  be  retained  as  a  prisoner :  he  said  that  as  soon  as  the 
Captain  had  seen  me,  I  should  be  set  at  liberty. 

Remonstrances  were  of  no  avail ;  I  was  obliged  to  go 
with  them,  and  by  the  time  I  reached  the  vessel,  my  wounds 
and  fractured  bones  had  become  so  painful,  that  I  lost  all 
power  of  helping  myself,  and  was  obliged  to  be  hoisted  up 
like  a  log. 

When  the  crew  first  saw  me  on  the  deck,  they  shouted 
with  one  accord,  "  Vive  le  Hoi,"  and  repeated  it  three  times 
in  grand  chorus. 

This  roused  me  from  my  pain  and  depression :  and  when 
their  shouting  ceased,  I  raised  my  voice  to  its  highest  pitch, 
and  said,  "  Gentlemen,  how  long  is  it  since  victories  have 
been  so  rare  in  France  that  you  are  glad  to  avail  yourselves 
of  such  an  occasion  as  this,  to  sing  in  triumph  1  I  am  ashamed, 
positively  ashamed  of  my  native  country,  to  hear  rejoicings 
over  such  a  victory.  A  glorious  achievement  truly  !  Eighty 
men,  accustomed  to  warfare,  have  actually  been  so  successful 
as  to  compel  one  poor  minister,  four  cowherds,  and  five  chil- 
dren, to  surrender  upon  terms !  Furthermore,  gentlemen,  I 
would  have  you  to  know  that  though  I  do  appear  before  you 
as  a  prisoner,  it  is  in  direct  violation  of  the  treaty  made  with 
your  commanding  officer,  and  sworn  to  by  him  previous  to 
our  surrender.  He  cannot  deny  that  he  has  broken  his  faith, 
and  committed  a  flagrant  offence  against  the  established  law 
of  nations." 

I  was  then  carried  to  the  Captain's  cabin,  and  I  renewed 


INTERVIEW   WITH   CAPTAIN-.  221 

my  complaint.  I  told  him  the  agreement  which  his  author- 
ized agent  had  sworn  to,  and  I  added,  "  Sir,  I  can  assure  you 
that  if  I  had  had  the  least  idea  of  being  carried  off  as  a  prisoner 
so  far  from  surrendering,  I  would  have  resisted  as  long  as  I 
had  hacT  any  breath  left  in  my  body.  I  trust,  under  these 
circumstances,  you  will  see  the  justice  of  restoring  me  to 
liberty  immediately." 

He  replied  to  me  with  much  suavity  and  courtesy  of  man- 
ner, "  I  cannot  tell  you  how  much  I  am  delighted  to  have 
you  on  board  my  vessel,  a  man  of  such  undaunted  courage, 
and  whose  name  has  made  so  much  noise." 

"  You  may,  perhaps,  sir,"  said  I,  "  find  to  your  cost,  that 
my  name  is  pretty  well  known  in  England  and  Ireland.  I 
have  received  so  many  proofs  of  friendship  from  the  Lords 
in  Council,  at  the  Irish  seat  of  Grovernment,  that  I  feel  cer- 
tain, as  soon  as  they  become  aware  of  my  situation,  and  es- 
pecially that  my  being  a  prisoner  at  all  is  contrary  to  the 
sworn  terms  of  a  treaty,  they  will  send  instructions  to  Kin- 
sale  to  retaliate  upon  the  French  prisoners  there,  which  may 
probably  bring  you  into  trouble." 

"  What  is  it  you  say  1  Do  you  dare  to  make  use  of 
threats  to  me  %n 

"  No,  no,"  said  I,  "  I  only  give  you  fair  warning  of  that 
which  will  most  assuredly  come  to  pass.  This  unjustifiable 
conduct  will  be  the  occasion  of  many  an  honest  man  suffering 
hardships,  to  which  the  mere  circumstance  of  his  being  a  cap- 
tive would  not  subject  him  ;  probably  friends  of  your  own 
among  the  number,  and  nobody  will  give  you  any  thanks  for 
what  you  are  doing." 

"  Never  mind,  let  us  drink  a  glass  of  wine  together  now, 
and  discuss  these  matters  in  the  morning." 


222  MKMOIKS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

"  I  want  no  wine,"  said  I,  "  but  I  stand  in  great  need  of 
the  assistance  of  some  one  to  dress  my  wounds." 

The  surgeon  was  therefore  summoned,  and  he  applied 
some  linen  dipped  in  brandy.  Notwithstanding  the  number 
of  good  beds  they  had  brought  from  my  house,  I  had  great 
difficulty  in  obtaining  a  very  poor  one  to  lie  down  upon,  and  a 
coarse  sheet  and  coverlet  to  throw  over  me.  I  was  placed  be- 
tween decks,  with  the  bed  resting  on  some  cordage.  This  was 
Saturday  night,  the  8th  October,  1708. 

Our  noble  Ensign,  who  ought  to  have  been  our  protector 
from  the  enemy,  was  still  on  board  as  drunk  as  a  hog.  He 
was  in  excellent  spirits,  on  the  best  of  terms  with  the  Captain 
and  crew,  to  whom  he  was  infinitely  obliged  for  having  in- 
dulged him  in  his  vicious  propensity.  The  next  day  was  Sun- 
day ;  he  was  sent  ashore  early  in  the  morning,  without  having 
received  the  least  injury  or  having  been  deprived  of  any  thing 
whatever.  My  two  sons  and  the  servants  were  sent  away  at 
the  same  time,  and  I  alone  was  detained.  As  soon  as  the 
boat  was  taken  on  board  after  landing  them,  the  Captain  gave 
orders  to  raise  the  anchor  and  make  sail. 

My  wife  did  not  sit  down  quietly  to  bemoan  and  lament 
over  her  misfortunes,  as  many  would  have  done  in  her  situa- 
tion, but  was  in  action  at  once  to  endeavor  to  find  a  remedy. 
She  went,  early  in  the  morning  to  the  place  where  the  Papists 
said  mass,  to  see  the  priest,  whom  she  hoped  to  persuade  to 
follow  the  vessel,  and  use  his  influence  to  obtain  my  dis- 
charge. He  positively  refused.  She  dwelt  upon  the  many 
obligations  under  which  I  had  laid  his  people  from  time  to 
time,  and  reminded  him  of  those  whom  I  had  saved  from  the 
gallows  ;  but  it  was  all  in  vain.  Finding  persuasion  useless, 
she  changed  her  tone  and  had  recourse  to  threats ;  she  pointed 


WIFE    FOLLOWS   THE    VESSEL.  223 

out  to  him  that  he  would  be  very  likely  to  bring  upon  himself 
the  resentment  of  those  in  power,  if  he  still  persisted  in  refus- 
ing to  assist  a  man  who  was  so  much  and  so  deservedly  es- 
teemed by  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  the  Council.  She  suc- 
ceeded no  better  than  before,  and  seeing  the  vessel  under  sail, 
she  determined  to  follow  by  land,  and  keep  it  in  sight  as  long 
as  she  could. 

The  weather  was  clear,  calm  and  mild.  The  Captain  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Island  of  Durzey,  and  found  my  wife  waiting 
upon  the  promontory  for  the  vessel  to  get  opposite  to  it.  She 
made  a  signal  with  her  apron  tied  to  the  end  of  a  stick,  and  a 
boat  was  dispatched  to  hear  what  she  had  to  say.  She  had 
taken  the  precaution  of -borrowing  a  speaking-trumpet,  and 
thus  she  was  able  to  carry  on  conversation,  from  the  cliff  on 
which  she  stood,  with  those  who  were  in  the  boat  below. 
After  a  great  deal  of  bargaining,  and  many  difficulties  being 
raised  and  smoothed  away,  she  at  last  persuaded  them  to 
agree  to  my  restoration  to  liberty  upon  the  payment  of  £100 
sterling.  During  this  discussion  I  was  stretched  on  my  pallet 
between  decks,  and  I  was  in  total  ignorance  of  what  was  going 
forward. 

My  wife  went  away  to  borrow  the  money,  and  the  Priva- 
teer waited  off  the  Island  of  Durzey  expecting  her  to  return 
with  it.  She  was  unable  to  procure  more  than  £30,  the 
greater  part  of  which  was  from  Mr.  Boyd,  to  whom  I  had 
paid  it  for  rent  only  five  days  before  we  were  attacked.  Una- 
ble to  raise  more,  she  came  back  to  the  vessel  with  that  sum, 
accompanied  by  our  son  Peter,  several  of  our  tenants,  and  our 
friend  Mr.  Hutchins  of  Bear  Haven. 

The  Captain  agreed  to  give  me  up  on  condition  of  his 
having  the  £30  she  had  brought  with  her,  and  retaining  one 


224:  ICEMOIBfl   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

of  my  sons  as  a  hostage  for  the  payment  of  the  remaining 
£70.  He  paid  Ikt  many  compliments  upon  the  courage  she 
had  displayed,  and  told  her  he  looked  upon  her  as  a  second 
Judith. 

She  replied,  l'  I  should  have  felt  more  honored  if  you  had 
compared  me  to  Deborah,  but  I  am  far  from  being  surprised 
that  you  should  not  be  well  versed  in  books  that  you  are  pro- 
hibited from  reading." 

My  liberty  was  restored  to  me,  but  it  was  upon  very  pain- 
ful conditions,  and  I  felt  melancholy  indeed  at  having  to  leave 
my  poor  boy  in  my  stead. 

"When  I  left  the  ship,  it  was  that  traitor,  of  whom  I  spoke 
before,  Sullivan,  who  took  me  on  his  shoulders  and  climbed 
up  the  rocks.  He  had  waited  upon  me  all  the  time  I  was  on 
board  the  Privateer,  for  I  was  as  helpless  as  an  infant.  I  re- 
proached him  with  his  ingratitude  and  treachery.  "  How 
could  you  find  in  your  heart,"  said  I,  "  after  all  that  I  had 
done  for  you  and  yours,  to  act  the  part  of  guide  to  my  ene- 
mies ?" 

He  replied,  "  I  have  not  a  word  to  say  in  excuse  for  my 
conduct." 

It  was  late  on  Monday  night,  almost  Tuesday  morning, 
when  I  was  ransomed  by  the  exertions  of  my  wife,  and  the 
tenderness  of  my  sons  ;  I  say  sons,  because,  though  only  one 
was  left,  they  were  all  equally  anxious  to  have  taken  my  place. 
James  could  not  be  spared,  he  was  old  enough  to  look  after 
the  farm,  and  take  care  of  the  few  cattle  remaining  to  us. 
Peter,  being  next  in  age,  would  not  hear  of  any  one  but  him- 
self being  selected. 

On  the  night  of  Tuesday,  the  eleventh  day  of  October, 
I  slept  at  Bear  Haven  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Hutchins,  and  the 


ENDEAVOR    TO    RAISE    MONEY.  225 

next  day  I  went  in  a  boat  to  Bantry,  in  order  to  have  the 
requisite  surgical  assistance,  and  in  going  there  we  passed 
near  enough  to  have  a  view  of  our  now  desolate  mansion. 

My  wife  waited  long  enough  to  see  me  comfortably  settled 
under  the  care  of  a  skilful  French  surgeon,  and  she  then  went 
to  Cork  to  endeavor  to  raise  the  £70.  for  the  payment  of 
which  Peter  had  been  retained  as  a  hostage.  The  Bishop  lent 
her  twenty  guineas,  and  she  could  easily  have  borrowed  the 
remainder  from  other  friends,  but  the  nferchants  of  Cork, 
upon  hearing  the  particulars  of  the  affair,  set  their  faces 
against  the  payment  of  any  thing  more,  and  they  assured  her 
that  our  son  would  be  liberated  without  it.  Their  reasoning 
on  the  subject  was  so  convincing,  that  she  returned  to  the 
Bishop  what  he  had  so  kindly  lent  to  her,  and  she  declined 
borrowing  any  thing  further.  She  also  contrived  to  have  a 
letter  privately  sent  to  Peter,  exhorting  him  to  keep  up  his 
courage,  and  have  patience,  and  that  she  had  no  doubt  he 
would  soon  be  set  at  liberty,  without  ransom,  but  advised  him 
to  appear  ignorant  of  it. 

The  Privateer  hovered  about  the  Island  of  Durzey  for  a 
long  time,  waiting  for  the  money.  Peter  conducted  himself 
remarkably  well  on  board  the  ship,  and  evinced  much  more 
both  of  prudence  and  courage  than  might  have  been  expected 
in  so  young  a  lad.  The  steadiness  of  his  deportment  attract- 
ed the  attention  of  the  Captain,  who  placed  so  much  confi- 
dence in  him  as  to  give  into  his  charge  the  key  of  the  liquors, 
and  this  caused  the  whole  crew  to  pay  court  to  him. 

"While  he  was  on  board,  the  Privateer  was  one  day  chased  by 
a  British  man-of-war  ;  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  hide  himself 
in  the  hold,  which  he  declined ;  a  musket  was  then  offered  to 
him  that  he  might  assist  in  the  defence,  but  he  said,  "  No,  I 

10* 


226  MEMOIK*    OK    A     IIKt.l  l.\"|     FAMILY. 

would  rather  fight  for  the   English  than  against  them,  for  I 
regard  them  as  my  friends  and  countrymen." 

The  English  vessel  was  inferior  in  point  of  sailing,  and 
thus  they  escaped  from  her.  The  Captain  had  a  son  with  him 
about  the  age  of  Peter,  a  vain,  disagreeable  boy,  much  disliked 
by  the  officers  of  the  ship.  He  came  to  Peter  one  day,  in  a 
state  of  intoxication,  and  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand, 
threatened  to  kill  him.  Peter  seized  a  sword  to  use  in  self- 
defence,  and  succeeded  in  disarming  the  drunken  boy,  and 
lowering  his  importance,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  by- 
standers. 

When  they  reached  St,  Maloes,  the  Governor  of  Brest  con- 
demned the  Captain  very  much  for  his  misconduct  in  bring- 
ing a  hostage  with  him,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  and 
he  would  not  suffer  Peter  to  be  landed  and  placed  with  the 
other  prisoners. 

The  poor  Captain  was  sadly  perplexed,  and  nothing  would 
have  pleased  him  so  much  as  that  Peter  should  run  away,  and 
thus  get  him  out  of  his  dilemma,  and  he  contrived  to  have  it 
whispered  to  Peter  that  he  was  a  great  fool  not  to  make  his 
escape.  He  recollected  the  advice  given  to  him  in  his  mother's 
letter,  and  very  properly  considered  that  it  would  be  an  act  of 
great  folly  to  leave  the  vessel  in  a  foreign  country,  when  he 
had  every  reason  to  expect  that  he  would  be  taken  home  again. 
After  remaining  a  while  at  St.  Maloes,  the  vessel  went  out  on 
another  cruise,  Peter  still  in  her. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Affidavit  before  Magistrates — Eetaliation  on  French  prisoners — Bernoval  to  Dublin — 
Haunted  house — Appear  before  Grand  Jury — Award — School — Education  of  chil- 
dren— Peter  enters  college — John  gets  a  commission  in  the  army — Moses  and  Francis 
enter  college — Moses  studies  law — Emigration  to  America — Marriage  of  children — 
Death  of  my  wife — Failure  of  health — Conclusion. 


Leaving  Peter  on  his  cruise,  I  will  return  to  myself.  As 
soon  as  I  was  well  enough  to  mount  a  horse,  I  rode  over  to 
Kinsale  with  my  son  James,  and  two  of  the  servants,  and 
waited  on  the  Chief  Magistrate,  and  made  an  affidavit  to  the 
effect,  that  after  capitulating  upon  terms  with  the  express  sti- 
pulation that  we  should  have  life  and  liberty,  I  had  been 
forcibly  carried  off  as  a  prisoner,  and  had  only  been  released 
on  the  payment  of  £30,  and  leaving  one  of  my  sons  as  a  hos- 
tage for  the  payment  of  the  other  £70. 

The  Governor,  or  commanding  officer  of  Kinsale,  as  a  re- 
taliatory measure,  immediately  put  all  the  French  officers  in 
irons  who  had  been  taken  in  the  war,  and  were  stationed 
there.  He  sent  a  copy  of  my  affidavit  to  Plymouth,  where 
there  were  numbers  of  French  prisoners,  and  all  these  were 
likewise  put  in  irons.  You  may  suppose  the  letters  of  com- 
plaint from  Kinsale  and  Plymouth  were  very  numerous. 

By  the  time  the  Captain  got  back  a  second  time  to  St. 
M aloes,  public  feeling  was  much  excited  against  him,  and  he 
was    summoned   to  appear   before    the    Governor   of   Brest, 


228  MEMOIES   01     A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

who  wished  to  put  him  in  prison,  and  even  threatened  to  hang 
him.  He  made  the  most  humble  apologies,  and  was  set  at 
liberty  only  upon  promising  that  he  would  convey  Peter  im- 
mediately to  the  place  from  whence  he  had  taken  him.  Thus 
was  our  dear  son  restored  to  our  arms,  and  that  without  our 
having  to  pay  the  £70,  for  which  he  was  taken  as  a  hostage. 

I  took  all  my  family  to  Dublin  except  James,  and  it  is  un- 
necessary to  say  that  we  were  in  miserable  plight. 

I  waited  upon  General  Ingoldsby,  one  of  the  Council,  and 
he  presented  me  at  once  with  an  order  for  £100,  which  was 
the  more  acceptable  as  it  was  altogether  unexpected.  He  had 
made  an  application  for  it  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  my  misfor- 
tunes, and  that  £100  was  the  sum  demanded  for  my  ransom. 

I  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  this  valuable  friend  only 
two  months  before  our  disaster.  He  had  been  deputed  by 
Government  to  make  a  tour  of  inspection  along  the  south-west 
coast  of  Ireland  to  select  the  most  suitable  harbor  on  which  to 
erect  a  fortification.  I  went  as  far  as  Dunrnannus  to  meet 
him,  thirty-six  miles  from  our  house,  where  I  invited  him  to 
sojourn  when  he  came  into  the  neighborhood. 

He  accepted  my  invitation,  and  he  and  his  whole  retinue 
remained  with  me  three  clays,  during  which  time  I  treated 
them  as  hospitably  as  I  possibly  could,  making  them  welcome 
to  the  best  the  country  afforded.  Having  had  a  little  notice 
beforehand,  we  had  time  to  make  preparations,  and  I  was  able  to 
have  as  many  as  fourteen  or  fifteen  different  dishes  on  the  table 
every  day,  and  a  great  variety  of  wine.  He  has  been  one  of 
my  best  friends  from  that  day  to  this.  You  may  here  notice 
once  more  the  Providence  of  God,  raising  up  for  me.  before- 
hand, a  powerful  friend  against  the  day  of  need. 

I  determined  to  take  up  my  abode  for  the  future   in  the 


REMOVAL    TO    DUBLIN.  229 

city  of  Dublin,  and  to  try  to  maintain  my  family  by  keeping 
a  school  for  instruction  in  Latin,  Greek  and  French. 

I  found  a  house  on  St.  Stephen's  Green,  that  I  thought 
would  answer  our  purpose  extremely  well.  It  had  been 
originally  very  well  built,  but  was  a  good  deal  out  of  repair, 
owing  to  its  having  been  long  without  a  tenant ;  and  it  had, 
moreover,  the  reputation  of  being  haunted  by  evil  spirits.  My 
wife  and  I  entertained  no  apprehension  of  being  disturbed  by 
any  unearthly  visitors,  so  we  were  very  glad  to  get  this  house 
upon  lower  terms  in  consequence  of  the  prejudice  that  existed. 
I  obtained  a  lease  of  it  for  ninety  and  nine  years  at  £10  per 
annum.  It  was  a  large  house,  forty  feet  square,  it  had  good 
substantial  stone  walls,  and  all  the  carpenters'  work  was  of 
oak.  There  was  a  yard  and  a  garden  attached  to  it  three 
hundred  feet  in  depth,  and  the  width  of  the  house. 

I  was  obliged  to  leave  Dublin  before  we  took  possession 
of  the  house,  in  order  to  prosecute  my  claim  for  damages, 
upon  the  county  of  Cork,  for  injuries  received  at  the  hands  of 
Irishmen  in  the  French  privateer.  By  law,  the  county  is 
liable  to  make  good  all  losses  sustained  by  violence  and  rob- 
bery, provided  the  persons  committing  the  act  are  natives  and 
not  foreigners.  I  had  given  due  notice  to  the  High  Constable 
of  the  Barony,  within  the  time  limited  by  act  of  Parliament, 
and  all  that  remained  for  me  now  to  do  was  to  prove  the  facts 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  grand  jury  of  the  county  of  Cork. 
I  took  my  son  James  and  two  servants  with  me  as  witnesses, 
and  I  had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  proving  the  robbery,  and 
also  that  there  were  many  Irishmen  among  the  assailants.  I 
presented  an  inventory  of  the  property  I  had  lost,  particular- 
izing those  articles  which  had  been  carried  away,  and  those 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  fire. 


23»>  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

No  one  was  more  active  in  my  behalf  than  Captain  Cox, 
the  son  of  Chancellor  Cox,  whom  I  have  named  before  as  ac- 
companying the  Duke  of  Ormond  to  the  south  of  Ireland.  It 
happened  that  I  had  made  him  a  present  of  a  handsome 
watch  only  three  days  before  the  privateer  attacked  us.  The 
watch  was  a  good  time-piece,  but  it  attracted  his  notice  from 
having  a  miniature  of  the  late  Queen,  wife  of  James  II.,  at 
the  back  of  it.  He  appeared  to  admire  it  so  exceedingly  that 
I  gave  it  to  him,  and  I  was  really  glad  of  the  opportunity  of 
making  him  an  acceptable  present.  I  had  received  it  in  bar- 
ter for  some  of  my  manufactured  goods  when  I  was  living  in 
Taunton.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  my  losses,  he  proposed  to 
return  it  to  me,  but  I  would  not  consent ;  for,  if  I  had  not 
given  it  to  him,  the   pirates  would   certainly  have   carried 

it  off. 

The  grand  jury  examined  witnesses,  and  being  fully  satis- 
fied that  Irishmen  had  been  concerned  in  the  attack  and  rob- 
bery, they  awarded  me  the  sum  of  £800,  to  be  paid  by  the 
county  of  Cork,  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  an  act 
of  Parliament. 

I  gave  my  son  James  a  power  of  attorney,  authorizing 
him  to  receive  the  money,  pay  off  all  debts,  and  close  my  ac- 
counts at  Bear  Haven,  and  I  returned  to  Dublin.  My  wife 
had  been  subject  to  some  annoyance  in  my  absence.  I  have 
said  that  the  house  I  had  taken  was  supposed  to  be  haunted, 
and  had  remained  unoccupied  from  superstitious  fears.  It  ap- 
peared that  it  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  a  party  of 
vagrants,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  alarming  persons  who  at- 
tempted to  occupy  it,  and  thus  arose  the  evil  reputation  of  the 
house.  When  my  wife  went  to  it.  these  people  told  her  they 
had  been  permitted  to  live  in  the  house  while  it  was  untenant- 


HAUNTED    HOUSE.  231 

ed,  and  begged  to  be  allowed  to  remain  a  few  days  longer. 
It  was  not  in  her  kind  nature  to  refuse  such  a  favor. 

The  first  night  neither  she  nor  the  children — they  were  all 
in  one  room — could  get  any  sleep  for  the  constant  noises 
they  heard.  The  old  occupants  were  trying  the  game  upon 
her  which  had  been  successful  with  others  who  had  attempted 
to  live  in  the  house.  She  was  very  suspicious  as  to  the  noise 
being  made  by  beings  of  flesh  and  blood  and  not  by  spirits. 
She  bore  it  the  first  night,  and,  believing  she  had  discovered 
the  secret,  she  made  her  preparations  accordingly  for  the 
second  night. 

She  borrowed  firearms  and  swords,  called  the  inmates 
together  before  dark,  and  warned  them  to  be  sure  not  to  leave 
their  rooms  if  the  noises  should  recur  during  the  night,  be- 
cause she  had  provided  herself  with  firearms,  and  she  and 
her  son  had  determined  to  make  use  of  them  against  the  evil 
spirit  that  made  the  disturbance  ;  therefore,  they  would 
see  the  propriety  of  keeping  out  of  the  way  for  fear  they 
might  be  killed  by  accident.  As  may  be  supposed,  the  evil 
spirits  were  heard  no  more. 

On  my  return,  I  made  them  all  quit  the  premises  :  I  had 
the  house  thoroughly  repaired,  made  some  alterations  to  fit  it 
for  a  large  family,  and  when  all  was  completed,  I  found  that 
it  had  cost  me  £450.  In  this  house  I  have  lived  ever  since. 
I  have  had  a  good  school,  taking  both  boarders  and  day- 
scholars  ;  and  I  have  thus  been  able  to  give  my  children  an 
education  inferior  in  no  respect  to  that  bestowed  upon  the  first 
nobles  of  the  land.  They  have  had  masters  for  writing,  draw- 
ing, dancing,  and  fencing  ;  and  with  me  they  have  prosecuted 
their  studies  in  Latin,  Greek,  geography,  mathematics,  and 
fortification.     I  have  never  spared    any   expense,  either  for 


232  MEMorse  of  a  bugui  ntoi   pamili  . 

boys  or  girls,  by  which  I  could  give  them  greater  opportuni- 
ties of  education  aud  general  improvement.     My  danghters 

have  been  instra  ted  in  drawing,  and  in  every  variety  of  or- 
namental needlework,  in  addition  to  the  more  Bolid  branol 
of  education. 

Let  us  pause  a  moment  for  reflection  upon  the  mercies 
and  loving-kindness  of  our  Heavenly  Father,  and  our  own 
short-sightedness.  How  distressing  did  it  appear  to  me  to 
lose,  by  the  fisheries  at  Bear  Haven,  the  property  for  which 
I  had  toiled  year  after  year  !  When  the  final  blow  came  by 
which  we  were  so  disastrously  stripped  of  every  thing,  it  ap- 
peared to  be  overwhelming  :  and  yet  without  it,  I  should 
never,  most  probably,  have  had  the  means  to  clear  myself  of 
debt,  and  I  should  have  been  obliged  to  spend  the  residue  of 
my  days  at  Bear  Haven,  and  have  had  to  bring  you  all  up  in 
that  desert,  where  it  would  have  been  absolutely  impossible 
for  me  to  have  given  you  the  excellent  education  you  have  re- 
ceived in  Dublin  ;  and  from  this  I  wish  you  to  arrive  at  the 
conclusion,  that  God  knows  what  is  good  for  us  much  better 
than  we  do  ourselves.  If  this  becomes  your  settled  convic- 
tion, there  is  no  language  equal  to  describing  the  peace  of 
mind  that  it  will  cause.  For  my  own  part,  I  endeavor  to  re- 
ceive with  perfect  submission  every  dispensation  from  the 
hand  of  my  Maker  ;  even  though  I  see  nothing  but  poverty, 
sorrows,  and  afflictions,  grievous  to  the  flesh,  I  can  wait  pa- 
tiently his  good  time,  for  I  know  that  in  the  end  the  result 
will  be  for  the  benefit  of  me  and  mine. 

Here  follows  an  incident  quite  to  the  purpose.  General 
Ingoldsby,  whose  friendship  for  me  was  such  that  he  was  al- 
ways on  the  look-out  for  something  to  benefit  me,  thought  he 
had  hit  upon  a  plan  that  would  be  very  agreeable  to  me.    He 


GENEEAL   ESGOLDSBy's   KDTDXESS.  233 

had  received  orders  to  send  all  the  half-pay  officers,  that  were 
in  Ireland,  to  Spain,  and  he  entered  the  names  of  my  sons 
Peter  and  John  upon  the  list,  without  saying  any  thing  to  us 
until  it  was  done.  The  boys  were  wild  with  joy  at  the  idea 
of  entering  the  army,  and  escaping  from  the  drudgery  of 
study. 

I  gave  them  but  little  recreation,  it  is  true  ;  I  tried,  how- 
ever, to  make  it  easy  by  alternations  from  one  employment  to 
another  so  as  to  relieve  the  mind  by  variety.  Latin  and 
Greek  were  studies  which  they  were  obliged  to  attend  to  as 
tasks.  I  endeavored  to  make  them  look  upon  all  the  other 
things  which  they  learned  as  relaxation  and  indulgence. 

Mr.  Secretary  Dawson  was  not  so  favorably  disposed,  as 
General  Ingoldsby  was,  towards  us,  and  he  refused  to  make 
out  the  commissions  for  my  sons.  He  told  the  General  that 
he  had  exceeded  his  powers  by  entering,  upon  the  half-pay 
list,  officers  who  had  never  served.  Our  kind  friend  was 
much  chagrined  at  this  unexpected  obstacle,  but  he  told  us  not 
to  fret  and  he  should  probably  yet  have  it  in  his  power  to 
serve  us.  The  boys  were  most  grievously  disappointed  ;  I 
was  not.  I  had  felt  unwilling  to  decline  an  offer  that 
promised  to  be  advantageous,  and  which  my  sons  were  them- 
selves so  desirous  to  accept,  but  at  the  same  time  I  thought 
them  fully  too  young  to  venture  from  the  shelter  of  a  parent's 
wing.     I  also  preferred  their  continuing  longer  at  study. 

The  half-pay  officers  embarked  at  Cork  to  go  to  Ply- 
mouth, there  to  join  the  fleet  for  Spain,  my  sons  not  of  the 
number.  On  the  passage,  they  were  attacked  by  a  French 
man-of-war,  and  though  confessedly  so  inferior  in  size  as  not 
to  warrant  resistance,  yet  the  officers  of  the  army  who  were 
on  board,  being  very  numerous,  would  not  consent  to   sur- 


234  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

render  without  a  fight — as  mere  passengers  they  should  not 
have  had  a  voice  in  the  matter— and  in  the  engagement  which 
took  place,  one  half  were  killed,  almost  all  the  remainder 
wounded,  and  they  were  obliged  to  surrender. 

When  the  sad  news  reached  us,  I  returned  thanks  to  God 
with  my  whole  heart  for  his  having  refused  to  me  and  mine 
what  had  been  so  ardently  desired.  Oh  !  my  dear  children, 
learn  to  place  your  trust  in  that  Providence  which  will  pre- 
serve you,  even  in  spite  of  yourselves,  if  you  will  only  trust 
in  it.  What  a  comfort  it  is  to  be  able  to  realize  that  we  are 
under  the  especial  care  of  so  wise,  so  powerful  and  so  benev- 
olent a  Guide,  one  who  only  refuses  to  our  prayers  that  which 
he  knows  would  be  prejudicial  to  us. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1711,  Peter  was  ready  to  enter 
college.  Dr.  Hall  was  to  be  his  tutor,  and  he  with  the  great- 
est kindness  and  generosity  declined  receiving  the  usual  fees 
with  him.  He  did  the  same  by  Moses  and  Francis  when  they 
went  to  college,  by  which  I  consider  he  made  me  a  present  of 
£35  or  £36.  In  addition  to  this  he  procured  a  room  for  them 
free  of  rent  and  charges,  which  would  have  amounted  to  £27 
more,  and  all  this  from  pure  benevolence  and  generosity,  for 
we  had  never  done  any  thing  to  deserve  such  kindness  at  his 

hands. 

About  this  time,  Lord  Wharton  being  now  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  an  order  was  received  instructing  him  to 
dispatch  all  the  regiments  that  were  in  Ireland  to  Spain.  In 
examining  the  troops,  it  was  found  that  a  great  many  sons  of 
officers  had  been  entered,  who  were  mere  children,  therefore, 
before  sending  the  regiments  abroad,  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
struck  off  the  roll  all  under  sixteen  years  of  age,  as  too  young 
for  service.    He  was  a  little  too  fond  of  money,  and  he  availed 


JOHN    OBTAINS    A    COMMISSION.  235 

himself  of  the  vacancies  he  had  created,  to  add  to  his  store, 
by  selling  the  commissions  for  money. 

John  had  set  his  heart  upon  being  a  soldier,  and,  by  the 
advice  of  General  Ingoldsby,  I  took  the  young  man  with  me 
to  wait  upon  Lord  Wharton,  to  apply  for  a  commission.  I 
told  him  my  circumstances  would  not  allow  of  my  purchasing- 
one,  I  showed  him  some  specimens  of  military  drawings  made 
by  John.  He  was  pleased  with  his  appearance,  and  said  it 
was  a  pity  that  one  so  handsome  and  so  well  formed  should 
not  have  a  commission,  but  still  he  did  not  promise  to  give 
him  one,  for  he  hoped  to  find  purchasers  for  the  whole. 

I  renewed  my  application  from  time  to  time,  and  at  last, 
on  the  very  eve  of  departure,  findirig  that  some  of  the  com- 
missions were  unsold,  General  Ingoldsby  went  himself  to  the 
Lord  Lieutenant  and  obtained  an  Ensign's  commission  for 
John,  without  our  having  to  pay  any  thing  more  than  the  fees 
of  office.  The  necessary  expenses  for  his  equipment  amounted 
to  £75.  He  was  in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel 
Shawe,  a  cruel,  avaricious  man,  a  drunkard  and  a  debauchee, 
who  looked  upon  him  with  an  evil  eye,  because  he  had  entered 
the  army  through  the  favor  of  General  Ingoldsby. . 

I  leave  John  to  tell  his  own  story  of  his  sufferings  and 
mortification  under  such  a  Colonel,  and  of  the  severe  illness  he 
had  in  Spain.  I  feel  myself  bound,  however,  to  acknowledge, 
in  this  place,  the  great  goodness  of  God,  in  returning  him  to 
us  safe  and  sound.  He  received  several  wounds  himself  and 
had  wounded  others,  being  often  obliged  to  put  his  hand  to 
his  sword,  but  he  never  killed  any  body.  I  bless  God,  most 
especially  for  having  preserved  him  amid  dissolute  companions, 
and  scenes  of  temptation,  from  acquiring  any  vicious  habit, 
and  I  earnestly  beseech  him  to  continue  his  fatherly  protection. 


23*'.  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Ill  June,  1712,  Moses  and  Francis  entered  college  with 
great  approbation  from  all  the  Professors. 

Francis  was  very  young,  and  small  of  his  age,  but  he  hud 
excellent  talents  which  he  had  most  diligently  cultivated.  He 
had  also  enough  of  self-confidence  to  bring  all  his  acquire- 
ments into  play,  and  do  himself  full  justice.  He  was  the  ad- 
miration of  the  whole  college  as  long  as  he  remained  there, 
which  was  seven  years  and  a  half. 

I  purchased  an  apartment  in  the  college,  for  the  use  of 
the  three,  and  after  painting,  putting  necessary  articles  of  fur- 
niture in  it,  and  making  closets,  it  stood  me  in  £42.  They 
always  had  the  use  of  this  room  without  interruption  or  in- 
trusion from  any  one,  and  when  the  two  older  ones  left  col- 
lege, and  Francis  was  there  alone,  I  made  interest  that  he 
should  have  no  companion.  My  object  was  to  avoid  the  pos- 
sibility of  their  being  corrupted  by  vicious  companions,  or 
drawn  from  their  studies  by  idle  ones,  which  very  often  hap- 
pens to  young  persons  whose  principles  are  not  firmly  estab- 
lished. Thanks  be  to  God,  they  preserved  their  purity  of 
manners  and  holiness  of  life. 

About  two  years  afterwards,  I  entered  Moses  on  the  books 
of  the  Inns  of  Court  at  the  Temple,  in  London,  because  he 
intended  to  be  a  lawyer.  He  continued  to  study  with  great 
assiduity,  and  was  well  endowed  in  point  of  talent,  but  he  had 
a  most  painful  timidity  and  reserve.  He  went  to  London  in 
1715,  and  remained  a  year  and  some  months;  he  then  came 
home,  and  took  his  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  for  it  was  my 
wish  that  he  should  have  it  in  his  power  to  pursue  the  study 
of  Theology,  if  he  should  hereafter  find  that  he  preferred 
it  to  law. 

While  Moses  was  in  London,  I  went  to  the  expense  of  en- 


captain  boulay's  offer.  237 

tering  Francis  also  at  the  Temple.  He  was  of  a  very  quick  and 
ready  turn,  and  had  the  gift  of  fluency  of  speech  in  a  remark- 
able degree,  which  made  me  think  he  might  choose  the  law 
for  his  profession,  but  thanks  be  to  G-od,  he  has  chosen  to  de- 
dicate himself  to  His  service,  and  to  prepare  himself  for  the 
holy  ministry. 

In  the  month  of  November,  1713,  Captain  Boulay,  a  French 
gentleman,  a  half-pay  cavalry  officer,  with  whom  I  had  not  the 
slightest  acquaintance,  called  upon  me  to  offer  his  grand- 
daughter in  marriage  to  one  of  my  sons.  She  was  his  sole  de- 
scendant, her  father  and  mother  were  both  dead,  and  she  was  to 
inherit  all  his  property.  He  told  me  he  had  heard  an  excel- 
lent report  of  my  sons,  that  they  had  been  well  brought  up, 
and  conducted  themselves  with  propriety  on  every  occasion, 
being  free  from  the  follies  and  vices  of  the  age,  and  this  had 
made  him  wish  to  secure  one  of  them  as  a  protector  for  his 
grand-child  when  his  head  should  be  laid  low.  He  said  he 
preferred  in  the  husband  of  his  child  virtue  without  fortune, 
to  the  largest  property  unaccompanied  by  the  piety  and  dis- 
cretion which  he  believed  them  to  have.  He  was  upwards  of 
eighty  years  of  age;  his  grand-daughter,  Elizabeth  Fourreau, 
was  about  thirteen. 

I  thanked  him  very  much  for  the  flattering  terms  in  which 
he  had  made  the  proposal,  and  told  him  I  thought  the  best 
plan  would  be  for  him  to  send  her  to  us,  as  though  she  were  a 
boarder,  and  then  we  might  observe  which  of  my  sons  liked 
her  the  best,  and  for  which  of  them  she  might  feel  a  preference. 

This  plan  met  his  views,  and  she  came  to  live  with  us.  We 
found  her  to  be  a  girl  of  very  amiable  temper,  sweet  disposi- 
tion, and  very  fair  natural  talents,  but  her  education  had  been 
extremely  neglected. 


238  MI.MolKS    OF    A     lirUUENOT    FAMILY. 

My  sons  consulted  with  each  other  about  their  feelings  on 
the  subject  of  the  proposed  marriage,  and  Peter,  by  the  ad- 
vice of  his  brothers,  determined  upon  it. 

Marriage  articles  were  drawn  up,  and  on  the  29th  March. 
1714,  the  marriage  took  place  with  great  privacy,  because 
Peter  had  not  yet  taken  his  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  we  began  to  turn  our  eyes  to- 
wards America,  as  a  country  that  would  be  most  suitable  for 
the  future  residence  of  the  family. 

John,  the  officer,  was  without  employment,  it  was  therefore 
determined  that  he  should  make  a  voyage  to  America,  travel 
through  every  part  where  the  climate  was  temperate,  and 
purchase  a  plantation,  in  such  situation  as  he  judged  would 
prove  in  all  respects  the  most  advantageous. 

He  landed  in  Virginia,  travelled  through  that  colony,  as 
well  as  through  parts  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey,  to  the  town  of  New-York.  He  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  Virginia  presented  the  most  desirable  circumstances, 
taking  every  thing  into  consideration ;  he  purchased  a  planta- 
tion there,  and  also  found  a  parish  or  benefice  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  purchase,  which  he  thought  would  suit  Peter,  and  wrote 
to  him  to  that  effect. 

Captain  Boulay  died  in  March,  1715,  which  made  Peter 
the  owner  of  £1000.  He  had  taken  his  degree,  and  was 
ready  to  be  ordained  at  the  time  he  received  John's  letter. 
He  accordingly  went  to  London,  and  received  ordination  from 
the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  is  also  Bishop  of  all 
the  British  colonies. 

In  February  or  March,  Moses  conducted  Peter's  wife  to 
join  him  in  London ;  they  embarked  thence  for  Virginia, 
where  they  found  John  impatiently  expecting  them ;  and  I 


APPLICATION   TO    LORD    GALWAY.  239 

have  had  the  satisfaction  of  hearing  from  them  that  they  are 
comfortably  settled  in  their  new  home. 

Moses  remained  in  London,  studying  law  with  great  dili- 
gence. 

Francis  was  still  at  college,  and  a  close  student. 

I  was  engaged  all  the  time  with  my  school ;  I  had  scholars 
enough  to  enable  me  to  meet  the  heavy  expenditure  which  had 
been  going  on,  both  in  the  maintenance  of  my  family,  and  the 
education  of  my  children. 

I  now  felt  that  I  had  done  for  my  sons  all  that  was  neces- 
sary ;  I  ceased  to  feel  anxious  for  them.  They  were  all  old 
enough  to  maintain  themselves  ;  but  I  could  not  help  feel- 
ing anxious  about  the  future  support  of  my  wife  and  daugh- 
ters. Should  I  be  taken  from  them  they  would  have  no- 
thing, for  I  had  not  been  able  to  lay  up  any  thing  for  them. 
My  pension  would  cease  at  my  death,  and  the  school,  of 
course  ;   so  they  would,  to  all  appearance,  be  left  destitute. 

Lord  Galway  was  now  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  as 
he  was  my  friend,  I  thought  I  might,  through  his  aid,  make  an 
arrangement,  by  which  my  pension  would  be  continued  to  my 
wife  and  daughters.  I  waited  upon  him,  and  explained  to 
him  my  cause  of  anxiety,  and  begged  that  he  would  transfer 
my  pension  to  my  wife  and  daughters — one  shilling  a  day  to 
my  wife,  and  two  shillings  each  to  my  two  daughters.  He 
granted  me  the  favor  ;  he  had  my  name  erased  on  the  pen- 
sion list,  and  the  names  of  my  wife  and  daughters  inserted  in 
the  place,  by  which  I  had  very  nearly  lost  the  pension  alto- 
gether, without  my  wife  and  daughters  gaining  it. 

The  list  which  Lord  Galway  sent  to  London  was  not  ap- 
proved of;  and  many  persons  were  deprived  of  their  pensions, 
under  circumstances  exactly    similar    to    mine.      The    same 


240  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

good  God,  whose  providential  care  I  have  so  often  pointed 
out  to  you,  befriended  me  once  more,  and  raised  up  for  me 
friends  in  Parliament,  who  spoke  so  warmly  in  my  behalf, 
when  the  subject  came  under  discussion,  that  I  was  re- 
instated in  my  pension  as  before. 

While  this  was  going  on,  my  eldest  daughter,  Mary  Anne, 
was  married,  with  the  consent  of  the  whole  family,  on  the 
twentieth  of  October,  1716,  to  Matthew  Maury,  of  Castel 
Mauron.  Gascony.  He  was  a  very  honest  man,  and  a  good 
economist,  but  without  property.  He  had  lived  in  Dublin  for 
two  years,  having  come  thither  from  France  as  a  Refugee. 

James  was  the  next  who  went  to  Virginia.  He  sailed  in 
April,  1717,  and  took  with  him  his  wife  and  child,  and  his 
mother-in-law.  They  had  a  very  disastrous  voyage  ;  the  ves- 
sel sprung  a  leak,  and  they  were  obliged  to  work  the  pumps 
night  and  day,  without  intermission,  for  twenty-six  days. 
They  arrived  in  safety  at  last.  John  met  them,  conducted 
them  to  a  house  he  had  provided  for  them,  where  he  had  most 
considerately  laid  up  grain  ready  for  their  use. 

In  the  same  year,  my  son-in-law,  Mr.  Maury,  went  to 
Virginia,  and  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  the  appearance 
of  the  country,  that  he  took  a  portion  of  the  land  John  had 
purchased,  made  preparations  for  a  small  dwelling-house  to 
be  erected  upon  it,  and  returned  for  his  wife,  and  a  son  that 
had  been  born  to  him  during  his  absence.  They  left  us  in 
the  month  of  September,  1719. 

In  this  year  Moses  became  disgusted  with  the  study  of 
law ;  he  had  some  scruples  of  conscience  about  the  practice 
of  it ;  and  his  natural  diffidence  was  unfavorable  to  success. 
I  wished  him  exceedingly  to  study  Theology,  but  I  could  not 
persuade  him.     He  said  he  knew  that  it  would  be  impossible 


FRANCIS   ORDAINED.  241 

for  him  ever  to  speak  in  public.  He  made  up  his  mind  to 
be  an  engraver,  which  I  did  not  approve  of,  after  having 
given  him  an  education  to  fit  him  for  one  of  the  learned  pro- 
fessions. He  would  not  do  any  thing  without  my  consent, 
and  he  continued  so  resolute  in  his  wish,  that  I  was  obliged 
to  yield  ;  and  in  the  year  1719,  he  bound  himself  apprentice 
to  an  engraver.  I  am  told  he  is  a  very  good  artist.  It  is 
certain  that  he  evinced  a  decided  talent  for  drawing,  when  he 
was  instructed  in  the  art  as  a  boy.  May  G-od  bless  and 
prosper  him  in  an  employment  which  he  allowed  him  to  show 
so  strong  a  preference  for. 

John  returned  to  London  from  Virginia  in  the  month  of 
July,  1719,  and  he  soon  after  came  home  to  us,  and  remained 
more  than  a  year,  when  he  accompanied  Francis  to  London. 
The  latter  had  been  devoted  to  study  from  infancy,  and  had 
determined  to  be  a  preacher  of  the  G-ospel.  He  had  taken 
his  degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  and  he  was  well  skilled  in  the 
Oriental  Languages,  as  well  as  in  all  the  more  usual  branches 
of  college  education.  The  Archbishop  of  Dublin  gave  him  a 
most  particular  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  Bishop  of 
London,  from  whom  he  received  both  Deacon's  and  Priest's 
orders,  and  many  marks  of  kindness.  He  was  married,  in 
London,  to  Miss  Mary  Grlanisson,  a  young  lady  of  French 
parentage,  the  family  originally  from  Jonzac,  in  Saintonge. 

The  Bishop  of  London  furnished  him  with  a  letter  of  in- 
troduction to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  he  and  his  wife 
soon  afterwards  sailed  for  that  colony.  When  he  arrived,  he 
was  so  much  admired  by  all  who  heard  him  preach,  that  many 
parishes  were  desirous  to  have  him  for  their  pastor,  and  he 
gained  the  esteem  and  friendship  of  all  who  came  in  contact 
with   him.     He   is  settled  in   St.   Margaret's   Parish,    King 

11 


242  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

William  County,  where  he  is  so  much  beloved,  that  his  pa- 
rishioners have  bestowed  favors  upon  him,  such  as  no  previous 
minister  had  received  from  them.  I  have  lately  had  the  gra- 
tification of  hearing  from  him  that  God  has  given  him  a  son. 
John,  becoming  weary  of  passing  his  time  without  any  set- 
tled occupation,  has  been  learning  the  trade  of  a  watchmaker, 
from  his  cousin,  Peter  Forestier,  with  whom  he  always  boarded 
when  he  went  to  London.  His  reputation  was  great  for  making 
repeating  watches.  I  find,  by  a  late  letter  from  John,  that 
he  has  begun  to  work  on  his  own  account,  which  I  am  pleased 
to  hear,  for  it  will  make  him  independent,  in  case  he  should 
be  deprived  of  the  half-pay  which  he  has  hitherto  received. 

I  have  now,  my  dear  children,  given  you  a  brief  statement 
of  the  present  condition  of  each  one  of  you,  and  I  hope  that 
you  will  add  your  individual  histories  to  this,  for  the  benefit 
of  those  who  come  after  you. 

My  memoirs  draw  near  a  close.  Your  poor  mother  had 
suffered  much  from  rheumatism  for  three  years  before  John 
and  Francis  left  us ;  this  painful  disorder  continued  to  in- 
crease upon  her  till  she  was  no  longer  able  to  go  to  church, 
and  her  spirits  became  much  depressed  under  this  privation. 
Finally,  her  complaint  turned  to  dropsy,  and  she  was  unable  to 
leave  her  bed.  On  the  twenty -ninth  of  January,  1721,  her 
sufferings  were  ended  by  death. 

A  melancholy  day  it  was  that  deprived  me  of  my  greatest 
earthly  comfort  and  consolation  !  I  was  bowed  to  the  very 
dust,  but  it  made  me  think  of  my  own  latter  end,  and  gave  me 
a  wholesome  warning  to  prepare  myself  to  join  her. 

During  her  illness,  our  dear  daughter  Elizabeth  supplied 
the  place  of  all  her  brothers  and  her  sister,  who  had  left  her 
alone  to  comfort  and  sustain  her  aged  parents ;  she  took  the 


FAILURE    OF   HEALTH.  24:3 

greatest  possible  care  of  her  mother,  she  never  spared  herself 
in  any  way.  but  did  every  thing  cheerfully  that  she  thought 
would  be  acceptable  or  beneficial. 

Though  I  was  sadly  overpowered  and  much  enfeebled,  by 
this  great  affliction,  I  continued  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  my 
school  until  the  month  of  September,  in  the  same  year.  My 
health  then  became  so  bad  that  I  broke  up  my  school,  dis- 
missed the  boarders  as  well  as  the  day-scholars,  in  order  that 
I  might  he  at  leisure  to  prepare  for  the  great  and  awful  change 
that  I  was  assured  could  not  be  far  distant.  It  was  my  wish 
to  withdraw  from  worldly  care  and  die  in  peace. 

After  remaining  some  months  in  a  deplorable  state,  suffer- 
ing from  constant  low  fever  and  other  distressing  symptoms, 
given  over  by  my  physicians,  and  without  the  least  expecta- 
tion of  recovery  on  my  own  part,  I  was  severely  attacked  with 
the  gout,  from  which  I  had  been  free  for  eighteen  months,  and 
this  new  disorder  drove  away  all  others.  The  fever  disap- 
peared, my  appetite  returned,  and  I  have  continued  ever  since 
in  a  tolerable  state  of  health,  though  suffering  from  debility, 
finding  it  difficult  to  use  my  limbs,  and  walking  with  great  pain. 

Your  sister  Elizabeth  has.  all  this  time,  given  me  constant 
proofs  of  her  affection  and  tenderness.  She  has  never  caused 
me  the  least  pain  except  by  her  tears,  which  she  has  not  at 
all  times  been  able  to  restrain,  and  by  the  unceasing  attention 
to  me,  which  has  made  me  afraid  her  own  health  would  suffer. 
She  has  had  a  bad  cold  occasionally,;  but  God,  in  his  infinite 
mercy,  has  preserved  her  to  me,  and  I  thank  him  for  this  very 
great  consolation.  I  recommend  this  dear  daughter  most 
especially  to  the  care  of  her  brothers  and  sister.  You  must 
remember,  my  dear  children,  she  is  the  one  who  has  smoothed 
the  downward  path  of  life  for  her  parents,  and  has  performed 


244  MEK0IR8  OF  A  HUGUENOT  family. 

those  tender  offices  which  you  all  owe  to  them,  but  which  your 
absence  precluded  you  from  performing. 

I  had  written  to  John  and  Moses,  to  tell  them  I  would 
send  these  memoirs  to  them,  that  they  might  make  a  copy  for 
their  own  use  before  this  was  sent  to  Virginia.  They  replied 
that  they  would  much  prefer  retaining  the  copy  written  with 
my  own  hand,  and  they  would  send  that  which  they  should 
write  to  Virginia.  The  expression  of  this  most  natural  wish, 
has  induced  me  to  write  a  second  copy  with  my  own  hand. 
God  has  prolonged  my  life,  and  given  me  leisure  ;  therefore  I 
have  felt  it  my  duty  to  do  it  myself,  as  well  to  gratify  them 
as  to  save  them  trouble,  and  prevent  their  being  taken  from 
their  profitable  employments  to  write  it.  I  am  sure  those  in 
Virginia  will  value  this  the  more  for  being  in  my  own  handwrit- 
ing. I  have  copied  it  word  for  word  from  the  other,  and  have 
finished  it  this  twenty-first  day  of  June,  1 722.  If  by  any  ac- 
cident one  copy  should  be  lost,  the  other  may  be  referred  to. 

I  feel  the  strongest  conviction,  that  if  you  will  take  care 
of  these  memoirs,  your  descendants  will  read  them  with  plea- 
sure, and  I  here  declare  that  I  have  been  most  particular  as 
to  the  truth  of  all  that  is  herein  recorded. 

I  hope  God  will  bless  the  work,  and  that  by  his  grace 
it  may  be  a  bond  of  union  amongst  you  and  your  descendants, 
and  that  it  may  be  a  humble  means  of  confirming  you  all  in 
the  fear  of  the  Lord. 

If  our  Heavenly  Father,  whose  blessing  I  have  implored 
upon  the  work,  should  vouchsafe  to  make  use  of  it  as  an  in- 
strument for  the  advancement  of  His  glory,  and  your  eternal 
welfare,  I  shall  think  myself  more  than  recompensed  for  all 
my  trouble.     I  am,  my  dear  children, 

Your  tender  father, 

James  Fontaine. 


oLfrtr  an  ■  ■  W*    by     Y/crhdge   . 

G.P    P'jTMAM     fe  C°. 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE. 


-♦  •  » 


The  Journal*  commences  on  the  16th  September,  1710, 
when  he  obtained  an  ensign's  commission  in  Lord  Shaw's  regi- 
ment of  foot.  He  was  rather  young  to  enter  the  service,  only 
seventeen  years  old. 

On  the  1st  February,  1710-1 1,  the  troops  embarked  at  Cork, 
and  put  to  sea  immediately.  The  weather  was  very  stormy, 
and  one  of  the  transports  foundered  at  sea,  having  on  board 
three  companies  under  Colonel  Chester.  That  on  board  of 
which  John  Fontaine  was  a  passenger,  arrived  in  safety  at 
Plymouth  on  the  11th  February.  On  the  26th  March,  the 
troops  sailed  for  Spain,  and  encountered  bad  weather  again, 
which  caused  them  to  put  into  Torbay.  They  anchored  off 
Lisbon  on  the  22d  April,  and  reached  Barcelona  on  the  last 
of  May.  There  the  troops  were  thinned  by  disease  and  vio- 
lence.   John  observes :  "  There  may  be  good  laws  in  this  coun- 

*  In  the  preceding  narrative,  there  is  mention  made  of  a  Journal  kept 
by  John  Fontaine.  This  has  been  sent  to  me,  with  great  kindness,  by  his 
descendants,  who  are  now  living  in  the  neighborhood  of  London.  I  cannot 
refrain  from  expressing  my  admiration  of  the  piety  and  excellence  of  my 
kinswomen,  at  the  same  time  that  I  make  my  acknowledgments  for  their 
contribution  towards  the  completion  of  our  family  annals.  Their  lives  are 
in  all  respects  such  as  one  might  hope  and  expect  to  find  in  those  descended 
from  a  long  line  of  pious  ancestry. 


246        MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

try ;  but  if  there  be,  it  is  certain  they  do  not  put  them  in 
execution.  And  what  is  to  be  admired  amongst  these  bigoted 
people  is,  that  they  do  not  punish  murderers,  but  will  rather 
protect  them.  If  any  man  is  murdered,  it  is  commonly  near 
a  church ;  the  murderer  runs  there  at  once,  and  then  it  is 
sacrilege  to  lay  hands  on  him.  He  is  protected  from  the  law 
and  the  party  offended,  and  also  maintained,  and  furnished 
with  a  friar's  habit,  the  better  to  hide  his  villainy  ;  and  pass- 
ports are  provided  from  convent  to  convent,  until  he  is  in  a 
safe  place." 

"  The  country,"  he  says,  "  seems  to  be  very  fruitful,  but 
there  are  not  people  to  cultivate  the  lands.  All  along  the 
sea-shore,  where  there  is  the  best  land,  places  are  not  settled, 
because  the  Moors  very  often  make  descents,  and  carry  away 
with  them  all  they  can  get ;  and  they  make  slaves  of  the  peo- 
ple which  they  catch." 

John  appears  to  have  been  a  very  observing  young  travel- 
ler, his  journal  containing  minute  descriptions  of  what  he  saw 
in  Barcelona,  Terragona,  Majorca,  and  Minorca,  which  I  have 
not  thought  it  worth  while  to  give  in  this  volume. 

"  The  latter  end  of  November,  1712,  we  had  orders  to  em- 
bark ;  and  as  we  were  leaving  Barcelona,  the  poor  Spaniards, 
seeing  they  were  left  in  the  lurch,  they  called  us  traitors,  and 
all  the  most  vile  names  they  could  invent ;  and  the  common 
people  threw  stones  at  us,  saying  we  had  betrayed  them  into 
the  hands  of  King  Philip.  It  was  with  a  great  deal  of  diffi- 
culty we  embarked." 

The  troops  remained  some  time  in  the  islands  of  Majorca 
and  Minorca,  and  returned  to  England  in  the  year  1713, 
without  ever  having  had  any  engagement  with  the  enemy. 
John  went  from  Bristol  to  London  by  the  stage-coach,  which 


JOTJKNAL    OF   JOKN"   FONTAINE.  247 

at  that  time  occupied  three  days.*  He  spent  a  short  time 
with  his  relations,  the  Arnaulds,  in  London,  and  then  set 
out  for  Ireland.  He  bought  a  horse,  which  carried  him  to 
Chester  in  five  days ;  and  from  there  to  Holyhead  in  three 
days ;  and  he  crossed  the  Channel  to  Dublin  in  two  days. 

He  spent  some  months  at  home,  during  which  he  employed 
himself  in  studying  navigation,  preparatory  to  a  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic,  which  he  contemplated  making,  in  order  to  pur- 
chase land  in  some  part  of  North  America,  to  which  it  would 
be  suitable  for  the  family  to  emigrate.  He  was  entirely  at 
leisure  after  his  return  from  Spain,  and  was  therefore  glad  to 
make  his  taste  for  travelling  subservient  to  the  plans  for  the 
future  good  of  his  brothers  and  sisters. 

He  proceeded  to  Cork  to  take  passage  for  Yirginia,  and 
after  waiting  from  the  13th  November  to  3d  December,  1714, 
the  ship  Dove,  of  Biddeford,  made  her  appearance  in  the  har- 
bor, and  he  engaged  passage  on  board  of  her  for  himself  and 
four  servants,  for  which  he  paid  £25  sterling.  He  took  out  a 
few  goods  as  an  adventure,  and  amongst  them  some  Bibles, 
Prayer-Books,  and  writing-paper,  for  account  of  Mr.  Binauld, 
a  French  Refugee,  who  had  a  printing  establishment  in  Dublin. 

A  Journal  of  our  intended  voyage,  by  God's  assistance, 

in  the  Dove,  of  Biddeford,  Captain  John  Shapley.  commander. 

1th  Dec.  1714. — We  embarked,  and  on  the  10th  the  wind 

proving  fair,  we  set  sail  for  the  Virginias,  with  Grod's  blessing. 

###### 

For  the  first  week  they  had  fair  winds,  and  made  respect- 
able progress.     Poor  John  was  sea-sick  for  several  days. 

\§th  Dec. — Wind  N.E.,  not  very  hard.     We  sailed  five  or 

*  The  same  journey  is  now  accomplished  by  railway  in  three  hours. 


248  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

six  knots  the  hour.  We  sec  many  sea-hogs.  We  had  no  right 
observation.  The  method  of  taking  an  observation  at  sea : — 
You  see  first  as  high  as  you  can  the  latitude  you  think  your- 
self in ;  then  you  fix  your  veins ;  and  then  look  for  the  hori- 
zon. You  must  observe  that  if  the  shade  of  the  sun  comes  to 
the  upper  part  of  the  slit  of  the  horizon  vein,  and  that  the  sun 
is  at  his  full  height,  and  that  you  sec  your  horizon  through 
the  slit  of  the  horizon  vein,  then  you  are  assured  of  a  good 
observation.  You  must  begin  to  look  before  the  sun  is  at  his 
full  height,  that  you  may  see  him  at  the  highest,  and  you  must 
continue  till  you  find  him  declining ;  and  when  you  find  the 
sun  declining,  you  must  leave  off  observing.  Then  take  off 
the  degrees  of  the  quadrant,  and  look  in  the  table  for  the 
sun's  declination,  which  you  must  subtract  from  your  latitude 
by  observation,  and  the  remainder  will  be  the  latitude  of  the 
place  you  are  in.  Now,  as  the  sun  is  going  from  us,  we  sub- 
tract, but  when  he  comes  to  us,  we  must  add. 

#  #  #  #  *  * 

20th  Dec. — Wind  S.W.,  very  stormy;  and  not  being  able 
to  bear  sail,  we  lowered  our  fore-sail  and  put  a  reef  in  our 
mainsail,  and  so  lay  under  our  mizzen,  driving  to  the  north-east 
all  night.  The  weather  thick,  and  in  the  morning  rainy, 
which  assuaged  somewhat  the  winds ;  but  the  greatness  of  the 
sea  made  us  to  continue  under  our  mizzen-sail.  We  shipped 
some  water,  and  see  thousands  of  sea-hogs.     We  lay  to  the 

westward  of  the  Azores,  where,  commonly,  there  is  bad  weather. 

###### 

25th,  Christmas. — Wind  W.  by  N.,  very  stormy  and  rainy. 
Not  able  to  carry  any  sail,  so  we  lay  by  under  our  mizzen. 
A  mighty  sea.  Remained  so  all  day  and  night,  and  made  but 
an  ordinary  Christmas.     Peas  as  hard  as  shot  for  breakfast. 


JOCI^AL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  249 

Two  fowls  killed  by  the  bad  weather,  for  dinner,  and  stirabout 
for  supper.     In  good  health,  God  be  praised. 

26th,  Sunday. — Wind  W.  by  N.  At  5  in  the  morning, 
not  quite  so  stormy,  but  a  great  sea  and  much  rain.  We  set 
our  main-sail  and  fore-sail,  and  steered  S.  by  E.  at  the  rate  of 
three  knots  per  hour.     Provisions  scant,  all  our  fowls  dead. 

27th. — Winds  from  N.  W.  to  W.  by  S.,  very  varying,  rainy, 
cloudy,  dismal  and  stormy,  the  sea  great  and  raging,  and  we 
not  able  to  carry  any  sail. 

28th. — The  wind  at  S.  W.,  very  stormy.  We  endeavored 
to  scud  before  the  wind,  but  the  ship  would  not  steer,  so  we 
were  forced  to  bring  to  under  our  mizzen,  driving  at  the 
mercy  of  the  sea.  The  sea  was  extraordinary  great.  At  the 
rising  of  the  moon,  a  star  rose  close  after  and  followed  the 
moon,  which  the  sailors  said  was  a  great  sign  of  a  tempest, 
and  upon  the  like  occasions  that  it  commonly  happens. 

29th. — The  wind  rose  and  blew  very  hard  in  the  morning, 
and  increased  continually  till  it  blew  a  tempest.  About  10 
at  night,  we  were  obliged  to  take  in  our  mizzen  and  lay  under 
bare  poles,  and  about  two  hours  and  a  half  after  the  wind 
blew  so  terribly  in  the  rigging  that  it  clapt  one  side  of  the 
ship  under  water,  and  the  sea-water  came  in  from  the  steer- 
age door  in  such  abundance,  that  had  it  continued  long  it 
would  have  filled  the  ship.  The  sailors  were  for  cutting 
away  the  mainmast,  but  two  went  up  and  cut  away  the  main- 
top-mast, and  then  the  ship  righted.  The  main-top-mast  fell 
overboard,  but  all  the  ropes  not  being  cut,  the  sea  drove  the 
mast  with  such  violence  against  the  side  of  the  ship  that  we 
were  afraid  it  would  stave  her  through ;  but  at  last  we  got 
clear,  and  cut  all  the  ropes  which  held,  and  were  in  hopes 
that  we  should  receive  no  further  damage,  but  that  was  not 

11* 


250  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

God's  pleasure.     Half  an  hour  after  one,  the  wind  blowing 
most  dreadfully,  and  the  night  dark  as  it  possibly  could  be, 
the  sea  looked  like  a  fire,  and  foamed  upon  our  deck  ready  to 
tear  us  in  pieces.     One  wave  came  on  board  which  tore  away 
our  bowsprit  close  to  the  foot  of  the  fore-mast,  and  the  shock 
was  so  terrible  that  we  thought  the  ship  was  stove  in  pieces. 
What  a  terrible  cry  the  people   gave,  expecting  to  go  down 
every  minute  ;   but  it  was  God's  will  that  nothing  was  broke 
but  the  bowsprit,  which  was  striking,  at  every  sea,  violently 
against  the  ship's  head.     Two  of  our  best  sailors  went  up  the 
fore-mast,  to  cut  away  the  fore  top-mast  and  the  ropes  that 
held  the  bowsprit.     In  the  mean  time  we  shipped  another  sea, 
which  carried  away  the  fore-mast,  close  by  the  board,  and  one 
of  the  men  that  was  in  the  round  top  was  carried  with  it  into 
the  sea  ;  the  other  man  had  his  body  bruised  between  the  mast 
and  the  side  of  the  ship,  but  not  unto  death,  God  be  praised. 
He  that  fell  in  the  sea,  a  rope   had  him  by  the  leg,  so   that 
he  fell  into  the  sea,  but   sot  no  farther  hurt  than  that  the 
rope  hurt  his  leg.     He  got  in  safe,  but  had  drank  so  much 
salt  water,  and  worked  himself  so,  that  he  was  not  able  to 
stir.     By  the  time   these   two  were  well   in  the  steerage,  an- 
other comes  in  that  had  almost  cut  off  his  left  hand,  as  he 
was  cutting  the  ropes  to  let  the  masts  go  clear.     These  three 
men  were  disabled,  the  best  men  that  we  had.     What  can  be 
imagined  more   terrible   than  to   see  the  head  of  the  ship  all 
under  water,  and  the  sea  foaming  amongst  us  upon  the  deck, 
and  the  men  that  remained  almost  disheartened,  and  those 
'  poor  men  that  were  disabled,  grieving  that  they  could  not 
help  themselves,  and  encouraging  the  rest  to  disengage  the 
ship  from  the  foremast  and  bowsprit,  which  were  a  thumping 
the  ship  to  that  degree,  that  we  expected   every  minute  the 


JOUEXAL  OF  JOHX  FONTAINE.  251 

rnasts  would  come  through.  "We  were  encompassed  with 
death  and  horror  within  and  without,  and  it  would  make  the 
most  brave  to  submit  himself.  What  could  we  think,  to  see 
so  many  misfortunes,  one  after  the  other,  but  that  it  was 
God's  pleasure  we  should  perish,  and  be  destroyed  for  our 
wickedness.  But  when  we  called  upon  him  for  relief,  he 
helped  us,  and  at  last  we  got  quit  of  our  fore-mast  and  bow- 
sprit without  any  damage  to  the  sides  of  the  ship. 

How  the  Lord  doth  show  us,  that  it  is  not  by  the  arm  of 
flesh  we  are  preserved  from  the  raging  and  terrible  sea,  but 
by  his  almighty  hand  and  powerful  outstretched  arm.  0 
Lord,  we  see  that  it  is  in  thee  alone  we  must  trust,  and  have 
all  hopes  of  relief  from  thee,  and  thou  showest  us  this  day, 
as  our  lives  are  witness  of,  that  it  is  not  in  vain  to  humble 
ourselves  before  thee,  and  call  upon  our  God  and  Saviour  in 
the  time  of  distress.  Help  us,  therefore,  0  God,  to  perform 
what  we  have  promised  unto  thee  in  our  great  distress. 
Thou  hast  granted  unto  us  our  lives,  0  strengthen  us  by  thy 
grace  to  employ  the  remaining  part  to  thy  honor  and  praise, 
never  forgetting  how  sweet  thy  help  is,  when  no  other  can 
help.  0  Lord,  it  is  not  only  on  this  occasion  that  thou  hast 
been  pleased  to  preserve  my  life  to  me  in  imminent  danger, 
but  several  times  ;  therefore,  let  me  never  forget  these  thy 
blessings.  Make  me  to  be  thankful  to  thee,  and  help  me  to 
perform  thy  commandments  to  the  uttermost  of  my  power, 
until  the  end  of  my  days.     Amen. 

30M. — We  lay  under  our  mizzen  all  the  day  like  a  log  of 
wood,  and  suffered  much  by  the  greatness  of  the  winds  and 
sea,  being  most  always  under  water.  We  comforted  ourselves, 
seeing  that  through  God's  infinite  mercy  he  had  preserved  us 
until  now.  The  wind  was  at  N.  W.  very  showery  and  full  of 
hail. 


252  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

oist. — We  lay  a  bull,  witb  our  mizzcn-sail  out.  Wo  ship- 
ped several  seas,  and  were  almost  continually  under  water. 
Tbe  wind,  God  be  praised,  bad  somewbat  fallen,  as  also  tbe 
sea,  but  not  being  in  a  capacity  for  proceeding  on  tbe  voyage 
to  Virginia,  for  want  of  masts  and  sails, — we  were  tben  400 
leagues  to  tbe  westward  of  Cape  Clear  in  Ireland, — about 
twelve  of  tbe  clock,  we  all  consulted  wbat  was  best  and  most 
proper,  to  continue  on  to  Virginia,  or  to  return  to  Europe. 
All  tbe  sailors  witb  one  consent,  gave  tbeir  voice  to  set  sail 
for  England  or  some  part  of  Europe,  lest  by  continuing  on 
tbe  voyage  to  Virginia,  either  for  want  of  provisions  or  rig- 
ging, we  should  perish.  The  wind  being  at  W.  by  N..  we  set 
our  main-sail,  and  mizzen-sail  before  for  a  stay-sail,  and  steered 
our  course  for  England,  W.  by  S.,  but  made  little  way.  We 
were,  by  our  reckoning,  in  tbe  lat.  42°  20',  and  were  further 
westward  than  the  Island  of  Flores,  which  is  the  most  west- 
ern island  of  the  Azores. 

We  are  setting  our  ship  in  as  good  order  as  we  can,  but 
she  is  miserably  shattered.  We  hope  God  will  continue  the 
wind  fair  for  Europe. 

1714-15,  1st  January. — The  wind  at  S.  W.  by  S.,  something 
calmer,  but  the  sea  running  very  high.  We  lay  by  under  our 
main-sail,  but  rolled  miserably  for  want  of  masts  and  sails. 
We  received  several  very  dangerous  seas  that  night,  which  we 
feared  would  founder  us,  but  God  was  pleased  to  preserve  us 
from  all  these  threatening  dangers.  We  made  of  our  main- 
sail, a  sprit-sail  to  make  the  ship  steer  ;  we  also  took  down 
our  mizzen  top-mast,  and  fastened  our  main-mast,  as  well  as 
we  could,  with  our  running  tackle  ;  and  we  are  preparing  sails, 
and  contriving  some  posture  to  put  the  ship  in,  waiting  for 
fair  weather,  when  God  will  be  pleased  to  send  it. 


V 


JOURNAL   OF   JOHN    FONTAINE.  258 

We  are  almost  wasted  by  the  violent  motion  of  the  ship, 
being  without  masts  ;  but  we  still  trust  in  Thee,  0  God,  and 
wait  patiently  for  our  deliverance  by  thy  Almighty  hand. 
Stretch  forth  thine  arm  to  us,  0  Lord,  and  bear  us  up  in  this 
our  distress,  lest  we  sink  and  fall  under  the  weight  of  our  sins. 
Suffer  us  not  to  repine  against  thee  in  our  trouble,  but  let  us 
confess  that  we  merit  to  be  afflicted.  Thou  hast,  0  Lord, 
given  for  us  thy  only  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ:  to  his  merits 
we  fly,  and  through  him  we  hope  for  salvation.  Do  thou  par- 
don us.  0  Lord,  and  accept  of  these  our  imperfect  prayers, 
and  if  thou  seest  lit  to  take  us  to  thyself,  do  thou  also  cleanse 
us,  that  we  may  be  worthy  of  appearing  before  thee.  All 
these  thoughts  come  now  before  us,  because  we  see  death  as  if 
it  were  playing  before  our  eyes,  waiting  for  the  sentence  of 
Almighty  God  to  destroy  us.  Nothing  makes  this  sight  so 
terrible  as  our  sins,  and  it  is  our  weakness  and  ignorance  that 
makes  us  think  more  of  death  now  than  when  we  are  at  our 
own  homes,  and  in  our  accounted  places  of  security.  If  we 
rightly  considered,  we  should  think  ourselves  safer  here  than 
if  we  were  in  prosperity  at  home,  for  it  is  the  devil's  greatest 
cunning  to  put  in  our  hearts  that  we  are  in  a  safe  place,  that 
we  have  long  to  live,  and  that  a  final  repentance  will  be  suffi- 
cient for  our  salvation.  0  God,  give  us  grace  that  while  we 
live,  we  may  live  unto  thee,  and  have  death  always  before  our 
eyes,  which  most  certainly  will  not  cheat  us,  but  come  at  last 
and  take  us  out  of  this  troublesome  life,  and  if  we  are  pre- 
pared for  it,  then  we  shall  have  our  recompense  for  past  watch- 
fulness; therefore,  let  us  cast  off  this  world,  so  far  as  it  may  be 
prejudicial  to  our  everlasting  inheritance,  and  seek  after  thy 
laws,  expecting  mercy  through  the  merits  of  our  blessed  Sa- 
viour and  Redeemer.     Amen. 


254  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

2d  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  W.  A  fresh  gale.  By  our  observa- 
tion, we  found  ourselves  to  be  in  the  lat.  43°  00/;;  and  that  by 
•  mi-  reckoning,  we  were  338  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  Old 
Head  of  Kinsale. 

All  the  mariners  came  to  the  master,  and  told  him  that  if 
they  proceeded  on  the  voyage  to  Virginia,  they  were  sure  to 
perisli  by  the  way,  and  told  him  that  they  would  not  proceed 
but  would  return  to  Europe.  The  master  would  not  consent 
to  it  without  they  made  a  protest  against  the  ship,  that  she 
was  not  able  to  go  to  Virginia.  I  wrote  the  protest,  they 
signed  it,  and  we  set  our  sails,  and  our  course  N.  N.  E.  The 
wind  being  fair,  "and  blowing  fresh,  we  went  at  the  rate  of  four 
knots  per  hour.  About  two  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  we 
shipped  two  seas  that  we  thought  would  have  foundered  the 
ship  ;  but,  God  be  praised,  we  received  no  great  damage.  All 
our  men  are  recovering  of  their  wounds  and  bruises.  I  am, 
God  be  praised,  in  health.  By  the  log  we  have  made  this  last 
twenty-four  hours  40  miles  of  our  way  homewards. 

'3d. — Wind  hard  at  S.  W.,  a  great  swell;  we  steered  our 
course  N.  E.,  and  this  twenty-four  hours  we  made  58  miles. 
No  observation.  We  shipped  several  seas,  but  not  dangerous. 
The  weather  looks  as  if  it  would  clear  up.  We  saw  some  birds 
we  call  marline-spikes,  mars,  and  rake-bats.  We  esteem  our- 
selves by  our  dead  reckoning  to  be  in  the  lat.  45°  SO^. 

Uh.  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  W.,  tolerable.  We  steered  our 
course  E.  N.  E.  by  N.  This  twenty-four  hours  we  made  46 
miles.  No  observation.  We  took  out  our  mizzen-mast,  and 
will  put  it  in  for  a  fore-mast  as  soon  as  the  weather  will  per- 
mit. We  are  always  wet  upon  deck,  and  the  ship  rolls  most 
terribly.  We  reckon  oursrlvcs  to  be  in  the  lat.  46°  00;/. 
5th. — Wind  S.  by  W.,  blowing  so  hard  that  we  could  carry 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN    FONTAINE.  255 

no  sail.  We  got  a  spare  main-yard,  which  we  put  up  for  a 
mizzen-mast.  "We  roll  enough  to  tear  the  ship  to  pieces.  The 
weather  dark  and  hazy,  always  wet  upon  the  deck  as  in  the 
sea.     No  observation. 

6th  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  E.,  stormy.  We  lay  under  a  skirt 
of  our  main-sail,  and  so  drove  as  the  wind  and  sea  carried  us. 
The  ship  rolls  enough  to  distract  one,  and  is  always  shipping 
water.  Give  us  grace,  0  Lord,  to  amend  our  lives  by  these 
warnings. 

1th  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  E.,  stormy.  A  great  sea,  and  we 
laying  under  a  reefed  main-sail.  We  shipped  several  seas. 
One  carried  away  our  main-tack,  another  came  part  in  the 
steerage.  We  were  forced  to  reef  our  main-sail,  not  able  to 
bear  any,  the  wind  so  stormy.  We  had  but  an  indifferent  ob- 
servation, and  think  ourselves  to  be  in  lat.  49°  30y/,  and  reckon 
ourselves  to  be  258  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  Land's 
End.     In  a  miserable  condition  for  want  of  rigging. 

8th  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  E.,  tempestuous.  A  terrible  sea. 
About  six  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  we  were  struck  with  a 
violent  sea  in  the  quarter  and  waist  of  the  ship,  and  we  all 
felt  assured  we  should  perish.  We  received  several  other  seas, 
but  not  so  terrible.     No  observation  this  day. 

0  God,  be  pleased  to  sustain  us,  for  we  are  brought  to 
nothing.  Turn  thy  face  towards  us,  look  upon  our  afflictions, 
and  take  pity  upon  us,  most  miserable  sinners. 

9th  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  W.  No  observation.  Weather 
thick,  wind  abated.  We  lay  under  our  main-sail.  The  sea 
doth  not  break  over  us  as  it  did,  but  there  is  still  a  great 
swell.  We  are  in  the  lat.  50°  00/7,  and  west  from  the  Land's 
End  260  leagues. 

10th  Jan. — The  wind  S.  W.  by  S.,  the  weather  fair  and 


250  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

the  sea  somewhat  assuaged.  We  have  an  observation,  and  find 
ourselves  to  be  in  the  lat.  51°  2 1 J/.  and  by  our  reckoning  dis- 
tant west  from  the  Land's  End  220  leagues. 

ilth  Jan. — Wind  S.  W.  by  S.,  very  hard,  and  the  sea 
runs  high.  We  esteem  ourselves  to  be  in  lat.  51°  5QJ1  Cold. 

12^/i  Jan. — The  wind  about  ten  at  night  came  from  the 
S.  to  W.  by  S.,  somewhat  fair.  We  set  our  main-sail,  and 
made  our  course  E.  by  S.  until  about  nine  of  the  clock  in  the 
morning.  Then  the  wind  blew  so  hard  that  we  were  able  to 
carry  no  sail.  It  came  to  a  storm.  We  shipped  two  seas, 
but  received  no  damage.  No  observation,  but  reckon  our- 
selves to  be  in  lat,  51°  30/;.  West  of  the  Land's  End  in  Eng- 
land 200  leagues. 

IZth  Jaw.— Wind  W.  N.  W.,  abated,  and  about  five  of 
the  clock  this  morning  we  set  our  reefed  main-sail.  We  sailed 
about  three  knots  per  hour,  and  esteem  ourselves  to  be  in  the 
lat.  5 1  °  1 0/y,  and  distant  from  the  Land's  End  1 75  leagues. 
About  twelve  of  the  clock  in  the  night  we  shipped  a  sea  that 
broke  our  waist  board,  and  afterwards  another  struck  us  in 
the  stern,  but  did  us  no  great  damage.  We  are  securing  our 
bit  of  a  fore-mast.     Hazy  and  cold  weather. 

lith  Jan. — Wind  W.  by  S.,  and  almost  calm.  Our  course 
steered  S.  E.  We  made  between  two  and  three  knots  per 
hour.  We  had  a  good  observation,  and  found  ourselves  in 
lat.  51°  00",  and  distant  from  the  Land's  End  of  England 
160  leagues.  The  weather  clears  up,  and  the  swell  of  the 
sea  is  something  abated.  Our  ship  is  as  well  rigged  as  we 
can  afford. 

1 5th  Jan. — Wind  at  S.  by  E.,  very  hard,  so  that  we  can 
carry  no  sail.  It  so  continued  for  about  nine  hours,  after- 
wards it  cleared  up,  and  was   more   moderate,  so  we  set  our 


JOURNAL   OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  257 

sails  and  steered  our  course  W.  by  N. ;  went  at  the  rate  of 
three  knots  per  hour.  Thick  weather,  no  observation,  but 
esteem  ourselves  to  be  in  lat.  51°  00". 

16th  Jan. — The  wind  came  about  S.  by  E.  to  N.  After 
several  heavy  showers  of  rain,  we  set  our  sails  at  about  three 
in  the  morning,  and  made  three  knots  and  a  half  per  hour. 
The  wind  moderate,  but  the  weather  thick,  so  that  we  had  no 
good  observation.  "We  esteem  ourselves  to  be  in  lat.  51°  00", 
and  west  from  Land's  End  160  leagues.  We  saw  a  wild 
duck,  which  attempted  several  times  to  come  on  board,  but 
at  last  fell  into  the  sea  by  our  side. 

17th  Jan. — The  wind  at  N.  W.,  a  hard  gale,  but  still  we 
carried  our  main-sail,  and  steered  our  course  S.  E.,  and  went 
by  our  log  at  the  rate  of  five  knots  per  hour.  We  had  no  ob- 
servation, but  by  our  reckoning  we  esteem  ourselves  to  be  in 
lat.  50°  50",  and  distant  from  the  Land's  End  120  leagues. 

By  this  day  we  may  see  that  thy  mercies  are  soon  forgotten. 
Now  that  our  miserable  companions  think  they  are  out  of  dan- 
ger, they  forget  all  thy  mercies  to  them,  and  bemoan  their 
losses,  repining  against  thy  Providence  for  afflicting  them.  O 
Lord,  give  us  grace  to  consider,  that  notwithstanding  the  wind 
doth  not  at  this  time  blow  hard  nor  the  sea  rage,  yet  we  are 
still  in  thy  hands,  and  we  have  deserved  more  afflictions  than 
we  have  suffered. 

18*/*  Jaw.— Wind  W.  by  S.  We  steered  our  course  S.  E. 
by  E.,  and  went  at  the  rate  of  four  knots  per  hour,  but  not 
able  to  carry  sail,  being  under  our  poles.     Weather  hazy. 

19*7*  Jaw.— Wind  W.  by  S.,  a  good  gale.  Steered  our 
course  E.  by  S.  We  had  an  observation,  and  found  ourselves 
to  be  in  lat.  50°  24",  and  westward  from  the  Land's  End  of 
England  60  leagues. 


258  BfEMOIBS    OF   A    ITUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Continue,  0  Lord,  thy  favors  to  us.  Let  thy  Almighty 
hand  be  with  us  to  conduct  us  to  a  place  of  safety. 

20//*  Jan. — Wind  S.  by  W.  and  S.  W.j  blew  very  hard. 
We  lav  under  our  mainsail.  About  seven  of  the  clock,  the 
Mind  fell  and  we  set  our  sails. 

21s£  Jan. — Wind  at  W.  by  S.  ;  a  fair  gale.  About  six  in 
the  afternoon  we  hove  the  lead,  and  found  ground  at  sixty 
fathoms.  The  first  the  lead  brought  up  was  fine  gray  sand  ; 
sounded  again,  and  found  gray  sand  mixed  with  shells,  some- 
thing reddish,  and  blue  stones.  About  ten  of  the  clock  in 
the  morning  we  saw  a  brigantine  on  our  starboard  quarter 
that  bore  N.  N.  E.  of  us.  We  made  signals  of  distress  to  her, 
but  she  would  not  come  to  us,  so  we  did  not  speak  to  her.  At 
eleven  we  met  with  a  sloop  belonging  to  Cork,  and  spoke 
with  her.  She  told  us  that  Scilly  bore  from  us  14  leagues 
E. ;  but  at  twelve  we  had  an  observation,  and  found  ourselves 
to  be  in  the  hit.  60°  41;/ :  and  b}r  our  reckoning  Scilly  bears  of 
us  a.bout  ten  leagues  E.  by  N.  We  steered  our  course  E. 
Northerly,  and  ran  at  the  rate  of  three  and  a  half  knots  per 
hour. 

22c/. — Wind  S.  W.  We  ran  at  the  rate  of  four  knots  per 
hour.  At  two  of  the  clock  we  saw  the  Island  of  Lundy,  and, 
at  one,  it  bore  of  us  E.  Northerly  ;  at  three  we  were  up  with 
the  south  end  of  the  island,  and  the  pilots  came  on  board  ; 
and  at  twelve  at  night  we  cast  anchor  in  Clove  Alley  Road. 

23d. — Weighed  anchor  at  Clove  Alley,  and  came  over  the 
bar  of  Biddeford.  Though  the  weather  was  calm  there  was 
a  great  swell  on  the  bar.  We  came  over  at  three  quarters 
flood,  and  in  the  shoalest  place  we  found  three  fathoms  water. 
I  remained  on  board  that  night,  and  unbaled  all  Mr.  Bi- 
nauld's   goods  and  distributed   them  amongst  the  sailors.      I 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  259 

wrote  to  my  father  and  to  Mr.  Arnauld,  and  sent  the  letter 
to  the  post  by  the  master  of  the  ship.  I  lay  on  board  that 
night,  not  well,  but  God  be  praised,  delivered  from  the  dan- 
gers of  the  sea.  We  cast  anchor  before  Appledore,  a  hand- 
some village. 

2Mh. — In  the  morning  I  went  ashore,  where  I  met  with  the 
son  of  Mr.  Smith.  I  immediately  hired  a  horse,  and  went  to 
Biddeford,  where  I  met  with  Mr.  Smith,  the  owner  of  the 
ship.  I  spoke  to  him  about  the  Bibles  and  paper,  and  in- 
quired what  he  intended  to  do  about  the  ship.  He  promised 
me  he  would  make  her  ready  as  soon  as  possible,  and  send 
her  immediately  to  Virginia,  I  went  and  took  up  my  lodging 
at  the  post-house,  at  the  rate  of  seven  shillings  per  week,  for 
diet  and  all.  I  was  much  out  of  order,  so  I  went  to  bed  im- 
mediately, and  slept  heartily. 

The  repairs  of  the  vessel  were  completed  in  about  a 
month,  and  on  the  28th  February,  she  sailed  a  second  time 
for  Virginia  with  the  same  crew ;  the  sailors,  after  all  their 
hardships  and  dangers,  consented  to  go  again,  relinquishing 
all  claim  for  wages  for  the  three  months  spent  at  sea.  and  in 
undergoing  repairs. 

We  have  the  entire  journal  of  the  voyage,  but  nothing  remark- 
able occurred  upon  it.  On  the  1  lth  April  they  fell  in  with 
two  ships,  of  which  the  following  mention  is  made :  ':  We  see 
two  ships,  both  under  Turkish  colors,  which  bore  of  us  W.  by 
N.  When  within  a  league  of  us,  one  of  them  fired  a  gun, 
and  when  within  a  mile,  the  other  fired  :  they  made  us  bring 
to,  then  they  hoisted  out  their  boats  and  came  on  board  of  us, 
and  would  have  bought  any  thing  of  us,  but  the  master  was 
afraid  to  trade  with  them.  We  found  that  they  were  Spaniards 
come  from  the  river  De  la  Plata  ;  they  were  laden  with  plate, 


260  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

furs  and  skins.  They  had  been  three  years  out  of  Cadiz,  in 
Spain,  and  were  now  bound  home.  We  told  them  the  first 
news  of  the  peace,  which  rejoiced  them.  They  were  very 
civil,  and  paid  well  for  what  little  things  they  had  of  us.  Each 
galleon  was  about  five  hundred  tons,  and  had  forty  guns  a 
piece  mounted,  and  full  of  men.  Their  reckoning  and  ours 
agreed  very  well  together."        ****** 

20>th  May,  1715. — About  nine  of  the  clock  in  the  morning 
we  saw  the  land,  about  twelve  we  were  up  with  Cape  Henry. 
I  saw  a  ship  bound  for  London,  and  sent  a  word  by  them  to 
my  father  to  say  I  was  well. 

27th. — We  continued,  wind  being  fair,  and  before  night  we 
passed  over  the  horse-shoe,  and  by  two  in  the  morning 
we  came  by  the  wolf-trap,  and  about  ten  we  entered  the 
mouth  of  Potomac  river,  which  is  made  by  Virginia  on 
the  west  side,  and  Maryland  on  the  east  side.  The  rivers 
here  are  the  finest  I  ever  was  in  ;  all  the  borders  are  covered 
with  noble  trees. 

I  have  not  been  on  shore  as  yet,  but  the  planters,  who 
have  been  on  board,  inform  me  that  there  is  not  much  tobacco 
in  the  country  this  year. 

28th. — In  the  morning,  about  ten  of  the  clock,  I  landed 
in  Virginia,  and  walked  about  four  miles  to  the  Collector's, 
one  Mr.  MacCartney,  where  I  stayed  till  night,  and  then  got 
a  permit  to  land  my  things,  which  cost  me  an  English  crown. 
I  inquired  if  my  men  would  do  well  there,  but  I  found  no  en- 
couragement. 

A  guinea  passes  for  twenty-six  shillings,  and  all  foreign 
coin  goes  by  weight.  An  ounce  of  silver  passes  for  six  shil- 
lings and  threepence,  and  four  pennyweights  of  gold  for 
twenty  shillings. 


JOURNAL   OF  JOHN   FONTAINE.  261 

29th,  Sunday. — About  8  of  the  clock  we  came  ashore, 
and  went  to  church,  which  is  about  four  miles  from  the  place 
where  we  landed.  The  day  was  very  hot,  and  the  roads  very 
dusty.  We  got  to  church  a  little  late,  but  had  part  of  the 
sermon.  The  people  seemed  to  me  pale  and  yellow.  After  the 
minister  had  made  an  end,  every  one  of  the  men  pulled  out  his 
pipe,  and  smoked  a  pipe  of  tobacco.  I  informed  myself  more 
about  my  own  business,  and  found  that  Williamsburg  was  the 
only  place  for  my  design. 

I  was  invited  to  dinner  by  one  Mrs.  Hughes,  who  lent  me 
a  horse,  and  the  master  of  the  ship  another,  and  we  went  to  her 
house,  and  dined  there,  and  returned  to  the  ship  after  dinner. 

30th. — In  the  morning  I  went  to  one  Captain  Eskridge 
and  bargained  with  him  for  a  shallop  to  go  to  Williamsburg. 
I  am  to  give  him  five  pounds  for  the  hire  of  her,  and  to  main- 
tain my  people.  I  went  with  the  sloop  to  the  Dove,  and 
loaded  my  goods,  and  made  all  things  ready  for  this  second 
voyage.  I  lay  on  board  the  ship,  where  we  had  several  plan- 
ters who  got  drunk  that  night. 

3lst. — This  morning  Captain  Eskridge  came  on  board  our 
ship,  and  he  agreed  to  receive  his  five  pounds  in  goods,  at  50 
per  cent.     I  gave  him 

One  piece  of  linen,  20  yards,  at  3s.  4d.       .£368 
Eight  pair  of  shoes,  at  4s.                .         .  1   12     0 

One  pair  of  gloves, 0     14 

£5     0     0 

And  so  we  left  the  ship,  and  went  that  day  as  far  as  a 
place  called  Cove,  and  here  we  remained  the  night,  and  had  a 
gust,  but  it  did  no  damage. 


262  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

1st  Jane. — Wind  N.  W.  We  set  our  sails,  and  came 
within  three  miles  of  Wicomico,  and  the  wind  fell  calm. 

2d. — Wind  contrary  and  calm.  We  went  a  fowling,  and 
killed  two  fishing-hawks,  and  went  to  see  some  of  the  planters, 
who  treated  us  well. 

3d. — We  set  sail,  and  made  shift  to  get  as  far  as  New 
Point  Comfort,  where  we  cast  anchor.  A  gust  of  rain,  which 
wet  us  through. 

4th. — We  set  sail,  and  came  as  far  as  Yorktown,  and  we 
landed  at  Gloucester,  supped  there,  and  lay  that  night.  This 
town  is  on  one  side  of  York  River,  and  Yorktown  on  the  other 
side,  opposite  to  it. 

5th. — We  set  sail  in  the  morning,  had  a  fresh  gale — as 
much  as  we  could  do  to  carry  sail.  About  12  we  came  to 
Queen's  Creek,  and  about  3  to  the  landing  of  Williamsburg. 
I  left  the  men  in  the  sloop,  and  went  up  to  the  town,  which  is 
about  a  mile  from  the  landing-place. 

6th. — In  the  morning  I  hired  two  carts,  and  brought  my 
goods  up  to  town,  and  agreed  for  a  lodging  for  myself,  for 
diet  and  all,  for  twenty-six  shillings  per  month.  I  hired  a 
shop  and  a  house  for  my  people,  and  writ  to  my  father. 

7th. — I  waited  upon  Governor  Spotswood,  and  he  assured 
me  of  all  he  could  do.  He  invited  me  to  dine,  which  I  accept- 
ed of. 

I  remained  in  Williamsburg  until  the  6th  September,  and 
made  several  acquaintances.  I  also  met  with  an  old  brother 
officer,  Mr.  Irewin.     He  did  me  a  great  deal  of  service. 

9th  November. — At  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  Mr. 
Clayton  and  I,  we  waited  on  Governor  Spotswood,  to  tell  him 
we  were  going  to  the  Germantown,  to  know  if  he  had  any  ser- 
vice there.    We  breakfasted  with  him,  and  at  nine  we  mounted 


JOFEXAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  263 

our  horses,  and  set  out  from  "Williamsburg — the  roads  very 
good  and  level.  About  four  of  the  clock  we  came  to  Mrs. 
Root's,  25  miles  from  Williamsburg,  where  we  crossed  York 
River  to  West  Point.  I  reckon  the  river  to  be  about  one 
mile  and  a  half  over  at  this  place.  This  river  of  York  di- 
vides itself  here,  where  we  landed,  into  two  rivers,  the  north 
branch  called  Mattapony  River,  and  the  south  branch  Pa- 
munkey  River.  Both  of  these  rivers  are  navigable  for  above 
forty  miles  from  the  place  where  they  fork.  At  a  quarter 
after  five  we  mounted  our  horses,  and  rid  about  five  miles  far- 
ther, and  came  to  one  Mr.  Austin  Moor's  house,  upon  Pa- 
munkey  River,  where  we  were  well  entertained.  "We  had 
good  wine  and  victuals.  We  made  this  day  in  all,  thirty-one 
miles  and  a  half,  the  miles  of  the  same  length  as  those  in 
England,  and  the  roads  good. 

\Qth.  Sunday. — King  William  County. — We  remain- 
ed here  all  this  day.  I  went  to  see  Mr.  Moor's  improve- 
ments in  the  marsh,  where,  by  draining,  he  hath  very  good 
hay.  Wre  are  very  kindly  received  here.  My  horse  is  run 
away. 

Wth. — Not  being  in  any  hopes  of  finding  my  horse,  I  bor- 
rowed one  of  Mr.  Moor.  About  nine  of  the  clock  we  sent  the 
horses  over  Mattapony  River,  in  the  boat,  and  at  ten  we  took 
our  leave  of  Mr.  Moor  and  his  wife,  and  went  in  a  canoe, 
which  is  made  of  the  body  of  a  large  tree  that  is  about  three 
feet  in  diameter,  which  they  saw  off  about  twenty  feet  longj 
and  afterwards  saw  off  a  slab  of  it.  and  then  dis:  it  hollow. 
Six  or  eight  men  may  go  in  one  of  these  canoes.  As  we  were 
going  along  the  marsh,  I  saw  the  nest  of  a  musk-rat  This 
animal  is  about  twice  as  big  as  a  London  rat,  and  the  same 
color  as  a  beaver.     It  lives  both  in  the  water  and  on  the 


264  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

land.  I  went  to  his  nest,  which  was  made  in  the  marsh,  of 
reeds,  and  made  about  the  bigness  of  a  half  hogshead.  I 
pulled  this  building  to  pieces,  and  found  that  it  was  made 
two  stories  high,  and  four  rooms  in  it — two  of  a  floor — the 
rooms  were  in  the  form  of  a  pair  of  spectacles,  two  under- 
ground, and  two  above. 

We  continued  on  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  which  is 
King  and  Queen  County.  At  eleven  of  the  clock  we  mounted 
our  horses,  and  went  this  day  to  Mr.  Baylor's,  where  we  put 
up,  and  were  well  entertained.  He  lives  upon  Mattapony 
River,  and  is  one  of  the  greatest  dealers  for  tobacco  in  the 
country. 

12th. — About  seven  of  the  clock  we  breakfasted;  about 
nine,  a  servant  of  Mr.  Moor's  brought  me  my  horse  to  Mr. 
Baylor's,  and  at  eleven  we  took  our  leave,  and  continued  on 
our  way.  The  day  very  windy.  We  see  by  the  side  of  the 
road  an  Indian  cabin,  which  was  built  with  posts  put  into  the 
ground,  the  one  by  the  other  as  close  as  they  could  stand, 
and  about  seven  feet  high,  all  of  an  equal  length.  It  was 
built  four-square,  and  a  sort  of  a  roof  upon  it,  covered  with 
the  bark  of  trees.  They  say  it  keeps  out  the  rain  very  well. 
The  Indian  women  were  all  naked,  only  a  girdle  they  had 
tied  round  the  waist,  and  about  a  yard  of  blanketing  put  be- 
tween their  legs,  and  fastened  one  end  under  the  fore-part  of 
the  girdle,  and  the  other  behind.  Their  beds  were  mats  made 
of  bulrushes,  upon  which  they  lie,  and  have  one  blanket  to 
cover  them.     All  the  household  goods  was  a  pot. 

We  continued  on  our  road,  and  saw  several  squirrels,  and 
were  on  horseback  till  ten  of  the  clock  at  night,  and  then  ar- 
rived at  Mr.  Robert  Beverley's  house,  which  they  reckon  from 
Mr.  Baylor's  thirty  miles.  The  roads  very  good.  Here  we 
were  well  received. 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  265 

13th. — It  being  blowy  and  showery  weather  we  remained 
here.  After  breakfast  we  went  to  see  Mr.  Beverley's  vine- 
yard. This  Beverley  is  the  same  that  made  the  History  of 
Virginia.  When  we  were  in  his  vineyard  we  saw  the  several 
sorts  of  vines  which  are  natural,  and  grow  here  in  the  woods. 
This  vineyard  is  situated  upon  the  side  of  a  hill,  and  consists 
of  about  three  acres  of  land  ;  he  assures  us  that  he  made  this 
year  about  four  hundred  gallons  of  wine.  He  hath  been  at 
great  expenses  about  this  improvement.  He  hath  also  caves 
and  a  wine  press  :  but  according  to  the  method  they  use  in 
Spain,  he  hath  not  the  right  method  for  it,  nor  his  vineyard 
is  not  rightly  managed.  He  hath  several  plants  of  French 
vines  amongst  them. 

lith. — The  weather  was  very  bad,  and  rained  hard.  We 
were  very  kindly  received.  We  diverted  ourselves  within 
doors,  and  drank  very  heartily  of  the  wine  of  his  own  mak- 
ing, which  was  good ;  but  I  found  by  the  taste  of  the  wine, 
that  he  did  not  understand  how  to  make  it.  This  man  lives 
well :  but  though  rich,  he  has  nothing  in  or  about  his  house 
but  what  is  necessary.  He  hath  good  beds  in  his  house,  but 
no  curtains  :  and  instead  of  cane  chairs,  he  hath  stools  made 
of  wood.     He  lives  upon  the  product  of  his  land. 

loth. — Blowing  weather.  Mr.  Beverley  would  not  suffer 
us  to  go.  He  told  me  that  the  reason  he  had  for  making  so 
large  a  vineyard  was,  that  about  four  years  ago  he  made  a 
wager  with  the  gentlemen  of  the  country,  who  thought  it  im- 
possible to  bring  a  vineyard  to  any  perfection.  The  follow- 
ing was  the  agreement  :  If  he  would  give  them  one  guinea 
then,  in  hand,  they  would  give  him  ten,  if,  in  seven  years' 
time,  he  could  cultivate  a  vineyard  that  would  yield,  at  one 
vintage,  seven  hundred  gallons  of  wine.     Mr.  Beverley  gave  a 

12 


266  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

hundred  guineas  upon  the  above-mentioned  terms,  and  I  do 
not  in  the  least  doubt  but  the  next  year  he  will  make  the 
seven  hundred  gallons,  and  win  the  thousand  guineas.  We 
were  very  merry  with  the  wine  of  his  own  making,  and  drank 
prosperity  to  the  vineyard. 

\6th. — Mr.  Beverley  detained  us,  and  we  went  out  a  hunt- 
ing. We  saw  several  deer,  but  could  kill  none.  We  shot 
some  squirrels  and  partridges,  and  went  round  a  great  tract  of 
land  that  belongs  to  him,  and  returned  home.  We  passed  the 
time  away  very  agreeably,  and  so  to  bed. 

17th,  Sunday. — About  ten  of  the  clock,  we  mounted  our 
horses,  Mr.  Beverley  with  us,  and  we  went  about  seven  miles 
to  his  Parish  Church,  where  we  had  a  good  sermon  from  a 
Frenchman  named  Mr.  De  Latane,  who  is  minister  of  this 
parish.  After  service,  we  returned  to  Mr.  Beverley's  house, 
and  finished  the  day  there. 

18th. — Mr.  Beverley's  son  hindered  us  from  proceeding  on 
our  journey  this  day,  by  promising  to  set  out  with  us  the  next 
morning ;  so  we  took  our  guns,  and  went  a  hunting.  We 
killed  some  squirrels  and  partridges,  but- did  no  hurt  to  the 
wild  turkeys  nor  deer,  though  we  saw  several.  To-day  we 
went  to  some  of  the  planters'  houses,  and  diverted  ourselves 
for  some  time,  and  so  returned  to  our  friend's  house,  and 
passed  away  the  evening  merrily. 

\QtJi. — In  the  morning,  about  nine  of  the  clock,  we  mounted 
our  horses,  and  took  our  leave  of  Mr.  Beverley.  His  son  came 
along  with  us  ;  it  rained  hard  from  eleven  until  twelve.  About 
three  we  came  to  a  place  upon  Rappahannoc  River,  called 
Taliaferro's  Mount,  from  whence  we  had  a  feeble  view  of  the 
Appalachian  Mountains,  and  a  fine  view  of  the  river,  which  is 
navigable  for  large  ships,  and  has  several  fine  islands  in  it. 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  267 

When  we  had  satisfied  our  sight,  we  continued  on  our  journey, 
and  about  six  we  arrived  at  one  Mrs.  Woodford's,  who  lives 
upon  Rappahannoc  River,  in  a  very  agreeable  place.  This  day 
we  made  thirty  miles.  This  place  is  ten  miles  below  the  Falls 
of  Rappahannoc  River,  and  forty  miles  from  the  German  set- 
tlement, where  we  design  to  go.  We  saw  upon  the  river  abun- 
dance of  geese,  ducks,  and  water-pheasants.  We  were  kindly 
entertained. 

20th. — At  seven  in  the  morning,  we  took  our  leave  of  Mrs. 
Woodford.  The  gentlewoman  gave  us  provisions  with  us,  and 
we  put  on  our  way,  and  at  the  distance  of  about  five  miles  we 
came  upon  a  tract  of  three  thousand  acres  of  land,  which  is  in 
the  disposal  of  Mr.  Beverley,  which  he  told  me,  when  I  was  at 
his  house,  he  would  sell  me  at  the  rate  of  £7  1 0  per  hundred 
acres.  I  rode  over  part  of  the  land,  and  found  it  to  be  well 
timbered  and  good.  It  fronts  upon  the  river  of  Rappahan- 
noc about  half  a  mile,  where  vessels  of  a  hundred  tons,  or 
sloops  may  come.  Five  miles  above  it,  I  saw  a  small  river 
which  runs  through  the  heart  of  the  land,  which  river  they 
call  Massaponax,  and  is  fit  to  set  mills  on.  I  would  have 
agreed  for  this  tract  of  land,  but  that  Mr.  Beverley  would  not 
dispose  of  it  as  commonly  land  is  disposed  of,  but  would  have 
the  deeds  made  to  me  for  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  years, 
which  I  would  not  consent  to,  but  insisted  on  having  it  for  me 
and  my  heirs  for  ever  ;  so  I  did  not  buy  the  land  of  him. 

We  continued  on  our  way  until  we  came  five  miles  above 
this  land,  and  there  we  went  to  see  the  Falls  of  Rappahannoc 
River.  The  water  runs  with  such  violence  over  the  rocks  and 
large  stones  that  are  in  the  river,  that  it  is  almost  impossible 
for  boat  or  canoe  to  go  up  or  down  in  safety.  After  we  had 
satisfied  our  curiosity,  we  continued  on  the  road.     About  five 


lY.s  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

we  crossed  a  bridge  that  was  made  by  the  Germans,  and  about 
hx  we  arrived  at  the  German  settlement,  We  went  immedi- 
ately to  the  minister's  house.  We  found  nothing  to  eat,  but 
lived  on  our  small  provisions,  and  lay  upon  good  straw.  We 
passed  the  night, very  indifferently. 

2\st. — Our  beds  not  being  very  easy,  as  soon  as  it  was  day, 
we  got  up.  It  rained  hard,  but  notwithstanding,  we  walked 
about  the  town,  which  is  palisaded  with  stakes  stuck  in  the 
ground,  and  laid  close  the  one  to  the  other,  and  of  substance 
to  bear  out  a  musket-shot.  There  are  but  nine  families,  and 
they  have  nine  houses,  built  all  in  a  line ;  and  before  every 
house,  about  twenty  feet  distant  from  it,  they  have  small  sheds 
built  for  their  hogs  and  hens,  so  that  the  hog-sties  and  houses 
make  a  street.  The  place  that  is  paled  in  is  a  pentagon,  very 
regularly  laid  out ;  and  in  the  very  centre  there  is  a  block- 
house, made  with  five  sides,  which  answer  to  the  five  sides  of 
the  great  inclosure  ;  there  are  loop-holes  through  it,  from 
which  you  may  see  all  the  inside  of  the  inclosure.  This 
was  intended  for  a  retreat  for  the  people,  in  case  they 
were  not  able  to  defend  the  palisadoes,  if  attacked  by  the 
Indians. 

They  make  use  of  this  block-house  for  divine  service. 
They  go  to  prayers  constantly  once  a  day,  and  have  two  ser- 
mons on  Sunday.  We  went  to  hear  them  perform  their  ser- 
vice, which  was  done  in  their  own  language,  which  we  did  not 
understand  ;  but  they  seemed  to  be  very  devout,  and  sang  the 
psalms  very  well. 

This  town  or  settlement  lies  upon  Rappahannoc  River, 
thirty  miles  above  the  Falls,  and  thirty  miles  from  any  inhab- 
itants. The  Germans  live  very  miserably.  We  would  tarry 
here  some  time,  but  for  want  of  provisions  we  are  obliged  to 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN    FONTAINE.  269 

go.     We  got  from  the  minister  a  bit  of  smoked  beef  and  cab- 
bage, which  were  very  ordinary  and  dirtily  drest. 

We  made  a  collection  between  us  three  of  about  thirty 
shillings  for  the  minister ;  and  about  twelve  of  the  clock  we 
took  our  leave,  and  set  out  to  return ;  the  weather  hazy,  and 
small  rain.  In  less  than  three  hours  we  saw  nineteen  deer. 
About  six  of  the  clock  we  arrived  at  Mr.  Smith's  house,  which 
is  almost  upon  the  Falls  of  Rappahannoc  River.  We  have 
made  this  day  thirty  miles.  Mr.  Smith  was  not  at  home,  but 
his  housekeeper  entertained  us  well ;  we  had  a  good  turkey 
for  dinner,  and  beds  to  lie  on. 

22d. — At  seven  in  the  morning  we  mounted  our  horses,  and 
we  met  upon  the  road  with  two  huntsmen  ;  we  went  with  them 
into  the  woods,  and  in  half  an  hour  they  shot  a  buck  and  a 
doe.  and  took  them  on  their  horses.  So  we  left  them,  and 
continued  on  our  road,  and  about  four  of  the  clock  we  arrived 
at  one  Mr.  Buckner's  house,  upon  Rappahannoc  River,  where 
we  tarried  the  night.  We  had  good  punch,  and  were  very 
merry. 

2od. — At  eight  in  the  morning  breakfasted,  got  our  horses, 
and  continued  on  our  road.  About  eleven  we  met  with  Mr. 
Beverley,  and  went  with  him  to  see  a  piece  of  land  he  had  to 
sell,  containing  five  hundred  acres.  It  lies  upon  Rappahan- 
noc River,  and  fronts  one  mile  on  the  river,  and  on  one  side  of 
it  there  is  a  large  creek  navigable  for  sloops,  and  an  old  house 
upon  the  land,  with  one  hundred  acres  of  cleared  land  about 
it ;  the  other  four  hundred  acres  have  wood  growing  on  it, 
but  all  the  large  timber  is  cut  down.  He  asked  £50  per  hun- 
dred for  it,  which  I  thought  too  dear,  and  we  could  not  agree. 
We  saw  several  wild  turkeys  in  our  way,  but  had  no  arms 
with  us.     About  seven  o'clock  at  night  we  arrived  at  Mr. 


270  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

Beverley's   bouse.     We   made,   this  day,  about   tbirty-eigbt 

miles. 

24th. — At  eigbt  in  tbe  morning,  we  got  on  horseback,  and 
took  our  leave  of  Mr.  Beverley  and  his  son,  who  left  us,  and 
so  we  put  on  our  journey  till  we  came  to  Mr.  Thomas  Walk- 
er's house  upon  Mattapony  Biver.  Here  we  set  up  that 
night,  and  were  well  entertained,  and  made  in  all  this  day 
twenty-five  miles. 

25th. — My  horse  proving  lame,  I  was  obliged  to  leave  him 
at  Mr.  Walker's.  I  hired  a  horse,  and  from  thence  we  went 
to  King  and  Queen  Court  House,  where  we  dined  and  tarried 
till  four  in  the  afternoon,  and  were  invited  by  Captain  Story 
to  his  house.  We  went  with  him  and  tarried  all  night,  and 
we  had  but  indifferent  entertainment. 

26th. — In  the  morning  we  crossed  York  Biver  ferry  to  the 
brick  house.  About  one,  we  put  up  at  Fourier's  Ordinary, 
where  we  dined,  and  at  two  we  set  out  from  thence,  and  at 
five  in  the  afternoon  we  arrived  at  Williamsburg. 

This  journey,  going  and  coming  from  Williamsburg  to  the 
German  settlement  comes  to  292  miles,  besides  ferriages,  and 
cost  me  about  £3  10. 

Our  Journalist  appears  to  have  remained  quietly  at 
Williamsburg  until  April,  1716,  when  he  thus  proceeds  in  his 
narration : 

The  Governor  proposed  a  journey  to  his  settlement,  on 
Meherrin  Biver,  called  Christanna. 

April,  1716,  Williamsburg. — The  first  day,  Governor 
Spotwood  and  I  set  out  from  Williamsburg  about  eight  of  the 
clock  in  the  morning,  and  we  went  to  Jamestown  in  a  four- 
wheeled  chaise.  Jamestown  is  eight  miles  from  Williams- 
burg, and  situated  close  upon  James  Biver.     This  town  con- 


JOURNAL   OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  271 

sists  chiefly  in  a  Church,  a  Court  House,  and  three  or  four 
brick  houses,  it  was  the  former  seat  of  the  Government,  but 
now  it  is  removed  to  Middle  Plantation,  which  they  call  Wil- 
liamsburg. The  place  where  this  town  is  built  is  on  an 
island,  it  was  fortified  with  a  small  rampart  with  embrasures, 
but  now  all  is  gone  to  ruin. 

Our  horses  were  ferried  over  before  us ;  we  left  the  chaise 
at  Jamestown,  and  about  ten  of  the  clock  we  were  in  the 
ferry  boat,  and  crossed  the  river,  which  they  reckon  to  be 
about  two  miles  broad  at  this  place.  When  we  arrived  at  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  we  mounted  our  horses,  and  set  out 
on  the  journey.  It  rained  all  this  day  very  fast,  and  we  were 
well  wet.  About  two  of  the  clock  we  put  into  a  planter's 
house  and  dined  upon  our  own  provisions,  and  fed  our  horses; 
and  about  three,  we  mounted  our  horses,  and  came  to  a  place 
called  Simmons'  Ferry,  upon  Nottoway  River.  There  was  a 
great  fresh  in  the  river,  so  that  we  were  obliged  to  swim  our 
horses  over,  and  to  pass  over  ourselves  in  a  canoe ;  then  we 
mounted  our  horses  and  put  on  till  we  came  to  one  Mr.  Hicks' 
plantation,  upon  one  of  the  branches  of  Meherrin  River,  called 
Herring  Creek.  The  man  of  the  house  was  not  at  home,  so 
we  fared  but  indifferently.  We  made  in  all  this  day  65 
miles. 

April,  the  2d  day. — We  set  out  with  a  guide  for  Christanna, 
for  this  house  is  the  most  outward  settlement  on  this  side  of 
Virginia,  which  is  the  south  side.  We  have  no  roads  here  to 
conduct  us,  nor  inhabitants  to  direct  the  traveller.  We  met 
with  several  Indians,  and  about  twelve  we  came  to  Meherrin 
River  opposite  to  Christanna  Fort.  We  saw  this  day  several 
fine  tracts  of  land,  and  plains  called  savannas,  which  lie  along 
by  the  river  side,  much  like  unto  our  low  meadow  lands  in 


272  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

England ;  there  is  neither  tree  nor  shrub  that  grows  upon 
these  plains,  nothing  but  good  grass,  -which,  for  want  of  being 
mowed  or  eaten  down  by  cattle,  grows  rank  and  coarse. 
These  places  are  not  miry,  but  good  and  firm  ground  ;  they 
are  subject  to  inundation  after  great  rains  and  when  the  rivers 
overflow,  but  there  is  seldom  over  six  or  eight  inches  of  water, 
which  might  easily  be  prevented  by  ditching. 

About  half  after  twelve  we  crossed  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
and  went  up  to  the  Fort,  which  is  built  upon  rising  ground. 
It  is  an  inclosure  of  five  sides,  made  only  with  palisadoes,  and 
instead  of  five  bastions,  there  are  five  houses,  which  defend 
the  one  the  other ;  each  side  is  about  one  hundred  yards  long. 
There  are  five  cannon,  which  were  fired  to  welcome  the  Gov- 
ernor. There  are  twelve  men  here  continually  to  keep  the 
place.  After  all  the  ceremony  was  over,  we  came  into  the 
fort  and  were  well  entertained.  The  day  proving  wet  and 
windy,  we  remained  within  doors,  and  employed  ourselves 
in  reading  of  Mr.  Charles  Griffin  his  observations  on  the 
benefit  of  a  solitary  life.  We  reckon  that  we  made  this  day 
fifteen  miles  ;  in  all,  from  Williamsburg,  eighty  miles. 

The  3d  day. — About  nine  in  the  morning  we  got  up  and 
breakfasted.  Mr.  Griffin,  who  is  an  Englishman,  is  employed 
by  the  government  to  teach  the  Indian  children,  and  to  bring 
them  to  Christianity.  He  remains  in  this  place,  and  teaches 
them  the  English  tongue,  and  to  read  the  Bible  and  Common 
Prayers,  as  also  to  write.  He  hath  been  now  a  year  amongst 
them,  and  hath  had  good  success.  He  told  the  Governor  that 
the  Indian  chiefs  or  great  men,  as  they  style  themselves,  were 
coming  to  the  fort  to  compliment  him.  These  Indians  are 
called  Saponey  Indians,  and  are  always  at  peace  with  the 
English :  they   consist   of  about   two   hundred  persons,  men, 


JOURNAL   OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  273 

women,  and  children  ;  they  live  within  musket-shot  of  the 
fort,  and  are  protected  by  the  English  from  the  insults  of  the 
other  Indians,  who  are  at  difference  with  the  English  ;  they 
pay  a  tribute  every  year  to  renew  and  confirm  the  peace,  and 
show  their  submission.  This  nation  hath  no  king  at  present, 
but  is  governed  by  twelve  of  their  old  men,  which  have 
power  to  act  for  the  whole  nation,  and  they  will  all  stand 
to  every  thing  that  these  twelve  men  agree  to,  as  their  own 
act. 

About  twelve  of  the  clock  the  twelve  old  men  came  to  the 
fort,  and  brought  with  them  several  skins,  and  as  soon  as  they 
came  to  the  Governor,  they  laid  them  at  his  feet,  and  then  all 
of  them  as  one  man  made  a  bow  to  the  Governor :  they  then 
desired  an  interpreter,  saying  they  had  something  to  repre- 
sent to»him.  notwithstanding  some  of  them  could  speak  good 
English.  It  is  a  constant  maxim  amongst  the  Indians  in  gen- 
eral, that  even  if  they  can  speak  and  understand  English,  yet 
when  they  treat  of  any  thing  that  concerns  their  nation,  they 
will  not  treat  but  in  their  own  language,  and  that  by  an  inter- 
preter, and  they  will  not  answer  any  question  made  to  them 
without  it  be  in  their  own  tongue. 

The  Governor  got  an  interpreter,  after  which  they  stood 
silent  for  a  while,  and  after  they  had  spit  several  times  upon 
the  ground,  one  of  them  began  to  speak,  and  assured  the 
Governor  of  the  satisfaction  they  had  of  seeing  him  amongst 
them,  and  of  the  good-will  they  had  towards  the  English. 
They  said  that  some  of  the  English  had  wronged  them  in 
some  things,  which  they  would  make  appear,  and  desired  he 
would  get  justice  done  to  them,  that  they  depended  upon  him 
for  it :  which  the  Governor  promised  he  would,  and  he  thank- 
ed them  for  the  good  opinion  they  had  of  his  justice  towards 

12* 


274:  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

them  ;  whereupon  they  all  made  a  bow,  and  so  sat  down  on 
the  ground  all  around  the  Governor. 

The  first  complaint  they  made  was  against  another  nation 
of  Indians  called  Genitoes,  who  had  surprised  a  party  of  their 
young  men  that  had  been  out  a  hunting,  and  murdered  fifteen 
of  them,  without  any  reason.  They  desired  of  the  Governor 
to  assist  them  to  go  out  to  war  with  these  Genito  Indians, 
until  they  had  killed  as  many  of  them  ;  but  this  the  Governor 
could  not  grant.  He  told  them  he  would  permit  them  to  re- 
venge themselves,  and  help  them  to  powder  and  ball,  at  which 
they  seemed  somewhat  rejoiced.  They  also  complained  against 
some  of  the  English,  who  had  cheated  them.  The  Governor 
paid  them  in  full  for  what  they  could  make  out  that  they  were 
wronged  of  by  the  English,  which  satisfied  them,  and  after- 
wards he  made  them  farewell  presents,  and  so  dismissed  them. 

About  three  of  the  clock,  came  sixty  of  the  young  men 
with  feathers  in  their  hair  and  run  through  their  ears,  their 
faces  painted  with  blue  and  vermilion,  their  hair  cut  in  many 
forms,  some  on  one  side  of  the  head,  and  some  on  both,  and 
others  on  the  upper  part  of  the  head,  making  it  stand  like  a 
cock's-comb,  and  they  had  blue  and  red  blankets  wrapped 
about  them.  They  dress  themselves  after  this  manner  when 
they  go  to  war  the  one  with  the  other,  so  they  call  it  their 
war-dress,  and  it  really  is  very  terrible,  and  makes  them  look 
like  so  many  furies.  These  young  men  made  no  speeches, 
they  only  walked  up  and  down,  seeming  to  be  very  proud  of 
their  most  abominable  dress. 

After  this  came  the  young  women ;  they  all  have  long 
straight  black  hair,  which  comes  down  to  the  waist ;  they 
had  each  of  them  a  blanket  tied  round  the  waist,  and 
hanging  down  about  the  legs  like  a  petticoat.     They  have  no 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  275 

shifts,  and  most  of  them  nothing  to  cover  them  from  the  waist 
upwards ;  others  of  them  there  were  that  had  two  deer  skins 
sewed  together  and  thrown  over  their  shoulders  like  a  mantle. 
They  all  of  them  grease  their  bodies  and  heads  with  bear's 
oil,  which,  with  the  smoke  of  their  cabins,  gives  them  an  ugly 
smell.  They  are  very  modest  and  very  true  to  their  husbands. 
They  are  straight  and  well  limbed,  good  shape,  and  extraor- 
dinary good  features,  as  well  the  men  as  the  women.  They 
look  wild,  aud  are  mighty  shy  of  an  Englishman,  and  will 
not  let  you  touch  them.  The  men  marry  but  one  wife,  and 
cannot  marry  any  more  until  she  die,  or  grow  so  old  that  she 
cannot  bear  any  more  children  ;  then  the  man  may  take 
another  wife,  but  is  obliged  to  keep  them  both  and  maintain 
them.     They  take  one  another  without  ceremony. 

The  4th  day. — In  the  morning  I  rid  out  with  the  Gover- 
nor and  some  of  the  people  of  the  fort,  to  view  the  lands, 
which  were  not  yet  taken  up.  "We  saw  several  fine  tracts  of 
land,  well  watered,  and  good  places  to  make  mills  on.  I  had 
a  mind  to  take  some  of  it  up,  so  I  asked  the  Governor  if  he 
would  permit' me  to  take  up  3,000  acres,  and  he  gave  me  his 
promise  for  it.  I  went  through  the  land  I  designed  to  take 
up,  and  viewed  it.  It  lies  upon  both  sides  of  Meherrin  River, 
and  I  design  to  have  it  in  a  long  square,  so  that  I  shall  have 
at  least  three  miles  of  the  river  in  the  tract.  I  am  informed 
that  this  river  disgorgeth  itself  into  the  Sound  of  Currytuck. 
This  river,  though  large  and  deep,  is  not  navigable,  because  of 
the  great  rocks  it  falls  over  in  some  places.  There  is  a  great 
deal  of  fish  in  this  place ;  we  had  two  for  dinner — about  six- 
teen inches  long — which  were  very  good  and  firm. 

I  gave  ten  shillings  to  Captain  Hicks  for  his  trouble  in 
showing  me  the  land,  and  he  promises  that  he  will  assist  me 


276  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

in  the  surviving  of  it.  We  saw  several  turkeys  and  deer,  but 
we  killed  none.  We  returned  to  the  fort  about  five  of  the 
clock. 

The  5th  day. — After  breakfast,  I  went  down  to  the  Sa- 
poney  Indian  town,  which  is  about  a  musket-shot  from  the  fort. 
I  walked  round  to  view  it.  It  lieth  in  a  plain  by  the  river- 
side, the  houses  join  all  the  one  to  the  other,  and  altogether 
make  a  circle  ;  the  walls  are  large  pieces  of  timber  which  are 
squared,  and  being  sharpened  at  the  lower  end,  are  put  down 
two  feet  in  the  ground,  and  stand  about  seven  feet  above  the 
ground.  These  posts  are  laid  as  close  as  possible  the  one  to 
the  other,  and  when  they  are  all  fixed  after  this  manner,  they 
make  a  roof  with  rafters,  and  cover  the  house  with  oak  or 
hickory  bark,  which  they  strip  off  in  great  flakes,  and  lay  it 
so  closely  that  no  rain  can  come  in.  Some  Indian  houses  are 
covered  in  a  circular  manner,  which  they  do  by  getting  long 
saplings,  sticking  each  end  in  the  ground,  and  so  covering  them 
with  bark  ;  but  there  are  none  of  the  houses  in  this  town  so 
covered.  There  are  three  ways  for  entering  into  this  town  or 
circle  of  houses,  which  are  passages  of  about  six  feet  wide, 
between  two  of  the  houses.  All  the  doors  are  on  the  inside 
of  the  ring,  and  the  ground  is  very  level  withinside,  which  is 
in  common  between  all  the  people  to  divert  themselves.  There 
is  in  the  centre  of  the  circle  a  great  stump  of  a  tree  :  I  asked 
the  reason  they  left  that  standing,  and  they  informed  me  it 
was  for  one  of  their  head  men  to  stand  upon  when  he  had 
any  thing  of  consequence  to  relate  to  them,  so  that  being 
raised,  he  might  the  better  be  heard. 

The  Indian  women  bind  their  children  to  a  board  that  is 
cut  after  the  shape  of  the  child  :  there  are  two  pieces  at  the 
bottom  of  this  board  to  tie  the   two  legs   of  the  child  to,  and 


JOUKNAL    OF   JOHN    FONTAINE.  277 

a  piece  cut  out  behind,  so  that  all  that  the  child  doth  falls 
from  him,  and  he  is  never  dirty.  The  head  or  top  of  the 
board  is  round,  and  there  is  a  hole  through  the  top  of  it  for  a 
string  to  be  passed  through,  so  that  when  the  women  tire  of 
holding  them,  or  have  a  mind  to  work,  they  hang  the  board  to 
the  limb  of  a  tree,  or  to  a  pin  in  a  post  for  that  purpose,  and 
there  the  children  swing  about  and  divert  themselves,  out  of 
the  reach  of  any  thing  that  may  hurt  them.  They  are  kept 
in  this  way  till  nearly  two  years  old,  which  I  believe  is  the 
reason  they  are  all  so  straight,  and  so  few  of  them  lame  or 
odd-shaped.  Their  houses  are  pretty  large,  they  have  no 
garrets,  and  no  other  light  than  the  door,  and  that  which 
comes  from  the  hole  in  the  top  of  the  house  which  is  to  let 
out  the  smoke.  They  make  their  fires  always  in  the  middle 
of  the  house  ;  the  chief  of  their  household  goods  is  a  pot  and 
some  wooden  dishes  and  trays,  which  they  make  themselves  ; 
they  seldom  have  any  thing  to  sit  upon,  but  squat  upon  the 
ground  :  they  have  small  divisions  in  their  houses  to  sleep  in, 
which  they  make  of  mats  made  of  bullrushes  ;  they  have  bed- 
steads, raised  about  two  feet  from  the  ground,  upon  which  they 
lay  bear  and  deer  skins,  and  all  the  covering  they  have  is  a 
blanket.  These  people  have  no  sort  of  tame  creatures,  but 
live  entirely  upon  their  hunting  and  the  corn  which  their  wives 
cultivate.  They  live  as  lazily  and  miserably  as  any  people  in 
the  world. 

Between  the  town  and  the  river,  upon  the  river  side,  there 
are  several  little  huts  built  with  wattles,  in  the  form  of  an 
oven,  with  a  small  door  in  one  end  of  it ;  these  wattles  are 
plaistered  without  side  very  closely  with  clay,  they  are  big 
enough  to  hold  a  man,  and  are  called  sweating-houses.  When 
they  have  any  sickness,  they  get  ten  or  twelve  pebble  stones 


'J  78  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

which  they  heat  in  the  fire,  and  when  they  are  red-hot  they 
carry  them  into  these  little  huts,  and  the  sick  man  or  woman 
goes  in  naked,  only  a  blanket  with  him,  and  they  shut  the 
door  upon  them,  and  there  they  sit  and  sweat  until  they  are 
no  more  able  to  support  it,  and  then  they  go  out  naked  and 
immediately  jump  into  the  water  over  head  and  ears,  and  this 
is  the  remedy  they  have  for  all  distempers. 

The  6th  day. — The  Governor  sent  for  all  the  young  boys, 
and  they  brought  with  them  their  bows,  and  he  got  an  axe, 
which  he  stuck  up,  and  made  them  all  shoot  by  turns  at  the  eye 
of  the  axe,  which  was  about  twenty  yards  distant.  Knives  and 
looking-glasses  were  the  prizes  for  which  they  shot,  and  they 
were  very  dexterous  at  this  exercise,  and  often  shot  through, 
the  eye  of  the  axe.  This  diversion  continued  about  an  hour. 
The  Governor  then  asked  the  boys  to  dance  a  war  dance,  so 
they  all  prepared  for  it,  and  made  a  great  ring  ;  the  musician 
being  come,  he  sat  himself  in  the  middle  of  the  ring ;  all  the 
instrument  he  had  was  a  piece  of  board  and  two  small  sticks ; 
the  board  he  set  upon  his  lap,  and  began  to  sing  a  doleful 
tune,  and  by  striking  on  the  board  with  his  sticks,  he  accom- 
panied his  voice  ;  he  made  several  antic  motions,  and  sometimes 
shrieked  hideously,  which  was  answered  by  the  boys.  As  the 
men  sung,  so  the  boys  danced  all  round,  endeavoring  who 
could  outdo  the  one  the  other  in  antic  motions  and  hideous 
cries,  the  movements  answering  in  some  way  to  the  time  of 
the  music.  All  that  I  could  remark  by  their  actions  was, 
that  they  were  representing  how  they  attacked  their  enemies, 
and  relating  one  to  the  other  how  many  of  the  other  Indians 
they  had  killed,  and  how  they  did  it,  making  all  the  motions 
in  this  dance  as  if  they  were  actually  in  the  action.  By  this 
lively  representation  of  their  warring,  one  may  see  the  base 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN    FONTAINE.  279 

way  they  have  of  surprising  and  murdering  the  one  the  other, 
and  their  inhuman  manner  of  murdering  all  the  prisoners,  and 
what  terrible  cries  they  have,  they  who  are  conquerors.  After 
the  dance  was  over,  the  Governor  treated  all  the  boys,  but 
they  were  so  little  used  to  have  a  belly  full,  that  they  rather 
devoured  their  victuals  than  any  thing  else.  So  this  day 
ended. 

The  7th  day, — After  breakfast  we  assembled  ourselves, 
and  read  the  Common  Prayer.*  There  was  with  us  eight  of 
the  Indian  boys  who  answered  very  well  to  the  prayers,  and 
understood  what  was  read.  After  prayers  we  dined,  and  in 
the  afternoon  we  walked  abroad  to  see  the  land,  which  is  well 
timbered  and  very  good.  We  returned  to  the  fort  and 
supped.     Nothing  remarkable. 

The  8th  day. — About  ten  in  the  morning  there  came  to 
the  fort  ten  of  the  Meherrin  Indians,  laden  with  beaver,  deer 
and  bear  skins,  to  trade,  for  our  Indian  Company  have  goods 
here  for  that  purpose.  They  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the 
white  men  of  the  fort,  and  left  their  skins  and  furs  also.  Those 
Indians  would  not  lie  in  the  Indian  town,  but  went  into  the 
woods,  where  they  lay  until  such  time  as  they  had  done 
trading. 

*  The  Rev.  F.  L.  Hawks,  D.  D.,  has  lent  me  a  rare  old  book  upon  the 
colony  of  Virginia,  by  Hugh  Jones,  A.  M.,  Chaplain  to  the  Honorable  As- 
sembly, &e.,  1724,  from  which  I  make  the  following  extract : 

"  He  (Governor  Spotswood)  built  a  fort  called  Christanna,  which,  though 
not  so  far  back,  yet  proved  of  great  service  and  use  ;  where,  at  his  sole  ex- 
pense, I  think,  I  have  seen  seventy-seven  Indian  children  at  a  time  at 
school,  under  the  careful  management  of  the  worthy  Mr.  Charles  Grijfin, 
who  lived  there  some  years  for  that  purpose.  These  children  could  all 
real,  say  their  catechisms  and  prayers  tolerably  well.  The  Indians  so  loved 
and  adored  him,  that  I  have  seen  them  hug  him,  and  lift  him  up  in  their 
arms,  and  fain  would  have  chosen  him  for  a  King  of  the  Sapony  nation." 


280  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

The  Governor  and  I  we  laid  out  an  avenue  about  half  a 
mile  long,  which  gave  us  employment  enough  this  day. 

T/tc  9th  day. — About  seven  in  the  morning  we  got  a 
horseback,  and  were  just  out  of  the  fort  when  the  cannon 
fired.  We  passed  by  the  Indian  town,  where  they  had  notice 
that  the  Governor  was  returning,  so  they  got  twelve  of  their 
young  men  ready  with  their  arms,  and  one  of  their  old  men 
at  the  head  of  them,  and  assured  the  Governor  they  were 
sorry  that  he  was  leaving  them,  but  that  they  would  guard 
him  safe  to  the  inhabitants,  which  they  pressed  upon  him,  so 
that  he  was  forced  to  accept  of  it.  They  were  all  afoot,  so 
the  Governor  to  compliment  the  head  man  of  the  Indians  lent 
him  his  led-horse.  After  we  had  rid  about  a  mile,  we 
came  to  a  ford  of  Meherrin  River,  and  being  mistaken  in  our 
water-mark,  we  were  sometimes  obliged  to  make  our  horses 
swim,  but  we  got  over  safe.  The  Indian  Chief  seeing  how  it  was, 
unsaddled  his  horse,  and  stript  himself  all  to  his  belt,  and  forded 
the  river,  leading  his  horse  after  him  ;  the  fancy  of  the  Indian 
made  us  merry  for  a  while.  The  day  being  warm,  and  he  not 
accustomed  to  ride,  the  horse  threw  him  before  we  had  gone 
two  miles,  but  he  had  courage  to  mount  again.  By  the  time 
we  had  got  a  mile  further,  he  was  so  terribly  galled  that  he 
was  forced  to  dismount,  and  desired  the  Governor  to  take  his 
horse,  for  he  could  not  imagine  what  good  they  were  for,  if  it 
was  not  to  cripple  Indians. 

We  were  obliged  to  ride  easy,  that  we  might  not  get  be- 
fore our  Indian  guard,  who  accompanied  us  as  far  as  a  river, 
called  Nottoway  River,  which  taketh  its  name  from  the  Not- 
toway Indians,  who  formerly  lived  upon  this  river.  The 
place  was  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  fort.  When  we  parted 
with  the  Indians  the  Governor  ordered  them  to  have  a  pound 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  281 

of  powder  and  shot  in  proportion  to  each  man.  So  they  left 
us,  and  we  crossed  the  river  and  rid  fifteen  miles  further, 
until  we  came  to  a  poor  planter's  house,  where  we  put  up  for 
that  night.  They  had  no  beds  in  the  house,  so  the  Governor 
lay  upon  the  ground,  and  had  his  bear-skin  under  him,  and  I 
lay  upon  a  large  table  in  my  cloak,  and  thus  we  fared  until 
day,  which  was  welcome  to  us. 

The  1  Oth  day. — At  five  we  got  up,  and  at  six  we  mounted 
our  horses,  and  we  took  a  guide  who  pretended  to  know  the 
way,  and  bring  us  a  short  cut,  but  instead  of  that,  he  took 
us  about  seven  miles  out  of  our  way.  When  we  found  that 
he  was  lost,  we  dismissed  him ;  the  sun  began  to  shine  out 
clear,  so  the  Governor  he  conducted  us,  and  about  four  of 
the  clock  we  came  to  James  River  and  took  the  ferry,  and 
about  six  of  the  clock  we  mounted  our  horses  and  went  to 
Williamsburg,  where  we  arrived  about  eight  of  the  clock.  I 
supped  with  the  Governor  ;  and  being  well  tired,  I  went  after 
to  my  lodgings  and  to  bed. 

This  journey,  coming  and  going,  comes  to  160  miles. 

Williamsburg,  20th  August,  1716. — In  the  morning  got 
my  horses  ready,  and  what  baggage  was  necessary,  and  I 
waited  on  the  Governor,  who  was  in  readiness  for  an  expedi- 
tion over  the  Appalachian  mountains.  We  breakfasted,  and 
about  ten  got  on  horseback,  and  at  four  came  to  the  Brick- 
house,  upon  York  River,  where  we  crossed  the  ferry,  and  at 
six  we  came  to  Mr.  Austin  Moor's  house,  upon  Mattapony 
River,  in  King  William  County  ;  here  we  lay  all  night  and 
were  well  entertained. 

21  st. — Fair  weather.  At  ten  we  set  out  from  Mr.  Moor's 
and  crossed  the  river  of  Mattapony,  and  continued  on  the 
road,  and  were  on  horseback  till  nine  of  the  clock  at  night, 


282  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

before  we   came  to  Mr.  Robert  Beverley's  house,  where  we 
were  well  entertained,  and  remained  this  night. 

22d. — At  nine  in  the  morning,  we  set  out  from  Mr.  Be- 
verley's. The  Governor  left  his  chaise  here,  and  mounted 
his  horse.  The  weather  fair,  we  continued  on  our  journey 
until  we  came  to  Mr.  Woodford's,  where  we  lay,  and  were 
well  entertained.  This  house  lies  on  Rappahannoc  River,  ten 
miles  below  the  falls. 

2od. — Here  we  remained  all  this  day,  and  diverted  our- 
selves and  rested  our  horses. 

24:th. — In  the  morning,  at  seven,  we  mounted  our  horses, 
and  came  to  Austin  Smith's  house  about  ten,  where  we  dined, 
and  remained  till  about  one  of  the  clock,  then  we  set  out,  and 
about  nine  of  the  clock  we  came  to  the  German-town, 
where  we  rested  that  night — bad  beds  and  indifferent  enter- 
tainment. 

Ger??ia?i-toivn,  25th. — After  dinner  we  went  to  see  the 
mines,  but  I  could  not  observe  that  there  was  any  good  mine. 
The  Germans  pretend  that  it  is  a  silver  mine  ;  we  took  some  of 
the  ore  and  endeavored  to  run  it,  but  could  get  nothing  out  of 
it,  and  I  am  of  opinion  it  will  not  come  to  any  thing,  no,  not 
as  much  as  lead.  Many  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  county  are 
concerned  in  this  work.     We  returned,  and  to  our  hard  beds. 

2Qth. — At  seven  we  got  up,  and  several  gentlemen  of  the 
country,  that  were  to  meet  the  Governor  at  this  place  for  the 
expedition,  arrived  here,  as  also  two  companies  of  Rangers, 
consisting  each  of  six  men,  and  an  officer.  Four  Meherrin 
Indians  also  came. 

In  the  morning  I  diverted  myself  with  other  gentlemen 
shooting  at  a  mark.  At  twelve  we  dined,  and  after  dinner  we 
mounted  our   horses   and   crossed   Rappahannoc   River,  that 


JOF^RNAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  283 

runs  by  this  place,  and  went  to  find  out  some  convenient  place 
for  our  horses  to  feed  in,  and   to  view  the  land  hereabouts. 
Our  guide  left  us,  and  we  went  so  far  in  the  woods  that  we 
did  not  know  the  way  back  again;   so  we  hallooed  and  fired 
our  guns.     Half  an  hour  after  sunset  the  guide  came  to  us, 
and  we  went  to   cross   the  river  by  another  ford  higher  up. 
The  descent  to  the  river  being  steep,  and  the  night  dark,  we 
were  obliged  to  dismount  and  lead  our  horses  down   to  the 
river  side,  which  was  very  troublesome.     The  bank  being  very 
steep,  the  greatest  part  of  our  company  went  into  the  water 
to  mount  their  horses,  where  they  were  up  to  the  crotch  in  the 
water.     After  we  had  forded  the  river  and  came  to  the  other 
side,  where  the  bank  was  steep  also,  in  going  up,  the  horse  of 
one  of  our   company  slipped  and  fell   back  into   the  river  on 
the  top   of  his  rider,  but  he  received  no   other  damage  than 
being  heartily  wet,  which  made  sport  for  the  rest.     A  hornet 
stung  one  of  the  gentlemen  in  the  face,  which  swelled  prodi- 
giously.    About  ten  we  came  to  the  town,  where  we  supped, 
and  to  bed. 

27th. — Got  our  tents  in  order,  and  our  horses  shod. 
About  twelve,  I  was  taken  with  a  violent  headache  and  pains 
in  all  my  bones,  so  that  I  was  obliged  to  lie  down,  and  was 
very  bad  that  day. 

28th. — About  one  in  the  morning,  I  was  taken  with  a  vio- 
lent fever,  which  abated  about  six  at  night,  and  I  began  to 
take  the  bark,  and  had  one  ounce  divided  into  eight  doses,  and 
took  two  of  them  by  ten  of  the  clock  that  night.  The  fever 
abated,  but  I  had  great  pains  in  my  head  and  bones. 

29th. — In  the  morning  we  got  all  things  in  readiness,  and 
about  one  we  left  the  German-town  to  set  out  on  our  intended 
journey.     At  five  in  the  afternoon,  the  Governor  gave  orders 


284  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

to  encamp  near  a  small  river,  three  miles  from  Germanna, 
which  we  called  Expedition  Run,  and  here  we  lay  all  night. 
This  first  encampment  was  called  Beverley  Camp  in  honor  of 
one  of  the  gentlemen  of  our  party.  We  made  great  fires,  and 
supped,  and  drank  good  punch.  By  ten  of  the  clock  I  had 
taken  all  of  my  ounce  of  Jesuit's  Bark,  but  my  head  was 
much  out  of  order. 

oOth. — In  the  morning  about  seven  of  the  clock,  the  trum- 
pet sounded  to  awake  all  the  company,  and  we  got  up.     One 
Austin  Smith,  one  of  the  gentlemen  with  us,  having  a  fever, 
returned  home.     We  had  lain  upon  the  ground  under  cover  of 
our  tents,  and  we  found  by  the  pains  in  our  bones  that  we  had 
not  had  good  beds  to  lie  upon.     At  nine  in  the  morning,  we 
sent  our  servants  and  baggage  forward,  and  we  remained,  be- 
cause two  of  the  Governor's  horses  had  strayed.     At  half 
past  two  we  got  the  horses,  at  three  we  mounted,  and  at  half 
an  hour  after  four,  we  came  up  with  our   baggage  at  a  small 
river,  three  miles  on  the  way,  which  we  called  Mine  River, 
because  there  was  an  appearance  of  a  silver  mine  by  it.     We 
made  about  three  miles  more,  and  came  to  another  small  river, 
which  is  at  the  foot  of  a  small  mountain,  so  we  encamped  here 
and  called  it  Mountain  Run,  and  our  camp  we  called  Todd's 
Camp.     We  had  good  pasturage  for  our  horses,  and  venison 
in  abundance  for  ourselves,  which  we  roasted  before  the  fire 
upon  wooden  forks,  and   so  we  went  to  bed    in    our   tents. 
Made  6  miles  this  day. 

o\st. — At  eight  in  the  morning,  we  set  out  from  Mountain 
Run,  and  after  going  five  miles  we  came  upon  the  upper  part 
of  Rappahannoc  River.  One  of  the  gentlemen  and  I,  we 
kept  out  on  one  side  of  the  company  about  a  mile,  to  have 
the  better  hunting.     I  saw  a  deer,  and  shot  him  from  my 


JOTTIINAI,   OF   JOHN   FOXTATJsTE.  285 

horse,  but  the  horse  threw  me  a  terrible  fall  and  ran  away ; 
we  ran  after,  and  with  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  got  him  again  ; 
but  we  could  not  find  the  deer  I  had  shot,  and  we  lost  our- 
selves, and  it  was  two  hours  before  we  could  come  upon  the 
track  of  our  company.  About  five  miles  further  we  crossed 
the  same  river  again,  and  two  miles  further  we  met  with  a 
large  bear,  which  one  of  our  company  shot,  and  I  got  the  skin. 
We  killed  several  deer,  and  about  two  miles  from  the  place 
where  we  killed  the  bear,  we  encamped  upon  Rappahan- 
noc  River.  From  our  encampment  we  could  see  the  Appala- 
chian Hills  very  plain.  We  made  large  fires,  pitched  our 
tents,  and  cut  boughs  to  lie  upon,  had  good  liquor,  and  at  ten 
we  went  to  sleep.  We  always  kept  a  sentry  at  the  Governor's 
door.  We  called  this  Smith's  Camp.  Made  this  day  four- 
teen miles. 

1st.  September. — At  eight  we  mounted  our  horses,  and 
made  the  first  five  miles  of  our  way  through  a  very  pleasant 
plain,  which  lies  where  Rappahannoc  River  forks.  I  saw 
there  the  largest  timber,  the  finest  and  deepest  mould,  and 
the  best  grass  that  I  ever  did  see.  We  had  some  of  our 
baggage  put  out  of  order,  and  our  company  dismounted,  by 
hornets  stinging  the  horses.  This  was  some  hindrance,  and 
did  a  little  damage,  but  afforded  a  great  deal  of  diversion. 
We  killed  three  bears  this  day,  which  exercised  the  horses  as 
well  as  the  men.  We  saw  two  foxes  but  did  not  pursue  them  ; 
we  killed  several  deer.  About  five  of  the  clock,  we  came  to 
a  run  of  water  at  the  foot  of  a  hill,  where  we  pitched  our 
tents.  We  called  the  encampment  Dr.  Robinson's  Camp,  and 
the  river,  Blind  Run.  We  had  good  pasturage  for  our  horses, 
and  every  one  was  cook  for  himself.  We  made  our  beds 
with  bushes  as  before.     On  this  day  we  made  13  miles. 


286  MEMOIRS    OF   A   nUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

2d. — At  nine  we  were  all  on  horseback,  and  after  riding 
about  five  miles  we  crossed  Rappahannoc  River,  almost  at 
tlie  head,  where  it  is  very  small.  We  had  a  rugged  way ; 
we  passed  over  a  great  many  small  runs  of  water,  some  of 
which  were  very  deep,  and  others  very  miry.  Several  of  our 
company  were  dismounted,  some  were  down  with  their  horses, 
others  under  their  horses,  and  some  thrown  off.  We  saw  a  bear 
running  down  a  tree,  but  it  being  Sunday,  we  did  not  endeavor 
to  kill  any  thing.  We  encamped  at  five  by  a  small  river  we 
called  White  Oak  River,  and  called  our  camp  Taylor's  Camp. 

3d. — About  eight  we  were  on  horseback,  and  about  ten 
we  came  to  a  thicket,  so  tightly  laced  together,  that  we  had  a 
great  deal  of  trouble  to  get  through  ;  our  baggage  was  in- 
jured, our  clothes  torn  all  to  rags,  and  the  saddles  and  hol- 
sters also  torn.  About  five  of  the  clock  we  encamped  almost 
at  the  head  of  James  River,  just  below  the  great  mountains. 
We  called  this  camp  Colonel  Robertson's  Camp.  We  made 
all  this  day  but  eight  miles. 

Mh. — We  had  two  of  our  men  sick  with  the  measles,  and 
one  of  our  horses  poisoned  with  a  rattlesnake.  We  took  the 
heaviest  of  our  baggage,  our  tired  horses,  and  the  sick  men, 
and  made  as  convenient  a  lodge  for  them  as  we  could,  and  left 
people  to  guard  them,  and  hunt  for  them.  We  had  finished 
this  work  by  twelve,  and  so  we  set  out.  The  sides  of  the 
mountains  were  so  full  of  vines  and  briers,  that  we  were 
forced  to  clear  most  of  the  way  before  us.  We  crossed  one 
of  the  small  mountains  this  side  the  Appalachian,  and  from 
the  top  of  it  we  had  a  fine  view  of  the  plains  below.  We  were 
obliged  to  walk  up  the  most  of  the  way,  there  being  abun- 
dance of  loose  stones  on  the  side  of  the  hill.  I  killed  a  large 
rattlesnake  here,  and  the  other  people  killed  three  more.    We 


JOUKNAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  287 

made  about  four  miles,  arid  so  came  to  trie  side  of  James 
River,  where  a  man  may  jump  over  it,  arid  there  we  pitched 
our  tents.  As  the  people  were  lighting  the  fire,  there  came 
out  of  a  large  log  of  wood  a  prodigious  snake,  which  they 
killed ;  so  this  camp  was  called  Rattlesnake  Camp*  but  it 
was  otherwise  called  Brooks'  Camp. 

5th. — A  fair  day.  At  nine  we  were  mounted ;  we  were 
obliged  to  have  axe-men  to  clear  the  way  in  some  places.  We 
followed  the  windings  of  James  River,  observing  that  it  came 
from  the  very  top  of  the  mountains.  We  killed  two  rattle- 
snakes during  our  ascent.  In  some  places  it  was  very  steep, 
in  others,  it  was  so  that  we  could  ride  up.  About  one  of  the 
clock  we  got  to  the  top  of  the  mountain ;  about  four  miles 
and  a  half,  and  we  came  to  the  very  head  spring  of  James 
River,  where  it  runs  no  bigger  than  a  man's  arm,  from  under 
a  large  stone.  We  drank  King  George's  health,  and  all  the 
Royal  Family's,  at  the  very  top  of  the  Appalachian  mountains. 
About  a  musket-shot  from  the  spring  there  is  another,  which 
rises  and  runs  down  on  the  other  side  ;  it  goes  westward, 
and  we  thought  we  could  go  down  that  way,  but  we  met  with 
such  prodigious  precipices,  that  we  were  obliged  to  return  to 
the  top  again.  We  found  some  trees  which  had  been  for- 
merly marked,  I  suppose,  by  the  Northern  Indians,  and  fol- 
lowing these  trees,  we  found  a  good,  safe  descent.  Several  of 
the  company  were  for  returning  ;  but  the  Governor  persuaded 
them  to  continue  on.  About  five,  we  were  down  on  the  other 
side,  and  continued  our  way  for  about  seven  miles  further, 
until  we  came  to  a  large  river,  by  the  side  of  which  we  en- 
camped. We  made  this  day  fourteen  miles.  I,  being  some- 
what more  curious  than  the  rest,  went  on  a  high  rock  on  the 
top  of  the  mountain,  to  see  fine  prospects,  and  I  lost  my  gun. 


L}SS  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

We  saw,  when  we  were  over  the  mountains,  the  footing  of 
elks  and  buffaloes,  and  their  beds.  We  saw  a  vine  which 
bore  a  sort  of  wild  cucumber,  and  a  shrub  with  a  fruit  like 
unto  a  currant.  We  eat  very  good  wild  grapes.  We  called 
this  place  Spotswood  Camp,  after  our  Governor. 

&h. — We  crossed  the  river,  which  we  called  Euphrates. 
It  is  very  deep  ;  the  main  course  of  the  water  is  north  ;  it  is 
fourscore  yards  wide  in  the  narrowest  part.  We  drank  some 
healths  on  the  other  side,  and  returned  ;  after  which  I  went  a 
swimming  in  it.  We  could  not  find  any  fordable  place,  ex- 
cept the  one  by  which  we  crossed,  and  it  was  deep  in  several 
places.  I  got  some  grasshoppers  and  fished ;  and  another 
and  I,  we  catched  a  dish  of  fish,  some  perch,  and  a  fish  they 
call  chub.  The  others  went  a  hunting,  and  killed  deer  and 
turkeys.  The  Governor  had  graving  irons,  but  could  not 
grave  any  thing,  the  stones  were  so  hard.  I  graved  my  name 
on  a  tree  by  the  river  side  ;  and  the  Governor  buried  a  bottle 
with  a  paper  inclosed,  on  which  he  writ  that  he  took  posses- 
sion of  this  place  in  the  name  and  for  King  George  the  First 
of  England.*     We  had  a  good  dinner,  and  after  it  we  got 

*  Governor  Spotsivood,  when  he  undertook  the  great  discovery  of  the 
Passage  over  the  Mountains,  attended  with  a  sufficient  guard,  and  pioneers 
and  gentlemen,  with  a  sufficient  stock  of  provision,  with  abundant  fatigue 
passed  these  Mountains,  and  cut  Ms  Majesty's  name  in  a  rock  upon  the  high- 
est of  them,  naming  it  Mount  George  ;  and  in  complaisance  the  gentle- 
men, from  the  Governor's  name,  called  the  mountain  next  in  height  Mount 
Alexander. 

For  this  expedition  they  were  obliged  to  provide  a  great  quantity  of 
horse  shoes,  (things  seldom  used  in  the  lower  parts  of  the  country,  where 
there  are  few  stones  ;)  upon  which  account  the  Governor,  upon  their  re- 
turn, presented  each  of  his  companions  with  a  golden  horse  shoe,  (some  of 
which  I  have  seen  studded  with  valuable  stones,  resembling  the  heads  of 
nails,)  with  this  inscription  on  the  one  side  :  Sicjuvat  transcendere  montes ; 
and  on  the  other  is  written  the  tramontane  order. 

This  he  instituted  to  encourage  gentlemen  to  venture  backwards,  and 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  289 

the  men  top-ether,  and  loaded  all  their  arms,  and  we  drank 
the  King's  health  in  Champagne,  and  fired  a  volley — the  Prin- 
cess's health  in  Burgundy,  and  fired  a  volley,  and  all  the  rest 
of  the  Royal  Family  in  claret,  and  a  volley.  We  drank  the 
Governor's  health  and  fired  another  volley.  We  had  several 
sorts  of  liquors,  viz.,  Virginia  red  wine  and  white  wine,  Irish 
usquebaugh,  brandy,  shrub,  two  sorts  of  rum,  champagne,  ca- 
nary, cherry,  punch,  water,  cider,  &c. 

I  sent  two  of  the  rangers  to  look  for  my  gun,  which  I 
dropped  in  the  mountains  ;  they  found  it,  and  brought  it  to  me 
at  night,  and  I  gave  them  a  pistole  for  their  trouble.  We 
called  the  highest  mountain  Mount  George,  and  the  one  we 
crossed  over  Mount  Spotswood. 

1th. — At  seven  in  the  morning  we  mounted  our  horses, 
and  parted  with  the  rangers,  who  were  to  go  farther  on,  and 
we  returned  homewards ;  we  repassed  the  mountains,  and  at 
five  in  the  afternoon  we  came  to  Hospital  Camp,  where  we 
left  our  sick  men,  and  heavy  baggage,  and  we  found  all  things 
well  and  safe.  We  encamped  here,  and  called  it  Captain 
Clouder's  Camp. 

8th. — At  nine  we  were  all  on  horseback.  We  saw  several 
bears  and  deer,  and  killed  some  wild  turkeys.  We  encamped 
at  the  side  of  a  run.  and  called  the  place  Mason's  Camp.  We 
had  good  forage  for  our  horses,  and  we  lay  as  usual.  Made 
twenty  miles  this  day. 

9th. — We  set  out  at  nine  of  the  clock,  and  before  twelve  we 
saw  several  bears,  and  killed  three.  One  of  them  attacked 
one  of  our  men  that  was  riding  after  him,  and  narrowly  missed 

make  discoveries  and  new  settlements;  any  gentleman  being  entitled  to 
wear  this  Golden  Shoe  that  can  prove  his  having  drunk  his  Majesty's 
health  upon  Mount  George. — Hugh  Jones,  1724. 

13 


290        MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

him ;  he  tore  his  things  that  he  had  behind  him  from  off  the 
horse,  and  would  have  destroyed  him.  had  he  not  had  imme- 
diate help  from  the  other  men  and  our  dogs.  Some  of  the 
dogs  suffered  severely  in  this  engagement.  At  two  we  crossed 
one  of  the  branches  of  the  Eappahannoc  River,  and  at  five  we 
encamped  on  the  side  of  the  Rapid  Ann,  on  a  tract  of  land 
that  Mr.  Beverley  hath  design  to  take  up.  We  made,  this 
day,  twenty-three  miles,  and  called  this  Captain  Smith's 
Camp.  We  eat  part  of  one  of  the  bears,  which  tasted  very 
well,  and  would  be  good,  and  might  pass  for  veal,  if  one  did 
not  know  what  it  was.  We  were  very  merry,  and  diverted 
ourselves  with  our  adventures. 

10th. — At  eight  we  were  on  horseback,  and  about  ten,  as 
we  were  going  up  a  small  hill,  Mr.  Beverley  and  his  horse  fell 
down,  and  they  both  rolled  to  the  bottom  ;  but  there  were  no 
bones  broken  on  either  side.  At  twelve,  as  we  were  crossing 
a  run  of  water,  Mr.  Clouder  fell  in,  so  we  called  this  place 
Clouder's  Run.  At  one  we  arrived  at  a  large  spring,  where 
we  dined  and  drank  a  bowl  of  punch.  We  called  this  Fon- 
taine's Spring.  About  two  we  got  on  horseback,  and  at  four 
we  reached  Germanna.  The  Governor  thanked  the  gentlemen 
for  their  assistance  in  the  expedition.  Mr.  Mason  left  us 
here.  I  went  at  five  to  swim  in  the  Rappahannoc  River,  and 
returned  to  the  town. 

Wth. — After  breakfast  all  our  company  left  us,  excepting 
Dr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  Clouder.  We  walked  all  about  the 
town,  and  the  Governor  settled  his  business  with  the  Germans 
here,  and  accommodated  the  minister  and  the  people,  and  then 

to  bed. 

\2th. — After  breakfast  went  a  fishing  in  the  Rappahannoc, 
and  took  seven  fish,  which  we  had  for  dinner  ;  after  which  Mr. 


JOTTBNAL   OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  291 

Robinson  and  I.  we  endeavored  to  melt  some  ore  in  the  smith's 
forge,  but  could  get  nothing  out  of  it.  Dr.  Robinson's  and  Mr. 
Clouder's  boys  were  taken  violently  ill  with  fever.  Mr.  Robin- 
son and  Mr.  Clouder  left  us,  and  the  boys  remained  behind. 

l%th. — About  eight  of  the  clock  we  mounted  our  horses, 
and  went  to  the  mine,  where  we  took  several  pieces  of  ore  ;  and 
at  nine  we  set  out  from  the  mine,  our  servants  having  gone 
before ;  and  about  three  we  overtook  them  in  the  woods,  and 
there  the  Governor  and  I  dined.  We  mounted  afterwards, 
and  continued  on  our  road.  I  killed  a  black  snake  about  five 
feet  long.  We  arrived  at  Mr.  Woodford's,  on  Rappahannoc 
River,  about  six,  and  remained  there  all  night. 

14th. — At  seven  we  sent  our  horses  and  baggao-e  before 
us :  and  at  ten  we  mounted  our  horses ;  we  killed  another 
snake,  four  feet  nine  inches  long.  At  twelve  we  came  to  the 
church,  where  we  met  with  Mr.  Buckner,  and  remained  till 
two,  to  settle  some  county  business  ;  then  we  mounted  our 
horses,  and  saw  several  wild  turkeys  on  the  road :  and  at  seven 
we  reached  Mr.  Beverley's  house,  which  is  upon  the  head  of 
Mattapony  River,  where  we  were  well  entertained.  My  boy- 
was  taken  with  a  violent  fever,  and  very  sick. 

15th. — At  seven  my  servant  was  somewhat  better,  and  I 
sent  him  away  with  my  horses,  and  about  ten  o'clock  the  Gov- 
ernor took  his  chaise,  and  I  with  him,  and  at  twelve  we  came 
to  a  mill-dam,  which  we  had  great  difficulty  to  get  the  chaise 
over.  We  got  into  it  again,  and  continued  on  our  way,  and 
about  five  we  arrived  at  Mr.  Baylor's,  where  we  remained  all 
night. 

16th. — My  servant  was  so  sick,  that  I  was  obliged  to  leave 
him,  and  the  Governor's  servants  took  care  of  my  horses.  At 
ten  we  sent  the  chaise  over  Mattapony  River,  and  it  being 
Sunday,  we  went   to   the   church   in    King  William   County, 


292  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

where  we  heard  a  sermon  from  Mr.  Monroe.  After  sermon 
we  continued  our  journey  until  we  came  to  Mr.  West's  planta- 
tion, where  Colonel  Basset  waited  for  the  Governor  with  his 
pinnace,  and  other  boats  for  his  servants.  We  arrived  at  his 
house  by  five  of  the  clock,  and  were  nobly  entertained. 

\1th. — At  ten  we  left  Colonel  Basset's,  and  at  three  we 
arrived  at  Williamsburg,  where  we  dined  together,  and  I  went 
to  my  lodgings,  and  to  bed,  being  well  tired,  as  well  as  my 
horses. 

I  reckon  that  from  Williamsburg  to  the  Euphrates  River 
is  in  all  219  miles,  so  that  our  journey,  going  and  coming,  has 
been  in  all  438  miles. 

Williamsburg,  \Uh  October,  1716.— I  settled  my  busi- 
ness and  left  all  my  things  in  the  hands  of  Major  Holloway, 
designing  with  God's  blessing  for  New- York.  I  went  to  dine 
with  the  Governor,  and  took  my  leave  of  him  and  of  all  my 
acquaintance. 

\5th. — Got  all  things  in  readiness,  mounted,  and  rode 
down  to  Hampton,  which  is  forty  miles  from  Williamsburg. 
About  six  of  the  clock  I  arrived,  and  went  to  my  friend,  Mr. 
Irewin's,  where  I  supped  and  lodged. 

\Qth. — I  sent  away  my  horses  to  Williamsburg,  writ  to 
Major  Holloway,  went  to  see  several  of  my  acquaintances. 
Mr.  Michael  Kearney  also  designed  for  New-York,  so  we 
agreed  about  what  provisions  we  should  put  in  for  our  voyage, 
and  I  returned  to  Mr.  Irewin's. 

17 th. — This  town,  Hampton,  lies  in  a  plain  within  ten 
miles  of  the  mouth  of  James  River,  and  about  one  mile 
inland  from  the  side  of  the  main  river ;  there  is  also  a  small 
arm  of  the  river  that  comes  on  both  sides  of  this  town,  and 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  293 

within  a  small  matter  of  making  it  an  island.  It  is  a  place 
of  the  greatest  trade  in  all  Virginia,  and  all  the  men-of-war 
commonly  lie  before  this  arm  of  the  river.  It  is  not  naviga- 
ble for  large  ships,  by  reason  of  a  bar  of  land,  which  lies  be- 
tween the  mouth,  or  coming  in,  and  the  main  channel,  but 
sloops  and  small  ships  can  come  up  to  the  town.  This  is  the 
best  outlet  in  all  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and  when  there  is 
any  fleet  made,  they  fit  out  here,  and  can  go  to  sea  with  the 
first  start  of  a  wind.  The  town  contains  one  hundred  houses, 
but  few  of  them  of  any  note,  and  it  has  no  church.  The  in- 
habitants drive  a  great  trade  with  New- York  and  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  are  also  convenient  to  trade  with  Maryland.  They 
have  the  best  fish  and  oysters  of  any  place  in  the  Colony,  and 
there  is  good  fowling  hereabouts.  The  town  is  not  reckoned 
healthy,  owing  to  the  great  mud-banks  and  wet  marshes  about 
it,  which  have  a  very  unwholesome  smell  at  low  water.  We 
met  at  Mr.  Irewin's,  were  very  merry,  supped  well,  and  to 
bed. 

18^. — Mr.  Kearney  and  I  spoke  to  the  master  of  the 
sloop  for  our  passage,  and  bought  provisions  for  ourselves,  and 
sent  our  clothes  on  board.  Took  leave  of  my  acquaintances, 
and  went  to  Mr.  Irewin's,  where  I  lay. 

19th. — At  eleven  in  the  morning,  the  wind  being  N.  E. 
we  hoisted  our  anchor.  By  one  we  had  passed  Point  Com- 
fort, which  makes  the  entrance  of  James  River,  and  were  in 
the  Bay  of  Chesapeake.  At  four  we  were  between  the  two 
Capes  of  Virginia,  Cape  Henry  and  Cape  Charles.  Weather 
fair.  We  kept  within  ten  leagues  of  the  shore,  and  so  steered 
our  course  all  night. 

20th. — Wind  continued  N.  E.,  weather  fair.  We  kept 
within  sight  of  the  shore,  and   sounded,  and  found  fourteen 


294  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

fathoms  water,  white  sand.  We  saw  several  flocks  of  ducks 
and  geese  going  to  the  southward.  A  smooth  sea,  but  great 
swell.  There  is  no  harbor  all  along  this  coast,  from  Cape 
Charles  till  you  come  to  the  mouth  of  the  Bay  of  Delaware, 
which  goes  up  to  Philadelphia. 

2Ut. — Wind  N.  E.  till  one  of  the  clock,  and  then  it  came 
about  N.  W.,  and  blew  very  hard,  so  we  sounded,  and  found 
but  ten  fathoms  water.  The  wind  continued  to  blow,  so  we 
came  to  an  anchor,  and  about  four  we  saw  a  sloop  coming 
from  the  sea.  She  came  to  an  anchor  by  us.  Here  we  re- 
mained all  night,  and  the  wind  blew  very  hard,  still  in  sight 
of  the  land,  and  somewhat  to  the  northward  of  Delaware  Bay. 
There  are  great  banks  of  sand  lie  off  here,  which  are  very 
dangerous.     We  can  see  the  breakers  on  them. 

22d. — In  the  morning  about  seven  of  the  clock  we  raised 
our  anchor,  and  set  our  sails,  wind  at  N.  W.,  a  stiff  gale  and 
great  sea,  and  about  12  of  the  clock  we  split  our  jib  and 
foresail.  At  three  we  were  up  with  Sandy  Hook,  which  is 
the  cape  land  of  New-York  port.  The  land  is  low  and  sandy 
with  few  trees  upon  it.  About  sunset  we  came  to  an  anchor 
under  Sandy  Hook,  in  seven  fathoms  water,  and  three  miles 
from  shore. 

23d. — In  the  sloop  at  anchor  under  Sandy  Hook.  The 
weather  was  so  foggy  all  day  that  we  could  not  see  the  shore, 
nor  landmarks,  so  we  could  not  hoist  our  anchor,  for  this  is  a 
very  dangerous  bay  to  come  up  without  one  has  fair  weather 
to  see  the  landmarks.  There  are  several  banks  and  shoals  of 
sand  which  are  very  dangerous.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  wa- 
ter fowl  of  all  sorts  on  these  shoals.  I  observe  that  the  ducks 
and  geese  are  sooner  here  than  with  us  in  Virginia. 

2ith. — Calm  weather,  but  such  a  fog  that  we  could  not 


JOUENAL   OF  JOHN    FONTAINE.  295 

see  half  a  mile.  "We  had  a  mind  to  go  ashore,  but  the  master 
and  sailors  were  afraid  that  they  could  not  find  the  sloop 
again  with  the'  boat,  so  we  consented  to  remain  on  board. 
This  fog  is  occasioned  by  the  burning  of  the  woods,  for  at  this 
season  the  inhabitants  set  the  woods  on  fire,  and  the  Indians 
also  about  this  time  of  the  year  go  a  fire  hunting. 

25th. — "We  are  still  at  anchor,  weather  very  foggy,  so  that 
the  master  will  not  venture  up  with  his  sloop.  About  twelve 
it  cleared,  so  that  we  could  see  the  land,  and  we  got  out  the 
boat,  and  the  men  landed  us  in  Staten  Island.  "We  were 
obliged  to  walk  about  four  miles,  not  being  able  to  hire  any 
horses.  This  island  is  mostly  high  land  and  rocky,  and  that 
part  of  the  land  which  is  good  is  mixed  with  small  stones. 
There  are  some  good  improvements  here  ;  the  inhabitants  are 
mostly  Dutch  ;  the  houses  are  all  built  with  stone  and  lime  ; 
there  are  some  hedges  as  in  England.  The  chief  increase  is 
wheat  and  cattle,  they  breed  large  horses  here. 

About  five  of  the  clock  we  came  to  the  Ferry  between 
Long  Island  and  Staten  Island,  which  is  about  one  mile 
broad.  The  main  body  of  New-York  River  runs  between 
these  islands.  "We  crossed  the  ferry  and,  came  upon  Long 
Island,  to  a  small  sort  of  village,  where,  it  being  late,  we  put 
up  at  the  house  of  a  Dutchman,  one  Harris  Hendrick.  "We 
were  well  lodged  and  had  a  good  supper. 

26th. — About  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  we  hired 
two  horses  to  go  to  New-York.  It  is  about  eight  miles  from 
this  ferry  by  land,  but  not  near  so  much  by  water.  Long 
Island  is  generally  very  plain  ground,  bears  extraordinary 
good  grass,  and  is  an  excellent  place  for  cattle.  It  produceth 
wheat  and  all  English  grain  in  abundance.  The  chief  part 
of  the  inhabitants  are  Dutch,  but  there  are  some  few  French. 


296  MEMOIRS    OF    A    I  M(.  II. Vol'    FAMILY. 

Amongst  them  there  arc  several  good  improvements,  and 
many  fine  villages,  the  woods  are  mostly  destroyed.  Besides 
the  plentiful  produce  of  the  Island,  there  is  every  advantage 
for  fishing  and  fowling  that  can  be  wished.  About  eleven 
o'clock  we  came  to  a  fine  village  opposite  New- York,  and  we 
crossed  the  ferry.  The  river  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
over,  and  runs  very  rapidly ;  there  are  good  convenient  land- 
ings on  both  sides.  As  soon  as  we  landed  we  went  and 
agreed  for  our  lodgings  with  a  Dutch  woman  named  Schuyler, 
and  then  I  went  to  see  Mr.  Andrew  Freneau  at  his  house, 
and  he  received  me  very  well,  after  which  I  went  to  the 
tavern,  and  about  ten  at  night  to  my  lodgings  and  to  bed. 

27th. — About  nine  I  went  and  breakfasted  at  the  Coffee- 
House,  and  at  eleven  I  waited  upon  Governor  Hunter,  who 
received  me  very  kindly,  and  invited  me  to  dine  with  him. 
After  dinner  I  walked  with  him  about  the  fort,  wherein  he 
lives.  It  is  a  small  square  situated  upon  a  height  above  the 
town,  and  commanding  it.  The  one  side  of  it  fronts  the  har- 
bor, and  hath  a  small  curtain  and  two  bastions ;  the  land  side 
hath  but  two  half-bastaons  to  it,  so  that  it  is  a  square  com- 
posed of  two  whole  and  two  half-bastions.  There  is  a  ravelin 
towards  the  land  that  lies  on  one  side  of  the  gate.  It  is  but 
a  weak  place,  and  badly  contrived.  There  is  a  regiment 
here,  and  the  Governor  always  hath  a  guard,  and  this  is  all 
the  duty  they  have,  which  is  very  little. 

From  the  Governor  I  went  to  see  the  Mayor  of  the  town, 
one  Doctor  Johnson,  and  was  kindly  received  by  him  ;  thence 
to  Colonel  Delorty,  and  at  night  I  went  to  the  tavern,  and 
was  there  with  the  Irish  club  until  ten,  and  so  to  bed. 

2%th. — About  eight  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Kearney  and  I 
we  hired  horses,  and  went  about  seven  miles  out  of  town  to  one 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  297 

Colonel  Morris's,  who  lives  in  the  country,  and  is  Judge  or 
Chief  Justice  of  this  province,  a  very  sensible  and  good  man. 
We  were  well  received  by  him,  and  remained  with  him  all 
night ;  and  we  saw  a  great  many  fine  improvements  that  he 
had  made,  and  he  showed  us  several  rare  collections  of  his 
own  making.  He  lives  upon  the  river  that  comes  down  to 
New- York. 

29th. — About  ten  of  the  clock  we  left  Colonel  Morris's, 
crossed  the  river,  and  arrived  at  New- York  at  twelve.  The 
roads  are  very  bad  and  stony,  and  no  possibility  for  coaches 
to  go,  only  in  the  winter,  when  the  snow  fills  up  the  holes  and 
makes  all  smooth,  then  they  can  make  use  of  wheel-carriages. 
There  are  but  two  coaches  belonging  to  this  province,  because 
of  the  badness  of  the  roads,  though  there  are  many  rich 
people. 

"We  were  invited  to  dme  at  two  with  Mr.  Hamilton  and 
Mr.  Lane.  After  dinner,  I  visited  Mr.  Freneau,  and  had  a 
great  deal  of  discourse  with  him  about  the  trade  of  Virginia. 
From  thence  I  walked  round  the  town.  There  are  three 
churches,  the  English,  the  French,  and  the  Dutch  Church  ; 
there  is  also  a  place  for  the  Assembly  to  sit,  which  is  not  very 
fine,  and  where  they  judge  all  matters.  The  town  is  compact, 
the  houses  for  the  most  part  built  after  the  Dutch  manner, 
with  the  gable-ends  towards  the  street ;  the  streets  are  of  a 
good  breadth  ;  the  town  is  built  close  upon  the  river,  and  there 
is  a  fine  quay  that  reigns  all  round  the  town,  built  with  stone 
and  piles  of  wood  outside.  There  are  small  docks  for  clean- 
ing and  building  small  ships.  At  high-water,  the  vessels  come 
up  to  the  quay  to  lade  and  unlade.  In  winter  the  river  is 
frozen,  sometimes  all  over,  and  such  abundance  of  ice  comes 
down,  that  it  often  cuts  the  cables  of  ships,  but  cannot  hurt 

13* 


29S  MEMOIKS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY.     • 

those  near  the  quay.  The  town  is  built  on  ground  that  gra- 
dually rises  from  the  water,  so  it  is  amphitheatre  like.  The 
French  have  all  the  privileges  that  can  be,  and  are  the  most 
in  number  here,  they  are  of  the  Council  and  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, and  are  in  all  other  employments.  The  chief  produce 
of  this  province  is  beef,  flour,  pork,  butter,  and  cheese,  which 
they  send  to  the  West  Indies,  and  sometimes  to  Lisbon.  They 
drive  a  great  trade  with  the  Northern  Indians  for  skins  and 
furs.  There  is  plenty  of  all  sorts  of  fish,  oysters,  and  water- 
fowl. The  climate  is  very  cold  in  winter,  a  great  deal  of  snow 
and  frost  for  four  months,  and  very  hot  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  summer. 

oOth. — At  ten  of  the  clock,  went  to  the  Coffee-house,  and 
at  two  of  the  clock  to  the  Governor's  to  dinner.  Thence  I 
went  to  see  Colonel  Ingoldsby,  and  to  the  Irish  Club,  where 
I  remained  till  ten,  and  so  home  to  "my  lodgings. 

3\st. — At  ten,  went  to  the  Coffee-house,  and  walked  upon 
the  Exchange,  which  is  a  small  place  that  is  planked,  and 
hath  pillars  of  wood  all  round,  which  support  the  roof  and 
leave  it  open  on  all  sides.  I  dined  with  Mr.  Andrew  Freneau, 
and  remained  with  him  till  four  of  the  clock,  and  then  I  went 
to  the  Coffee-house  for  an  hour  or  two,  and  at  six  to  the  French 
Club,  where  they  treated  me,  and  at  ten  home  and  to  bed. 

1st  November,  1716. — At  eleven  to  the  Coffee-house,  dined 
at  the  tavern,  from  thence  to  Mr.  Freneau,  and  went  home  at 
nine.- 

2d. — Breakfasted  at  the  Coffee-house  at  nine,  dined  at  the 
tavern  at  two  ;  thence  went  home  and  writ  to  my  cousin  Ar- 
nauld  in  London,  and  so  to  bed. 

3d. — Breakfasted  at  the  Coffee-house  at  eight,  dined  at  one 
at  the  tavern,  informed  myself  about  one  Maxwell,  whom  Mr. 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  299 

Fooks  recommended  to  me,  and  I  was  informed  that  he  was 
very  much  in  debt,  and  had  been  a  long  time  in  prison  in 
New- York  ;  but  that  he  is  now  gone  to  South  Carolina,  and 
calls  himself  Joseph  Mitchell,  instead  of  his  right  name, 
James  Maxwell,  I  writ  to  Mr.  Fooks,  in  Dublin,  about  this 
Maxwell,  and  to  bed. 

4th,  Sunday. — At  ten  I  went  to  Mr.  Freneau,  and  with 
him  to  church.  I  returned  to  his  house  and  dined  with  him, 
and  at  half  an  hour  after  two  we  went  to  church  again,  which 
is  after  Calvin's  way.  The  church  is  very  large  and  beauti- 
ful, and  within  it  there  was  a  very  great  congregation.  After 
service,  I  went  home  and  to  bed. 

5th. — At  ten  in  the  morning,  I  carried  Mr.  Freneau  a 
memorandum  of  the  prices  of  goods.  I  dined  at  the  Coffee- 
house, and  then  went  to  the  French  Club  at  the  tavern,  where 
we  drank  loyal  healths,  and  at  ten  went  home  and  to  bed. 

6th. — About  ten  went  to  visit  Mr.  Delancy,  and  then  Mr. 
Freneau.  The  Postmaster-General,  Mr.  Hamilton,  invited 
me  to  dinner,  and  I  dined  with  him.  At  three,  I  went  to  the 
Coffee-house,  and  at  six,  I  went  with  Mr.  Byerly,  the  Collec- 
tor, and  some  others,  to  the  tavern,  where  we  remained  till 
ten.     Thence  to  bed. 

7th. — At  eight,  went  to  the  Coffee-house  ;  at  ten,  waited 
on  Governor  Hunter,  and  drank  tea  with  him  ;  from  thence  I 
waited  on  Mr.  Burchfield,  Surveyor-G-eneral,  and  I  dined  with 
him  ;  and  when  I  took  my  leave,  he  made  me  promises  of  ser- 
vice if  an  opportunity  should  offer.  At  four,  I  went  to  the 
Coffee-house,  where  I  met  with  Mr.  Freneau,  and  at  six  we 
went  to  the  French  Club,  and  at  ten  to  bed. 

8th. — At  ten,  I  waited  upon  Governor  Hunter  and  break- 
fasted with  him  ;  I  dined  with  him  at  two,  and  at  four  I  took 


300  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

leave  of  him,  went  to  my  lodgings  and  supped  there,  and  at 
eight  to  bed. 

"Friday,  9th  November,  1716. — At  five  of  the  clock  in  the 
morning,  got  all  our  things  in  the  ferry-boat,  and  set  out  for 
Amboy ;  the  wind  was  contrary,  and  it  blew  so  hard  that  at 
nine  we  were  forced  back  again.  So,  Mr.  Kearney  and  I,  we 
hired  two  horses,  and  went  seven  miles  out  of  town  to  Colonel 
Morris's,  where  we  dined,  and  returned  at  night  to  our  lodg- 
ings in  New- York. 

iOth, — At  eight  in  the  morning,  I  bought  a  horse  of  Mr. 
Lancaster  Sims,  and  paid  him  £8  for  it.  We  crossed  the 
ferry  from  New-York  to  Long  Island  about  ten,  and  mounted 
our  horses.  We  passed  by  a  fine  village  called  Flatbush,  and 
at  twelve  we  reached  Hans  Hendrick's  house.  The  ferryman 
endeavored  to  cross  the  ferry  from  thence  to  Staten  Island, 
but  had  to  put  back,  so  we  dined  at  Hendrick's.  At  three, 
we  saw  a  ship  called  the  Csesar  Galley  run  aground  upon 
White  Bank.  At  five,  we  got  into  the  boat  again,  and  with 
much  difficulty  crossed  to  Staten  Island,  then  we  mounted  our 
horses  and  came  to  one  Stuart's,  an  inn  on  the  road,  about 
seven  miles  from  the  ferry,  where  we  supped,  and  lay  all  night. 

Sunday,  Wth. — At  seven  in  the  morning  we  set  out  from 
Stuart's,  and  at  twelve  of  the  clock,  we  came  to  one  Colonel 
Farrier's  house,  where  the  ferry  is  kept,  and  we  got  ferried 
over  to  Amboy,  which  is  a  small  village  where  the  Governor 
hath  a  house  and  gardens.  It  is  a  very  agreeable  place,  sur- 
rounded on  two  sides  by  the  water.  After  dinner  we  went  to 
church.  The  church  is  very  small,  and  much  out  of  repair. 
The  wind  blew  so  hard  that  we  could  not  get  our  horses  fer- 
ried over,  so  we  were  obliged  to  remain  all  night. 

12th. — The  wind  continued  blowing  very  hard  at  N.  W., 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTADOL  301 

and  we  could  by  no  means  get  over  the  ferry  in  the  morning ; 
so  we  took  a  walk  abroad  in  the  country  about  here,  which  is 
very  agreeable.  At  two  we  returned  to  our  inn  and  dined. 
We  met  with  two  gentlemen  from  New-York,  both  lawyers, 
Justice  Johnson  and  Mr.  Bickly.  We  drank  till  ten,  and  to 
bed. 

13th. — At  ten  we  crossed  the  ferry,  and  mounted  our 
horses :  we  dined  at  two,  and  continued  on  our  way  from  three 
until  seven.  We  made  but  thirty-two  miles  this  day.  We 
had  bad  entertainment. 

14th. — At  half  an  hour  after  seven  we  set  out  from  our 
lodgings,  and  within  one  mile  of  Burlington  I  met  with  Mr. 
John  Ballaguier.  At  eleven  we  came  to  Burlington,  where 
we  dined.  It  is  a  very  pretty  village,  and  there  is  a  river 
passes  through  it  navigable  for  sloops.  At  half  an  hour  after 
twelve  we  set  out  for  Philadelphia,  the  distance  is  twenty 
miles  from  Burlington.  The  roads  are  good  here.  At  six 
we  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  and  I  waited  on  Mr.  Samuel 
Perez  and  gave  him  Mr.  Freneau's  letter.  He  had  no  service 
for  me. 

loth. — At  eight  of  the  clock  went  to  view  the  town, 
which  is  situated  upon  rising  ground  on  Delaware  River,  and 
is  built  very  regularly,  the  houses  mostly  of  brick,  after  the 
English  fashion.  The  streets  are  very  wide  and  regular. 
There  are  many  convenient  docks  for  the  building  ships  and 
sloops  here.  There  is  a  great  trade  to  all  the  Islands  belong- 
ing to  the  English,  as  also  to  Lisbon  and  the  Madeira  Islands. 
The  produce  of  the  country  is  chiefly  wheat,  barley,  and  all 
English  grain,  beef,  butter,  cheese,  flax,  and  hemp.  The  inhabi- 
tants are  most  part  Quakers,  and  they  have  several  good  meet- 
ings, and  there  are  also  some  English  churches.     There  are  +v 


302  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

sorts  of  trades  established  in  this  town.     Money  that  is  not 
milled  passes  for  six  shillings  and  fourpence  the  ounce. 

At  twelve  of  the  clock  we  left  Philadelphia,  and  crossing 
a  ferry  about  two  miles  out  of  the  town,  we  had  a  great 
shower.  The  roads  not  good  here.  At  five  of  the  clock  we 
got  to  Harlem,  a  small  village  well  situated  on  Delaware  River, 
sixteen  miles  from  Philadelphia.     Good  entertainment. 

16th. — At  eight  of  the  clock  set  out  from  Harlem.  We 
crossed  two  ferries,  and  at  one  of  the  clock  came  to  New- 
castle. After  dinner  I  walked  about  the  town,  which  has  a 
great  many  good  brick  houses,  but  is  a  place  of  no  trade, 
though  situated  upon  Delaware  River.  We  remained  here 
all  this  day,  and  were  well  entertained  and  lodged. 

17th. — About  eight  of  the  clock  we  set  out  from  New- 
castle for  Bohemia  landing.  About  fifteen  miles  on  the  way 
we  came  to  the  division  line  between  Pennsylvania  and  Mary- 
land. At  three  we  reached  Bohemia  landing,  and  were  dis- 
appointed at  finding  no  sloop  there,  and  were  obliged  to  go 
farther,  for  though  there  are  two  or  three  houses  there,  there 
is  no  entertainment.  After  riding  four  miles  farther  we  came  to 
Mr.  Paterson's,  a  house  of  entertainment,  where  we  remained 
this  night. 

Sunday,  ISth. — We  remained  all  day  at  Paterson's,  where 
there  is  nothing  to  be  seen  but  trees.  A  fair  day.  We  are 
sixty  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

\9th. — At  eight  of  the  clock  set  out  from  Paterson's 
house,  and  at  twelve  arrived  at  the  Court  House  of  the  County 
of  Kent,  where  we  baited  our  horses,  and  had  but  indifferent 
entertainment.  About  three  Mr.  Kearney  and  I  went  to  his 
brother's  house  in  the  neighborhood,  where  we  put  up  and  re- 
mained all  night.  We  reckon  that  we  made  this  day  thirty- 
three  miles. 


JOURNAL   OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  303 

20th. — It  being  rainy  we  remained  where  we  were,  and 
had  good  entertainment.  This  gentleman  hath  an  extraordi- 
nary good  tannery,  which  turns  to  account. 

2\st. — At  nine  in  the  morning  we  set  out  from  the  house 
of  Mr.  Kearney's  brother,  and  at  one  we  came  to  one  Sutton's 
house,  about  twenty-eight  miles  from  Mr.  Kearney's  planta- 
tion, and  dined  at  three.  There  were  eight  rogues  drinking 
at  the  place,  who  resolved  to  fall  upon  us  and  rob  us.  My 
comrade  went  out,  not  expecting  any  thing,  and  was  knocked 
down ;  he  endeavored  to  defend  himself  with  his  sword,  but 
they  with  their  stakes  broke  it  to  pieces.  They  tried  to  serve 
me  after  the  same  manner,  but  being  on  my  guard  I  defended 
myself  and  my  friend,  until  we  got  to  our  horses,  and  with  a 
great  deal  of  struggle  we  got  away  from  them,  and  put  on  for- 
ward on  the  road  about  six  miles  to  avoid  them,  and  stopped, 
it  being  dark,  at  a  poor  man's  house.  About  ten  o'clock  at 
night  they  came  to  steal  our  horses,  and  endeavor  to  surprise 
us,  but  when  they  saw  we  were  prepared  for  them,  after  some 
few  injurious  words  and  threats,  they  made  off.  This  is  Sus- 
sex County.     "We  sat  up  all  night  on  our  guard. 

22d. — Being  threatened  with  an  assault  in  the  morning, 
we  thought  it  convenient  at  two  of  the  clock  to  get  our  horses 
and  take  a  guide.  By  six  of  the  clock  we  were  twelve  miles 
on  our  way,  and  stopped  at  one  Duick's  house,  where  we 
breakfasted,  and  at  ten  continued  our  journey  to  Indian 
Creek.  This  part  of  the  country  is  hardly  inhabited,  and  the 
few  people  who  are  here  make  it  their  business  to  rob  all 
passengers.  We  were  detained  at  the  creek  two  hours  for  the 
want  of  a  canoe  ;  we  got  one  at  last,  and  swam  our  horses 
over.  We  mounted  on  the  other  side,  and  went  three  miles 
further  until  we  came  to  one  Pepper's  house,  where  we  lay  all 
night. 


304  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

23^/. — At  seven  in  the  morning  got  on  horseback  ;  a  fair 
day ;  we  rid  sixteen  miles  through  the  forest,  no  inhabitants 
all  the  way,  and  at  the  end  of  the  sixteen  miles  we  came  to 
one  Mumford's,  where  we  ate  a  bit ;  at  two  we  mounted 
again,  and  at  five  of  the  clock  came  to  Snow  Hill,  being  forty 
miles  from  Pepper's,  where  we  lay  last  night.  This  is  a 
small  village,  but  few  houses,  and  not  one  public  house,  so 
we  put  up  at  a  private  house.  This  village  is  situated  upon 
Pocomoke  River,  navigable  for  sloops  as  far  as  this  place. 
Bad  beds  and  ordinary  victuals. 

24tk. — At  eight  got  on  horseback,  and  when  we  were 
seventeen  miles  on  our  way,  we  called  at  one  Mr.  Pope's, 
where  we  took  a  guide,  the  ways  being  very  intricate.  At 
five  of  the  clock  we  came  to  one  Mr.  Kemp's,  which  we  reckon 
about  thirty-five  miles  distant  from  Snow  Hill.  We  paid  our 
guide  and  dismissed  him.  We  were  very  well  entertained, 
and  our  horses  well  fed,  and  about  ten  we  went  to  bed. 

25lh. — At  ten  we  breakfasted,  at  eleven  Mr.  Kemp  and  I 
rode  out  and  viewed  a  fine  tract  of  land,  and  returned  to  his 
house  to  dinner  at  two.  After  dinner  we  went  to  see  the 
shallop  that  we  design  to  hire.  The  wind  blew  very  hard 
at  N.  W.     At  ten  we  went  to  bed. 

26th. — At  ten  Mr.  Kearney  and  I  agreed  with  the  skip- 
per of  the  sloop  for  a  passage  for  ourselves,  and  our  horses, 
to  Rappahannoc  River  on  the  other  side  of  the  bay.  We 
are  to  give  him  forty-four  shillings  for  his  trouble.  We  or- 
dered him  to  ballast  his  sloop  and  be  in  readiness  when  the 
wind  offered.  At  breakfast  we  drank  of  an  herb  called  the 
golden-rod,  the  leaf  is  long,  and  it  tastes  and  is  of  the  color 
of  green  tea.  We  dined  at  four ;  after  dinner  we  played  at 
chequers,  then  supped  and  drank  punch  and  diverted  ourselves 
till  twelve,  aud  then  to  bed. 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN  FONTAINE.  305 

27?/?/. — At  ten  we  breakfasted — at  twelve  we  ballasted  the 
shallop,  and  hoisted  the  two  horses  in,  and  put  all  our  things 
on  board,  as  also  liquor  and  provisions  for  the  run.  We  were 
resolved  to  set  out  this  afternoon,  but  neither  wind  nor  tide 
would  serve,  and  night  drawing  on  we  returned  to  our  friend 
Mr.  James  Kemp,  supped,  and  at  ten  went  to  bed.  "Wind 
at  N.  W.j  stormy. 

28th. — At  eight  in  the  morning  got  up,  breakfasted  at 
nine,  and  took  leave  of  Mr.  Kemp,  and  went  to  one  Sanford's 
before  whose  house  the  sloop  lay.  The  wind  blew  hard,  but 
we  got  a  canoe,  and  with  some  difficulty  we  were  put  on 
board  our  shallop.  At  ten  we  hoisted  the  anchor,  with  the 
wind  at  N.  and  N.  by  E.,  a  hard  gale.  At  two  we  came  to 
Egg  Island,  and  at  five,  it  being  but  half  flood,  we  struck  on 
Watts's  shoals,  where  we  remained,  thumping  for  an  hour. 
After  we  floated  we  came  up  to  Watts's  Island.  At  seven  we 
cast  anchor,  and  went  ashore,  to  one  Joseph  Bird's  house, 
where  we  supped  on  our  own  provisions,  and  for  want  of  beds 
lay  before  the  fire  all  night. 

29th. — We  got  up  at  four  in  the  morning,  and  went  to 
the  water,  and  called  up  the  shallop-men  ;  we  got  on  board, 
and  by  five  weighed  anchor,  and  hoisted  our  sails.  The 
wind  is  at  N.  E.,  and  a  fresh  gale,  but  the  tide  against  us. 
At  seven  we  see  the  Tangier  Islands,  and  at  nine  of  the 
clock,  came  in  sight  of  Windmill  Point,  which  makes  the 
north  side  of  Kappahannoc  River,  and  Grwinn's  Island,  the 
south  side.  At  one,  we  came  abreast  with  Windmill  Point, 
and  the  wind  changed  to  S.  W.,  and  blew  fresh,  with  a  great 
sea  ;  we  endeavored  to  weather  Grwinn's  Island,  but  we  could 
not,  in  order  to  get  to  Queen's  Creek  in  Piankatank  Kiver. 
We  spoke  a  ship  at  three,  she  was  from   Barbadoes.     At  a 


306  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

quarter  after  three,  finding  the  wind  still  freshen,  we  were 
obliged  to  put  before  it  up  Rappahannoc  River.  It  became 
calm  about  six,  so  we  put  ashore  at  Mr.  Churchill's  plantation, 
and  landed  our  horses  with  some  difficulty.  It  was  very  dark, 
so  we  were  obliged  to  lie  at  the  negroes'  quarters  that  night. 

3Qth. — At  eight  mounted  our  horses,  fasting ;  at  ten  we 
crossed  Piankatank  Ferry,  and  mounted  again,  but  being  stran- 
gers to  the  road,  we  came  out  of  our  way  to  Ivy  River.  We 
returned  to  the  road,  and  passed  by  Gloucester  County  Court 
House.  At  three  we  came  to  Gloucester  Town  upon  York 
River ;  we  crossed  the  ferry  and  came  to  York  Town ;  we 
went  to  Power's  Ordinary,  where  we  lay  all  night. 

I  accompted,  and  found  that  my  journey  to  New- York 
and  back  again  cost  me  twenty-four  pounds. 

Saturday,  1st  December,  1716. — At  nine  in  the  morning 
set  out,  accompanied  Mr.  Kearney  a  mile  from  the  town,  and 
there  took  my  leave  of  my  fellow-traveller,  and  at  eleven 
reached  Williamsburg.  1  went  and  visited  the  Governor  and 
my  acquaintance. 

3d  December. — Set  out  from  Williamsburg,  and  went  to 
my  plantation  in  King  William  County,  and  got  together 
my  servants  and  overseer,  who  had  all  run  away,  and  put 
things  into  some  order. 

Qth. — I  returned  to  Williamsburg,  and  on  the  11th,  re- 
ceived news  that  my  brother  Peter  had  arrived  at  Hampton, 
and  I  went  down  to  meet  him,  and  on  the  14th,  he  and  his 
wife  came  up  with  me  to  Williamsburg,  where  we  all  took 
up  our  lodging,  and  in  a  few  days  my  brother  and  I  went  to 
view  the  parishes  and  the  plantations,  and  on  the  29th  got 
back  to  Williamsburg. 

In  February,  1717,  Peter  got  a  presentation  to  R-oanoke 


JOURNAL    OF   JOHN   FONTAINE.  307 

Parish,  and  preached  there.  We  all  removed  there  in  the 
month  of  March,  and  lodged  at  Captain  Harwood's.  I  be- 
came very  sick  of  the  fever  and  ague,  which  continued  until 
the  month  of  May,  when  being  somewhat  better,  I  returned 
to  the  plantation  in  King  William  County.  I  bought  another 
servant,  which  cost  me  £11  5,  sterling. 

October,  1717.— My  brother  James  and  his  family  arrived 
at  York  Town,  and  though  I  was  very  sick,  I  went  down  to 
meet  them,  so  we  all  came  up  together  in  the  ship  to  Cap- 
tain Littlepage's.  The  houses  that  I  was  building,  not  being 
quite  finished,  when  my  brother's  family  arrived,  they  lodged 
at  one  Mr.  Sutton's  near  the  plantation. 

By  the  7th  November,  every  thing  was  completed,  so  that 
we  brought  all  our  things  and  came  to  live  there. 

In  November,  we  also  sheathed  the  ship,  which  had  sprung 
a  leak  during  the  passage,  and  when  she  was  repaired  and 
well  fitted  out,  we  tried  to  sell  her,  but  could  not ;  so  we 
afterwards  freighted  her  for  Bristol,  and  in  January,  1718, 
she  fell  down  the  river. 

When  my  brother  James  and  his  family  were  settled  on  the 
plantation,  I  bought  twenty-one  head  of  cattle,  one  horse,  eleven 
hogs,  and  another  servant,  and  left  every  thing  to  the  manage- 
ment of  my  brother.  I  was  very  sick  for  about  five  months, 
and  so  was  all  our  family,  so  we  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble. 

27th  March,  1718. — I  received  a  letter  from  my  brother- 
in-law,  Mr.  Matthew  Maury,  to  say  that  he  was  at  Captain 
Eskridge's  house,  with  his  goods ;  where  he  would  wait  for 
me.  I  was  not  well,  and  the  weather  was  wet  and  rainy,  but  I 
set  out  immediately,  and  crossed  the  ferry  at  Mr.  Baylor's,  and 
rid  afterwards  seven  miles  in  the  rain,  and  about  an 'hour 
after  night  I  came  to  one  Bridgeworth's,  where  I  lay. 


308  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

2$th. — I  got  up  very  sick  next  morning,  but  set  out  fast- 
ing. The  day  was  very  windy.  I  got  about  eight  miles  on 
my  way,  when  my  fever  increased  so  much,  and  the  pains  in 
my  head  and  bones,  that  I  could  ride  no  farther,  and  was 
forced  to  alight.  At  about  ten  of  the  clock  I  came  to  a 
poor  widow  woman's  house,  where  I  was  for  about  two  hours 
(jiiite  senseless.  I  was  then  taken  with  a  violent  vomiting, 
and  my  fever  abated  something,  so  I  got  on  horseback  again 
and  rid  to  the  ferry  on  Rappahannoc,  where  I  lay  that  night 
— badly  entertained. 

29th. — Crossed  the  river,  and  got  to  Captain  Eskridge's 
house  at  seven,  and  found  that  Mr.  Maury  was  gone.  Being 
very  sick,  I  remained  until  the  1st  of  April  to  recruit,  and  on 
that  day  I  mounted  my  horse  and  rid  as  far  as  Mr.  Naylor's 
house,  where  I  lay. 

2d. — Crossed  the  river  in  a  small  boat,  and  was  in  great 
danger  of  being  drowned.  Got  to  Mr.  Baylor's,  where  I  lay 
that  night,  and  went  home  next  day.  I  made  upon  this  jour- 
ney in  all,  going  and  coming,  135  miles. 

22d  April. — I  went  down  to  Williamsburg  to  meet  Mr. 
Maury,  who -had  come  round  there.  We  hired  a  flat  to  convey 
his  goods  up  the  river.  On  the  25th,  the  goods  were  em- 
barked, and  we  went  to  the  Oyster  Banks,  and  took  in  a  great 
many  oysters  to  carry  home  with  us.  We  went  about  six 
miles  up  the  river,  and  then  we  stopped  for  the  night.  We 
came  as  close  to  the  land  as  we  could,  and  stuck  an  oar  in  the 
mud,  and  tied  our  flat  to  it,  and  there  we  lay  till  it  was  day. 
A  cold  place. 

2Qth. — Took  up  our  oar  and  rowed  about  four  miles,  the 
wind  at  N.  W.,  blew  very  hard.  We  were  blown  in  on  the 
shore,  and  the  sea  was  very  high,  and  there  was  no  possibility 


JOURNAL  OF  JOHN  FONTAINE.  309 

of  landing,  so  we  were  obliged  to  throw  out  all  our  oysters,  to 
lighten  the  boat.  We  shipped  a  great  deal  of  water,  and 
having  no  anchor,  we  were  like  to  drive  on  the  mud  and  lose 
the  flat.  About  two  of  the  clock,  the  weather  calming,  we  set 
out  again,  and  made  five  miles,  when  the  wind  came  to  N.  W., 
and  such  a  violent  storm,  that  we  were  obliged  to  put  before 
the  wind,  and  when  we  had  gone  back  about  a  mile,  we  ran 
the  flat  ashore  upon  the  strand,  where  we  thumped  mightily. 
The  wind  continued  very  high,  but  the  tide  being  fallen,  we 
unloaded  the  goods,  expecting  that  when  the  tide  would  rise 
again,  the  boat  would  go  to  pieces.  By  twelve  of  the  clock 
at  night,  we  had  all  our  goods  on  shore,  but  there  being  no 
house  near,  we  lay  upon  the  strand  all  night,  and  it  rained 
very  hard,  so  that  we  were  wet  to  the  skin.  The  wind  abated 
a  little,  and  as  the  tide  rose,  we  drew  up  the  flat  nearer  shore, 
and  got  her  up  as  far  as  we  could,  and  received  no  damage 
but  being  wet  with  both  salt  and  fresh  water. 

27th. — We  put  the  goods  on  board  again,  first  thing  in  the 
morning,  and  the  wind  abated  during  the  day,  so  that  we  were 
able  to  continue  on  our  way,  and  we  got  to  West  Point  about 
nine  of  the  clock  at  night. 

28th. — Came  to  Captain  Littlepage's,  and  next  day  we  got 
to  Philip  Williams  his  ferry,  where  we  landed  the  goods. 

I  remained  on  the  plantation  till  the  6th  of  June,  and 
then  went  down  to  Williamsburg,  and  settled  all  my  business 
with  Mr.  Irewin  and  Major  Holloway.  On  the  16th,  I  spoke  to 
Captain  Bonnequil,  and  agreed  with  him  for  my  passage  home. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1718,  I  made  over  the  deeds  of  the 
land  to  my  brother  James,  in  order  to  go  to  England. 

4th  August. — I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Freneau  to  say 
that  there  was  a  ship  coming  consigned  to  me  ;  so  I  got  my 


:»10         MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

things  on  shore,  left  my  fowls  with  the  master,  and  paid  him 
twenty-two  shillings  for  the  charges  I  had  put  him  to.*  As 
soon  as  my  goods  were  landed  from  the  vessel,  I  came  to  York 
Town,  thence  to  Williamsburg,  and  so  to  the  plantation,  which 
I  reached  on  the  10th  August. 

\9th  December,  1718. — Received  news  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Henry  and  Margaret,  consigned  to  me.  I  went  immediately 
to  her  and  entered  her,  landed  the  goods,  and  sold  the  most 
part  of  them,  and  kept  the  ship  till  the  7th  June,  1719,  when 
I  set  sail  in  her  from  James  River,  and  on  the  18  th  July,  we 
came  to  Weymouth,  on  the  19th  to  Cowes,in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
where  I  remained  three  days. 

ttd. — I  left  Cowes,  and  crossed  the  bay  to  Southampton. 

23^. — I  set  out  in  the  stage-coach  for  London,  and  arrived 
about  eight  of  the  clock.  I  took  a  hackney-coach,  and  went 
to  Mr.  Arnauld's,  at  Islington,  where  I  remained  until  the 
24th  November,  1719,  about  the  business  of  the  cargo,  and 
doing  what  I  could  for  another  voyage,  but  all  to  no  purpose ; 
so,  on  the  24th  November,  I  left  London.  My  horse  tired  at 
Coventry ;  so,  on  the  27th,  I  took  the  stage-coach,  and  came 
to  Chester  on  the  29th.  On  the  30th,  I  hired  three  horses 
for  Holyhead. 

1st  December. — I  lay  at  Bangor  ;  the  2d  arrived  at  Holy- 
head, and  went  upon  the  top  of  the  hill,  from  whence  I  could 
see  Ireland.  The  5th  I  embarked,  and  the  6th  arrived  in  the 
Bay  of  Dublin.  I  took  the  wherry  and  landed  by  twelve,  and 
came  to  Stephen's  Green. 

*  I  understood  afterwards,  that  in  going  home  this  vessel  foundered, 
and  all  on  board  perished ;  so  that  I  have  great  reason  to  return  thanks  to 
God  for  my  preservation  at  this  time ;  for  I  was  fully  resolved  to  go  with 
him,  had  I  not  been  prevented  by  Mr.  Freneau's  letter,  which  came  to  my 
hands  four  days  before  Captain  Bonnequil  sailed  for  England. 


INTERESTING  FAMILY  MEETING  FOR  RELIGIOUS 

PURPOSES. 

The  next  interesting  item  of  family  history,  which  we  are 
able  to  bring  to  light,  is  the  fact,  that,  after  our  ancestors 
emigrated  to  Virginia,  they  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  an- 
nually, to  hold  a  solemn  religious  thanksgiving,  in  commemo- 
ration of  their  remarkable  preservation,  when  attacked  by 
French  privateers,  in  the  south  of  Ireland. 

The  following  sermon  was  preached  on  one  of  these  occa- 
sions, by  the  Rev.  Peter  Fontaine.  It  bears  the  date  upon 
it,  and  also  a  pencil  memorandum  of  the  Psalms  and  Lessons 
which  he  had  selected  as  appropriate  to  the  services  of  the 
day. 

1st  June  1723. 

PEOPEE  PSALMS  XVIIL,  CIIL,  CXVIII. 

I.  LESSON.    Exodus  adv. 

II.  LESSON.    Ephesians  vi.,  from  v.  14  to  the  end. 

COLLECT. 

Almighty  and  most  glorious  Lord  God,  who  dost  render 
ineffectual  the  most  subtle  devices  and  best  concerted  mea- 
sures of  wicked  and  haughty  men,  and  didst  as  at  this  time 
with  a  high  hand  and  lifted  up  arm  deliver  us  from  our  in- 
veterate enemies ;  and  hast  sundry  times  before    and  since 


312  Ml  \K»lliS    OF    A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

exerted  thy  power  in  our  favor ;  grant  that  we  may  always 
bear  so  grateful  a  sense  of  these  thy  mercies  in  our  minds,  as 
may  engage  us  to  embrace  all  opportunities  of  worshipping 
and  glorifying  and  praising  thee,  with  one  mind  and  with 
one  mouth,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  who  taught  us,  &c. 


SERMON. 

Romans,  chap.  xv.  v.  6. 

That  ye  may  with  one  mind  and  one  mouth  glorify  God,  even  the  Father 

of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Apostle,  after  having  spent  the  fourteenth  chapter  in  ge- 
neral exhortations  and  directions  to  stronger  Christians,  con- 
cerning their  behavior  towards  their  weaker  brethren,  in 
the  use  of  their  Christian  liberty  about  things  indifferent, 
and  in  advising  them  neither  to  be  censorious  in  judging,  nor 
yet  to  put  a  stumbling-block  in  the  way  one  of  another,  pro- 
ceeds in  the  former  part  of  this  chapter  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  same  argument  and  design,  enjoining  their  forbearance 
from  the  example  of  our  Blessed  Lord,  and  concluding  his 
exhortations  and  instructions  with  this  short  prayer  to  Al- 
mighty God,  that  they  may  with  one  heart,  and  one  mind, 
glorify  him ;  that  is,  that  whatever  reason  they  may  have  for 
small  differences  amongst  themselves,  they  should  lay  them  all 
aside,  but  more  especially  when  they  are  about  to  give  God 
glory. 

I  shall,  therefore,  upon  this  occasion,  from  these  words 
observe  to  you : 


SEEMON.  313 

Firstly,  The  duty  here  enjoined,  that  is,  to  glorify  God. 

Secondly.  The  manner  of  performing  it,  that  is.  with  one 
mind  and  one  mouth.     And, 

Thirdly.  Put  you  in  mind  of  your  high  obligations  to 
comply  with  this  duty,  not  only  because  of  the  signal  deliver- 
ance which  we  are  met  together  to  celebrate,  but  by  reason  of 
that  infinite  number  which  God  hath  vouchsafed  to  favor  us 
with  at  other  times,  no  less  worthy  our  remembrance  and 
thanks. 

I  begin  with  the  duty  here  prescribed,  and  that  is,  to  glo- 
rify God,  by  which  we  may  not  understand  that  we  can  add 
any  thing  to  the  glory  and  perfection  of  the  divine  nature,  for 
that  is  not  in  our  power ;  for  God  is  the  same  yesterday  and 
to-day,  and  admits  of  no  new  accessions  to  his  glory,  by  any 
thing  we  can  say  or  do.  The  glorifying  of  God  consists  chiefly 
in  these  two  things — in  a  high  and  honorable  esteem  and  re- 
verence for  him  in  our  hearts,  and  likewise  in  all  outward  ex- 
pressions of  honor,  duty,  and  reverence  towards  him  in  our 
lives.  The  one  is  internal  honor,  whereby  we  are  said  to 
glorify  God  in  our  souls  and  spirits,  the  other  is  external, 
whereby  we   glorify  him  by  our  conversation  and  behavior. 

I  say,  to  glorify  God  is  to  have  a  high  and  honorable 
esteem  and  reverence  for  him  in  our  hearts ;  to  entertain 
thoughts  worthy  of  him,  and  have  conceptions  imprinted  in 
our  minds,  suitable  to  the  eminence  and  perfections  of  his  na- 
ture, that  is  to  apprehend  him  to  be  really  as  he  is — superla- 
tively good,  wise,  powerful,  holy,  and  just ;  to  take  him  for  our 
Maker  and  Preserver,  and  to  own  our  absolute  and  entire  de- 
pendence upon  him,  and  pay  him  our  homage  and  adoration 
accordingly.  In  such  internal  and  devout  acts  of  the  mind, 
does  the  glorifying  of  God  chiefly   and  principally  consist; 

14 


314  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

and  without  these  it  would  be  vain  for  any  person  to  pretend 
that  he  doth  in  any  measure  comply  with  the  duty  in  the 
text,  though  it  doth  not  rest  here,  but  manifests  itself, 

Secondly,  In  external  acts  and  expressions  of  honor  suit- 
able to  them.  To  have  such  high  thoughts  of  his  infinite 
power  and  greatness,  as  to  make  us  dread  and  stand  in  awe  of 
him  ;  such  apprehensions  of  his  justice  as  to  make  us  fear  of- 
fending him  ;  such  an  esteem  of  his  wisdom  as  to  cause  us  to 
admire  him  ;  and  such  a  sense  of  his  goodness,  as  to  put  us 
upon  all  acts  of  adoring  and  worshipping  him,  and  to  influ- 
ence our  whole  behavior  with  regard  to  him  and  our  neighbor. 
This  the  Psalmist  styles,  the  giving  unto  God  the  honor  that 
is  due  to  his  name,  and  worshipping  him  with  a  holy  worship. 
Now,  as  this  duty  cannot  be  any  where  performed  with  such 
advantage  as  where  the  faithful  are  assembled  together  for 
that  purpose,  let  us,  therefore,  with  the  royal  prophet,  take 
all  opportunities  to  give  thanks  unto  God,  in  the  great  congre- 
gation, and  praise  him  among  much  people ;  and  not  only  so, 
but  let  us,  as  we  are  in  duty  bound,  and  by  promise  engaged, 
miss  no  opportunity  of  assembling  ourselves  together,  upon 
the  days  which  we  have  set  apart  for  returning  our  most 
hearty  and  unfeigned  thanks,  for  the  great  deliverances  vouch- 
safed to  our  family,  and  glorify,  and  thank,  and  praise  God 
with  one  heart  and  one  mouth. 

And  this  leads  unto  the  second  thing  I  proposed  to  speak 
to ;  to  wit.  the  manner  of  performing  this  duty  implied  in 
these  words  of  the  text,  where  we  have  the  unanimity  that  is 
to  be  observed  in  our  devotions.  To  excite  and  encourage  us 
to  this,  we  have  many  precepts  both  in  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
tament. Holy  David  calls  upon  the  the  people  to  worship  the 
Lord  in  the  beauty  of  holiness  j  that  is,  with  a  comely  order 


SERMON.  315 

and  harmony  which  will  add  a  grace  to  it,  and  make  it  look 
fair  and  amiable.  Elsewhere  he  wills  them  to  serve  and 
praise  the  Lord  together,  which  refers  in  some  measure  to  the 
unity  of  place,  but  more  particularly  to  the  unity  of  mind, 
that  it  be  done  with  one  heart,  and  with  one  consent. 

In  the  New  Testament  we  find  our  Saviour  making  our 
agreement  in  our  petitions  necessary  to  the  success  of  them ; 
saying.  If  two  or  more  shall  agree  on  earth  touching  any  thing 
that  they  shall  ask,  it  shall  be  done  for  them  of  my  Father 
who  is  in  heaven,  for  where  two  or  three  are  gathered  together 
in  my  name,  there  am  I  in  the  midst  of  them ;  where  'tis  the 
harmony  of  our  prayers,  or  the  offering  them  up  with  one  ac- 
cord and  one  mind,  that  procures  audience  and  acceptance  of 
them ;  and  therefore  the  last  thing  our  blessed  Lord  prayed 
for  in  the  behalf  of  his  disciples  and  followers,  was  for  this 
unity  and  harmony  of  mind  :  "  That  they  all  may  be  one  ;  as 
thou,  Father,  art  in  me,  and  I  in  thee,  that  they  also  may  be  one 
in  us ;  that  the  world  may  believe  that  thou  hast  sent  me  ;" 
where  he  begs  his  Father  to  work  the  hearts  of  his  followers 
to  that  temper  of  mind  and  affection  that  was  between  his 
Father  and  him,  which  would  be  the  best  argument  to  convince 
mankind  of  the  truth  of  his  mission  and  doctrine  ;  for  the  world 
would  sooner  believe  that  God  had  sent  him,  if  his  disciples 
could  agree  together  in  what  they  desire,  and  in  what  they 
profess,  rather  than  if  they  clash  or  differ  in  either,  and  pray 
without  or  against  one  another  ;  for  which  reason  St.  Paul  be- 
seeches the  Corinthians  by  the  name  of  Christ,  that  there 
might  be  no  divisions  amongst  them  in  those  things,  but 
that  they  may  be  perfectly  joined  together  in  the  same  mind 
and  in  the  same  judgment.  In  his  Epistle  to  the  Philip- 
pians  he  exhorts  them  to   stand  fast  in  one  spirit  and  in  one 


316  MEMOIBfl   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

mind,  striving  together  for  the  faith  of  the  Gospel ;  and  fur- 
ther, he  beseeches  them  by  all  that  is  dear  and  sacred,  to  be 
like-minded,  having  the  same  love,  being  of  one  accord  and  of 
one  mind,  which  is  what  our  text  here  calls  us  to.  And  that 
this  is  a  possible  duty  we  find  from  many  passages  both  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testament.  Jerusalem,  which  in  the  Scripture 
phrase  signifies  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  is  expressly  said 
to  be  at  unity  within  itself,  for  thither  the  tribes  went  up, 
even  the  tribes  of  the  Lord,  to  testify  unto  Israel,  and  to  give 
thanks  unto  the  name  of  the  Lord,  which  the  Psalmist  de- 
clares as  matter  of  great  joy.  "  I  was  glad,"  says  he,  "  when 
they  said  unto  me,  we  will  go  unto  the  house  of  the  Lord. 
Our  feet  shall  stand  in  thy  gates,  0  Jerusalem." 

In  the  New  Testament  we  read  of  the  primitive  Christians 
that  they  were  all  of  one  heart  and  of  one  mind ;  that  they 
were  continually  together  in  the  temple  blessing  and  praising 
God ;  that  they  met  together,  in  one  place,  with  one  accord, 
and  with  one  mind ;  that  they  continued  steadfast  in  the 
Apostle's  doctrine  and  fellowship,  in  breaking  bread,  and  in 
prayer ;  all  which,  and  many  more  testimonies  that  might  be 
cited,  plainly  show  that  blessed  harmony  and  concord  that 
was  found  among  them  in  matters  of  religion  and  the  worship 
of  God,  and  that  there  was  a  time  when  men  joined  together 
with  one  mind  to  glorify  their  great  Creator.  The  many  pre- 
cepts to  unity  show  it  to  be  a  possible  and  a  practicable  duty, 
and  the  many  sharp  rebukes  of  divisions,  and  cautions  against 
neglects  of  this  kind,  manifest  that  they  are  not  unavoidable, 
else  the  precepts  and  rebukes  would  both  be  to  no  purpose. 

Having  now  done  with  the  duty  here  enjoined,  as  also  the 
manner  of  performing  it.  there  remains  that  we  consider  in 
the  third  place  the  particular  obligations  our  family  are  un- 


SERMON.  317 

der  of  complying  with  it.  Let  us  pass  by  those  we  are  under 
to  Almighty  God  for  our  creation,  preservation  and  redemp- 
tion, and  all  the  other  blessings  of  this  life,  which  are  without 
number,  and  which  we  enjoy  in  common  with  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, and  let  us  turn  our  eyes  upon  that  continued  chain  of 
miracles  which  hath  been  wrought  in  our  favor,  and  which  are 
sufficient  to  rouse  the  most  stupid  to  a  sense  of  the  duty  en- 
joined in  the  text.  To  date  our  relation  as  high  as  the  deli- 
verance of  our  parents  out  of  the  bondage  of  France,  we  will 
find  subject  matter  enough  to  make  us  cry  out  with  holy 
David,  "  0  how  great  is  thy  goodness  which  thou  hast  laid  up 
for  them  that  fear  thee,  which  thou  hast  wrought  for  them  that 
trust  in  thee  before  the  sons  of  men." 

Several  months  was  our  parent  obliged  to  shift  amongst 
forests  and  deserts  for  his  safety,  because  he  had  preached  the 
word  of  God  to  a  congregation  of  innocent  and  sincere  per- 
sons, who  desired  to  be  instructed  in  their  duty  and  confirmed 
in  their  faith.  The  woods  afforded  him  a  shelter,  and  the  rocks 
a  resting-place ;  but  his  enemies  gave  him  no  quiet  until,  of 
his  own  accord,  he  delivered  himself  up  to  their  custody. 
They  loaded  his  hands  with  chains,  his  feet  stuck  fast  in  the 
mire,  a  dungeon  was  his  abode,  and  murderers  and  thieves  his 
companions,  until  God,  by  the  means  of  a  pious  gentlewoman, 
whose  kindness  ought  to  be  remembered  by  us  even  to  latest 
posterity,  withdrew  him  from  thence,  and  was  the  occasion 
that  his  confinement  was  more  tolerable. 

His  charge  was  preaching  in  the  woods  and  praying  aloud 
in  the  prison ;  by  the  former  they  pretended  that  he  perverted 
the  fidelity  of  the  people  towards  their  prince,  and  by  the 
latter  interrupted  their  devotions  at  Mass,  both  which  accusa- 
tions, could    they  have    been   fairly  made    out,  would   have 


318  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

proved  matter  of  death,  or  at  least  long  imprisonment  ;  but 
lie.  who  blows  upon  the  schemes  of  the  wicked,  and  baffles  all 
their  designs,  had  so  contrived  it  that  the  witnesses  should 
mistake  the  date  of  the  time  that  he  preached,  and  the  sub- 
stance of  the  prayer,  insomuch  that  he  was  released,  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  his  friends. 

Alas !  his  sorrows  for  this  time  did  not  end  here,  but 
rather  this  was  the  beginning  of  woe.  During  his  confinement, 
which  had  lasted  nearly  a  year,  his  flock  had  either  been  van- 
quished or  scattered,  there  was  scarcely  any  footsteps  of  them  to 
be  traced. 

The  persecution  grew  warmer  and  sharper,  and  whosoever 
would  not  bow  the  knee  before  Baal  was  cast  into  prison, 
where  soul  and  body  were  kept  together  merely  that  they  might 
endure  the  torment  of  a  thousand  deaths.  The  faggot  and 
sword,  the  wheel  and  the  galleys,  were  employod  in  making 
converts  to  that  monstrous  church. 

There,  0  Rome !  did  thy  emissaries  glut  themselves  with 
the  spoils  of  the  innocent,  and  wallowed  in  the  blood  of  the 
guiltless ;  there,  if  ever,  wert  thou  satiated  with  cruelty  and 
revenge. 

At  that  time  our  father,  with  his  beloved  and  much- 
lamented  consort,  our  dear  mother,  was  obliged  to  flee  for 
safety.  They  left  friends  and  relatives,  brothers  and  sisters, 
lands  and  houses,  and  all  they  held  dear,  for  the  sake  of  Him 
who  once  laid  down  his  life  for  them.  Human  nature  is  inca- 
pable of  more  glorious  conduct  than  theirs,  which  could  have 
been  carried  to  no  higher  degree  of  perfection,  unless  God  had 
required  them  to  seal  their  faith  with  their  blood.  Such 
actions  are  above  the  conception  and  envy  of  the  mean  part  of 
mankind,  and  can  fire  none  but  the  most  generous  souls.     It 


SERMON.  319 

is  the  pious  courage  and  divine  resolution  of  our  parents,  that 
we,  their  descendants,  with  eagerness  should  desire  to  inherit 
a  great  measure  of,  in  case  God  should  think  fit  to  lay  upon 
us  this  heavy  task.  We  may  look  back  and  see  them,  hand  in 
hand,  flying  from  the  pestilential  breath  of  the  whore  of  Baby- 
lon, making  their  escape  through  difficulties  and  dangers, 
death  pursuing  close  behind,  until  at  last  they  were  safely 
landed  on  the  English  shore.  Thus,  0  Lord,  didst  thou  exert 
thy  mighty  arm  in  behalf  of  our  parents,  and  withdrew  them 
from  the  slavery  of  Egypt.  Thou  broughtest  them  through 
the  great  and  wide  ocean,  and  placedst  their  feet  on  dry  land 
in  a  place  of  safety. 

This  is  but  a  short  and  imperfect  sketch  of  the  deliverance 
which  God  wrought  in  behalf  of  those  who  were  immediately 
before  us.  What  he  did  for  our  fathers  in  former  days  is  not 
as  yet  come  to  my  knowledge,  but  if  I  mistake  not,  some  of 
them  were  favored  with  great  and  mighty  deliverances. 

As  to  ourselves,  I  need  make  use  of  no  argument  to  per- 
suade you  that  we  have  been  the  peculiar  care  of  the  Almighty, 
and  that  he  hath  delivered  us  sundry  times  from  dangers  and 
death.  These  were  refreshed  to  our  memories,  after  a  very 
lively  manner,  in  that  good  and  pious  discourse  which  was  de- 
livered to  us  this  morning,  and  which  ought  not  to  fail  of  hav- 
ing a  lasting  effect  upon  our  future  behavior. 

What  I  would  endeavor  to  impress  upon  your  minds  is, 
that  these  mercies  loudly  call  for  our  sincere  thanks  and  hum- 
ble acknowledgments,  and  that  we  must  be  highly  insensible,  if 
we  cannot  perceive  the  necessity  of  it. 

Doth  God  vouchsafe  to  save  and  deliver  in  this  miraculous 
manner,  and  can  we  forget?  Can  we  scarcely  be  prevailed 
upon  to  spare  two  days  in  one  year  to  meet  together,  and  glo- 


320  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

rify  him  with  one  heart  and  with  one  mouth  ?  When  the  fire 
and  the  sword,  death  and  destruction  stared  us  in  the  face,  we 
would  have  been  glad  to  compound  for  many  days  of  hard  and 
difficult  service ;  nay,  had  God  desired  some  great  thing  of  us 
that  we  should  have  remembered  these  deliverances  daily,  we 
should  not  have  thought  it  hard.  But  perhaps  time,  which 
consumes  and  devours  every  thing,  hath  blotted  these  mercies 
out  of  our  minds  and  memories ;  or,  our  powerful  Protector 
hath  shortened  his  arm  on  some  occasions  since,  and  hath  not 
proved  the  same  God  still,  to  save  and  deliver.  No ;  surely 
it  can  be  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  of  these,  for  it  is  but 
nineteen  years  since  the  first,  and  fourteen  since  the  last  hap- 
pened ;  and  his  wonders  have  been  manifested  sundry  times  since. 

This  neglect  in  some  measure  proceeds  from  the  same  in- 
fatuation which  possessed  the  Israelites  formerly,  when  God 
by  his  prophet  Hosea  reprimands  them  for  their  slothfulness 
and  inconstancy.  "0  Ephraim,  what  shall  I  do  unto  thee? 
0  Judah,  what  shall  I  do  unto  thee  ?  for  your  goodness  is  as 
a  morning  cloud,  and  as  the  early  dew  it  goeth  away."  God's 
favors  are  showered  upon  us  abundantly,  I  may  say,  as  the 
dew  of  the  morning ;  but  to  what  purpose,  if  we  are  unmind- 
ful of  them,  and  suffer  the  cares  of  the  world  to  stifle  our 
gratitude  ?  Can  we  be  so  unreasonable  as  to  imagine  that  he 
will  for  ever  give,  if  we  continue  to  forget  ? 

Common  blessings,  such  as  he  dispenseth  to  just  and  un- 
just, he  will  not,  perhaps,  deprive  us  of.  He  will  not  make 
our  inheritance  dry,  while  he  watereth  that  of  our  neighbor. 
But  are  these  the  only  blessings  we  stand  indebted  for  9  Are 
these  such  as  gave  rise  to  the  solemnity  of  this  day  in  particu- 
lar? Are  we  favored  with  no  other  distinguishing  marks  of 
his  kind  Providence  and  goodness  ?     What,  then,  mean  those 


SERMON.  321 

wonderful  deliverances  vouchsafed  to  our  forefathers  time  out 
of  mind,  those  to  our  immediate  parents,  and  those  to  our- 
selves without  number  1 

Let  these  reflections,  my  brethren,  be  a  spur  to  all  noble 
and  generous  exercises  ;  and  as  God  hath  thought  fit  to  distin- 
guish us  by  his  miraculous  care  and  protection,  and  hath  in- 
creased our  family  considerably,  let  us  distinguish  ourselves 
by  our  virtue,  and  our  zeal  for  his  service.  Let  our  eyes,  in- 
structed to  survey  higher  objects,  overlook  the  dazzling  and 
false  grandeur  of  the  world,  pierce  through  the  clouds  and  va- 
pors which  intercept,  and  fix  upon  the  Sun  of  Righteousness 
only.  Let  our  hearts  admit  of  no  affections  or  passions  to  the 
prejudice  of  those  which  are  due  to  our  great  Deliverer,  and 
let  the  whole  man,  body  and  soul,  be  dedicated  to  his  service. 
Let  us,  as  the  Apostle  in  the  text  enjoins,  with  one  heart  and 
one  mind  glorify  God.  Let  us,  upon  no  trivial  occasion,  omit 
assembling  ourselves  together,  for  God,  without  exception  of 
one  more  than  the  other,  in  the  day  that  our  enemies  pressed 
sore  upon  us,  delivered  us  all :  and  shall  any  of  us  be  back- 
ward to  return  him  thanks'?  No,  certainly ;  I  hope  better 
things  of  you,  my  brethren,  and  that  none  of  you  can  be  so  de- 
generate as  to  return  his  loving-kindness  thus  with  ingratitude. 

It  is  the  joy  and  happiness  of  angels,  and  their  continual 
exercise  by  praise  and  thanksgiving,  to  glorify  the  Lord  of  the 
whole  universe.  Why  may  not  we  take  the  opportunity  to 
imitate  them,  by  joining  our  hearts  and  voices  to  the  heavenly 
chorus  ?  Our  deliverances  have  been  wonderful  and  miracu- 
lous, and  why  may  not  our  thanks  be  accompanied  with 
rapture  ?  Praise  the  Lord,  0  my  soul,  and  all  that  is  within 
me  praise  his  holy  name.  Let  the  people  praise  thee,  0  God; 
yea,  let  all  the  people  praise  thee.     These  should  be  upon  all 

14* 


:V1'1  iCEMOIES    OK    A     Jll(.(  K.\'»i     FAMILY. 

occasions  our  themes,  and  we  should  he  delighted  with  these 
divine  hymns.  Could  we  once  raise  our  souls  to  that  pitch  of 
devotion,  the  world  and  all  its  false  splendor  would  pass  by  us 
unobserved,  and  its  necessary  incumbrances  would  seem  to  be 
only  small  lets  and  hindrances  to  our  divine  contemplations. 
Virtue  and  religion  would  be  our  chief  study,  and  we  should 
leave  them  as  an  inheritance  to  our  children. 

And  since  the  only  way  to  communicate  the  knowledge  of 
the  great  deliverance  of  the  Almighty  to  our  families  and 
children  hereafter,  is,  to  set  apart  certain  seasons  yearly  to  re- 
new them  to  our  minds  and  memories ;  let  me  beseech  you  by 
all  that  is  dear  and  sacred,  not  to  absent  yourselves  from  these 
meetings  upon  any  slender  excuse,  but  that  you  be  ready  and 
willing  at  all  times,  with  one  mind  and  mouth  to  glorify  God. 
Some  may  perhaps  say,  that  this  duty  may  be  as  well  per- 
formed by  each  one  in  his  own  particular  family  ;  but  I  leave 
it  to  your  own  judgments,  whether  you  think  this  will  redound 
so  much  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  our  souls.  Nay, 
let  me  ask  whether  you  have  not  been  more  deeply  affected 
with  the  importance  of  this  duty  at  those  times  when  it  has 
been  our  happiness,  with  one  mind  and  one  heart,  to  join  in 
glorifying  our  great  Creator  ?  Has  not  your  zeal  and  devo- 
tion been  then  carried  to  a  greater  height  than  at  any  other 
time  ;  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  day  have  you  not  felt  more 
comfort  and  satisfaction  from  your  performances  ?  I  am  apt 
to  think  that  you  have  all  found  an  inexpressible  difference. 
There  is  something  in  acknowledgment  which  is  burdensome 
to  a  grateful  soul,  and  requires  to  be  communicated  before  it 
can  be  easy.  It  is  this  which  makes  the  royal  Prophet  launch 
out  into  so  great  lengths,  as  to  invite  the  most  inanimate 
things  to  his  assistance,  when  he  is  about  to  give  God  glory. 


SERMON.  323 

He  says :  Praise  ye  him  sun  and  moon,  and  all  ye  stars  of 
light.  Praise  the  Lord  from  the  earth,  ye  dragons,  and  all 
deeps  ;  fire  and  hail,  &c,  &c. 

For  my  part  I  feel  a  sensible  accession  to  my  joy  in  the 
presence  of  each  one  of  you,  and  I  cannot  but  think  that 
every  single  person  adds  weight  before  the  throne  of  grace  to 
our  reasonable  petitions,  and  altogether  harmony  and  beauty 
to  our  praises  and  thanksgivings,  and  invites  a  greater  mea- 
sure of  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  is  the  way  indeed  to  praise 
the  Lord  in  the  beauty  of  holiness,  and  to  worship  him  with  a 
holy  worship. 

We,  whose  duty  it  is  to  administer  unto  you  in  holy 
things,  will  not  fail  laying  before  you  after  the  best  manner 
we  are  able,  the  remarkable  deliverances  which  have  been 
performed  in  favor  of  our  family,  and  put  you  in  mind  of 
your  high  obligations,  nay,  we  will  endeavor  to  go  before  you 
in  the  performance  of  this  duty  of  thanksgiving  by  our  exam- 
ple and  instruction,  and  would  to  God  that  every  one  of  you 
would  strive  not  only  to  come  after  or  keep  up  with  us,  but 
rather  to  excel  us  in  these  things. 

Would  to  God  that  you  would  make  it  your  business  to 
teach  them  to  your  children,  that  they  may  be  qualified  to 
perpetuate  them  to  infinite  generations  to  come,  and  thereby 
engage  the  protection  and  draw  down  the  blessings  of  the  Al- 
mighty upon  them.  For  God  is  not  like  Isaac  who  had  no 
more  than  one  blessing  in  store.  He  hath  millions  of  mil- 
lions to  bestow  upon  them  who  love  and  fear  him.  He  can 
bless  in  time  of  war,  he  can  bless  in  time  of  peace,  he  can 
bless  in  time  of  sickness,  he  can  bless  in  time  of  health,*  he 

*  The  ancient  manuscript  broke  off  here,  and   the  sermon  has  been 
finished  by  a  different  hand. 


324  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

can  bless  in  the  days  of  poverty  and  in  those  of  prosperity. 
Let  us  not  faint,  my  brethren,  if  our  Heavenly  Father  should 
see  fit  to  try  our  faith  in  the  furnace  of  affliction.  We  have 
his  assurance  that  all  things  work  together  for  good  to  them 
that  love  the  Lord.  All  things  !  What  can  be  more  com- 
prehensive and  encouraging  ?  Let  us  then  love  the  Lord  and 
trust  in  him.  "  Blessed  is  the  man  that  trusteth  in  the  Lord, 
and  whose  hope  the  Lord  is  ;  for  he  shall  be  as  a  tree  planted 
by  the  waters,  and  that  spreadeth  out  her  roots  by  the  river, 
and  shall  not  see  when  heat  cometh,  but  her  leaf  shall  be 
green,  and  shall  not  be  careful  in  the  year  of  drought,  neither 
shall  cease  from  yielding  fruit."  u  Trust  ye  in  the  Lord  for 
ever,  for  in  the  Lord  Jehovah  is  everlasting  strength."  For 
of  him,  and  through  him,  and  to  him  are  all  things,  to  whom 
be  glory  for  ever.     Amen. 


LETTERS  OF  MARY  AM  MAURY. 


•  •  * 


September  2d,  1745. 

Dear  Sister  : — I  received  your  most  cordial  and  affectionate 
letter,  which  I  assure  you  was  a  sensible  pleasure  to  me, 
though  so  far  distant,  that  I  have  the  opportunity  of  convers- 
ing with  one  who  has  been  from  infancy  till  now  so  dear 
to  me. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  wishes  for  my  son  James,  and 
I  hope  they  will  be  accomplished.  He  is  now  in  his  turn 
very  edifying  to  us,  please  God  he  continues  as  he  has  begun. 
He  and  his  wife  are  not  gone  to  housekeeping  yet,  but  their 
house  will  be  ready  for  them  at  Christmas.  The  Lord  send 
his  blessing  upon  them.  I  dare  say  she  will  prove  an  indus- 
trious woman,  for  she  hath  been  brought  up  to  it.  They  have 
a  son,  with  which  she  spares  no  pains  that  a  loving  mother  is 
capable  of.  My  son  and  she  love  each  other  tenderly,  so  I 
have  great  hopes  of  their  being  happy,  which  is  a  great  plea- 
sure to  us.  Thank  God,  my  dear  partner  continues  in  good 
health,  but  dear  Molly  is  always  sickly.  Aby  is,  thank  God, 
very  well. 

As  I  believe  you  wish  to  know  the  state  of  all  our  families 
here,  I  shall  begin  with  my  brother  James.     His  first  wife  is 


326  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

dead,  and  left  four  daughters  and  two  sons.  The  youngest 
<laughter,  named  Ann,  has  lived  several  years  with  my  niece 
."Mary  Anne  Winston,  and  I  hope  will  turn  out  well.  My 
brother  is  married  again,  but  to  who  or  what  sort  of  a  woman 
I  cannot  say.  They  live  so  far  from  us  that  we  receive  more 
intelligence  from  you  than  from  him. 

My  brother  Peter's  first  wife  Lizzy  was  one  of  the  love- 
liest creatures  I  ever  saw.  God  had  endowed  her  with  all 
the  virtues  of  a  good  Christian,  a  good  wife,  and  a  watchful 
mother.  She  never  let  the  least  thing  pass  in  her  children 
that  had  any  appearance  of  evil  in  it,  and  was  very  tender  of 
them.  She  was  an  obliging  neighbor,  charitable  to  the  poor, 
beloved  of  all  them  that  knew  her.  and  most  dear  to  us.  The 
girl  she  left  I  brought  up,  named  Mary  Ann,  and  to  my  great 
comfort  she  inherits  the  character  of  her  mother,  as  also  does 
her  brother  Peter,  so  that  they  are  loved  and  respected  of  all. 

As  to  my  niece,  she  is  well  provided  for,  she  is  married  to 
a  young  gentleman  named  Isaac  Winston,  who  hath  a  very 
good  fortune,  and  a  spotless  reputation.  They  live  very  hap- 
pily together,  and  have  two  sons. 

My  brother  Peter's  present  wife  is  a  lovely,  sweet-tem- 
pered woman,  and  she,  Mary  Ann,  and  Peter  have  an  unusual 
tenderness  for  one  another ;  and  I  believe  if  they  were  her 
own  children,  she  could  not  show  more  tenderness  to  them. 
My  brother  hath  two  children  by  her,  a  boy  and  girl.  The 
boy  is  named  Moses.  I  hope  God  will  spare  my  brother's  life 
to  raise  them,  as  he  hath  the  other  two,  who  are  examples 
of  piety  and  wisdom,  and  a  great  comfort  to  their  parents 
and  to  us. 

I  wish  it  lay  in  my  power  to  give  you  as  pleasing  a  de- 
scription of  brother  Francis,  but  to  my  great  grief  I  cannot 


LETTERS    OF    MARY    ANN    MAURY.  327 

express  the  dismal  state  of  his  family.  As  for  his  first  wife, 
she  was,  I  believe,  a  good  Christian,  and  very  careful  to  instil 
good  principles  in  her  children ;  but  she  was  not  a  fit  wife  for 
this  country,  so  by  that  means,  and  by  her  ignorance  of  coun- 
try business,  my  brother  was  almost  ruined  in  his  estate. 
She  left  one  girl  and  three  boys,  and  if  it  had  pleased  God 
to  have  taken  them  with  her,  it  would  have  been  a  great  bless- 
iDg  ;  for  this  woman  he  has  married  is  a  mighty  housewife, 
but  a  cruel  woman,  and  she  has  the  entire  dominion  over  her 
husband,  so  he  has  been  induced  to  cast  off  all  paternal  duty 
to  his  first  children.  His  eldest  son  Francis  that  was  a  boy 
of  good  parts,  and  was  in  the  College,  he  bound  to  a  carpen- 
ter, and  when  he  was  sick  and  in  necessity  he  had  no  bowels 
of  compassion  for  him.  They  are  going  to  bind  John  to  a 
carpenter.  God  in  his  great  mercy  hath  lately  taken  the 
youngest  son,  named  Thomas,  from  under  her  tyranny.  As 
for  poor  Molly,  the  negro  women  she  brought  with  her  are 
more  indulgently  used  than  she  is. 

My  brother  has  a  boy  and  girl  by  her,  and  he  spares  no 
pains  with  the  boy,  who  is  about  seven  years  old,  who  is  a 
wonder  for  his  age,  while  the  others  are  castaways. 

I  did  my  best  to  get  the  poor  girl  away  from  her,  but  she 
was  too  serviceable. 

I  assure  you,  dear  sister,  it  has  been  a  great  grief  to  me  to 
see  one  I  loved  so  well,  one  in  his  station,  a  shepherd  to  guide 
his  flock,  that  he  should  be  so  inhuman  to  his  own  flesh  and 
blood.  He  is  grown  an  enemy  to  all  our  families  here,  to 
ours  especially,  because  I  reminded  him  of  his  duty  to  his 
children,  for  which  good  will  of  mine  we  are  quite  rejected,  as 
are  all  others  that  do  not  like  of  her  doings.  She  is  his  only 
lawgiver,  a  terrible  exchange  for  that  of  his  Maker. 


328  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

This  is  the  melancholy  state  of  his  family,  which  I  pray 
God  in  his  own  good  time  to  rectify.  I  desire  you  will  show 
this  relation  to  my  brother  John.  The  Lord  preserve  us  all 
in  a  due  sense  of  our  duty  in  our  several  stations,  so  that  no 
considerations  whatsoever  may  induce  us  to  offend  our  Maker, 
but  that  we  may  work  out  our  salvation  with  fear  and  trem- 
bling, which  is  the  hearty  prayer  of  her  who  remains  with  all 
sincerity,  dear  sister, 

Your  most  loving  and  affectionate  sister, 

Mary  Ann  Maury. 

Mr.  Maury  tells  me  that  my  brother  John  knows  my 
brother  Francis's  wife  very  well,  if  he  can  remember.  She  is 
the  daughter  of  one  Brush,  who  was  a  gunsmith  to  Col.  Spots- 
wood.  He  used  to  clean  the  magazines  and  the  Gover- 
nor's arms  at  the  same  time  my  brother  John  was  at  the 
Governor's. 


July  the  17th,  1750. 

Dear  Brother  Moses  : — I  cannot  express  the  pleasure 
your  pious  and  affectionate  letter  gave  me,  for  by  sister  To- 
rin's  letter,  I  expected  to  hear  I  had  lost  a  most  dear  and 
affectionate  brother.  The  Lord  be  praised,  who  hath  so  gra- 
ciously heard  my  prayers  in  your  behalf.  I  may  cry  out 
with  holy  David  on  this,  as  well  as  on  many  other  occasions, 
u  What  shall  I  render  to  the  Lord  for  all  his  benefits." 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  brother,  for  your  good  wishes  for  the 
restoration  of  my  health  :  nothing  is  impossible  to  our  great 
Creator,  who  hath  but  to  will  it,  and  I  shall  be  whole.  But  why 
should  I  be  so  presumptuous,  at  the  age  of  sixty  years,  as  to 


LETTERS    OF   MART   ANN   MAURY.  329 

expect  a  much  longer  continuance  here  %  I  ought  rather  to 
prepare  for  eternity,  for  I  am  persuaded  that  these  light  afflic- 
tions, which  are  but  for  a  moment,  work  out  for  us  a  far  more 
exceeding  and  eternal  weight  of  glory.  I  still  continue  in 
the  same  weakly  condition  ;  but  thanks  be  to  God,  who  ena- 
bles me  to  bear  it  with  patience  and  submission.  His  blessed 
will  be  done,  and  give  me  grace  to  make  a  right  use  of  my 
suffering,  looking  beyond  this  corruptible  to  that  glorious  and 
incorruptible  state  of  glory,  which  God  hath  reserved  for 
them  that  love  him,  to  which  I  hope,  through  the  merits  of 
my  Saviour,  to  come,  and  to  which  happy  state  I  pray  God  we 
may  all  arrive,  where,  of  his  infinite  mercy,  we  shall  enjoy 
each  other  to  all  eternity.  Dear  brother,  your  Christian  sen- 
timents and  exhortations  are  always  most  delightful  to  me.  I 
would  have  writ  you  a  longer  epistle  if  my  weakness  had  per- 
mitted me.  It  is  a  trouble  to  me  that  I  cannot  entertain  you 
as  usual  with  the  state  of  our  families  here,  but  Mr.  Maury 
will  inform  you  of  it.  All  I  can  add  at  present  is,  to  assure 
you,  dear  brother,  that  I  remain,  unalterably   till  death. 

Your  loving  and  affectionate  sister  and  servant  to  command, 

Mary  Ann  Maury. 


April  the  15th,  1752. 

Dear  Brothers  : — I  have  received  your  dear  and  affec- 
tionate letters,  and  am  thankful  to  God  that  he  hath  in  some 
measure  restored  you  to  your  healths  again  ;  may  he  be 
pleased  to  continue  it  to  you  and  yours  whilst  it  is  his  good 
pleasure,  who  knows  what  is  best  for  us. 

I  suppose,  dear  brothers,  my  son  James  hath  informed  you 
of  the  irreparable  loss  both  to  me  and  my  children.     I  have 


330  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

been  deprived  of  the  dearest  partner  of  my  joys  and  affections, 
and  they  of  the  most  affectionate  father.  He  made  the  most 
uneasy  things  tolerable  to  me,  and  though  I  knew  we  were 
mortal,  and  that  we  must  soon  part,  yet  by  my  continual 
indispositions,  I  thought  my  labors  were  the  nearest  at  an 
end.  and  that  God  in  his  mercy  would  have  hearkened  to  my 
prayers,  and  let  me  pass  first  out  of  this  vale  of  misery,  and 
that  I  should  never  feel  the  loss  of  such  a  dear  and  worthy 
partner,  which  was  endowed  with  all  the  virtues  of  a  good 
Christian,  without  ostentation,  loved  by  all,  and  envied  by 
none.  If  it  were  not  that  I  soon  expect  a  change,  my  life  would 
seem  intolerable ;  for  I  can  say  with  holy  Job,  I  would  not 

live  always. 

Cruel  self-love,  that  I  should  lament  the  happiness  of  that 
good  soul  which   is  gone  before  me,  to  attain  the  immortal 
crown  of  glory  which  God  hath  promised  through  the  merits 
of  our  blessed  Saviour,  to  them  that  trust  in  him.     God's  will 
be  done  !     May  he,  in  his  great  mercy,  support  and  relieve 
me  in  this  my  weak  and  low  condition,  both  of  body  and  mind, 
and  make  me  have  a  true  sense  of  all  his  former  blessings  be- 
stowed so  undeservedly  on  me  and  mine,  and  also  make  me 
grateful  for  those  he  has  in  his  mercy  left  me,  which  cannot 
be  numbered.     That  he  hath  promised  to  be  the  protector  of 
the  fatherless  and  widow  is  my  chief  comfort,  and  it  will  be  to 
my  life's  end,  for  I  know  that  God  will  never  forsake  me, 
though  my  children  may  leave  me  ;   for,  if  it  please  God  that 
I  sojourn  much  longer  in  this  state  of  trial,  I  must  be  de- 
prived of  their  sweet  company  and  assistance. 

My  dear  James  hath  left  me  already,  in  hopes  to  advance 
his  fortune,  to  the  great  regret  of  his  flock.  My  dear  Molly 
and  her  husband  are  going  on  the  same  account,  which  are 


LETTERS    OF   MARY    ANN    MAURY.  331 

great  additions  to  my  sorrows  ;  first,  to  be  deprived  of  the 
dutiful  behavior  and  godly  exhortations  of  James,  and  then 
of  Molly,  who  is  the  most  dutiful  child  as  ever  was,  of  the 
same  happy  way  of  thinking  and  behavior  as  her  dear  father, 
and  beloved  by  all.  Thank  God,  she  is  very  happy  in  her 
husband. 

As  to  my  dear  Aby,  I  may,  in  all  probability,  expect  to 
have  comfort  in  him  while  I  remain  on  this  side  the  grave ; 
for,  thank  God,  he  is  a  youth  of  a  happy  temper,  very  dutiful, 
sober,  chaste,  honest,  and  sincere,  hearkening  to  good  counsel. 
He  was,  the  18th  of  last  March,  twenty  one  years  old.  He 
hath  left  off  the  thoughts  of  following  the  Law,  and  doth  in- 
tend, God  willing,  to  follow  merchandising,  of  which  he  has 
had  a  little  insight.  The  Lord  direct  them  all,  and  give  them 
grace  to  walk  in  the  steps  of  their  dear  father,  who  was  chari- 
table and  just,  one  whose  heart  never  coveted  more  than  a 
moderate  portion  of  worldly  goods,  the  which  God  granted 
him  by  his  industry  to  attain.  He  hath  left  to  each  of  his 
children  a  moderate  living ;  the  Lord  grant  they  may  make  a 
good  use  of  it. 

My  dear  brother  Peter  is  very  often  attacked  with  the 
gout,  and  could  not  possibly  be  with  me  in  my  affliction.  His 
son  Peter  is  such  a  worthy  youth,  that  he  hath  attracted  the 
love  and  attention  of  all  considerate  men. 

The  Lord  preserve  you  and  yours,  and  reward  all  your 
Christian  offices  to  me  and  mine,  and  shower  his  most  pre- 
cious blessings  on  you  in  this  world,  and  at  the  last  crown  you 
with  heavenly  joys,  is  the  prayer  of  her  who  with  sincerity 
styles  herself,  dear  brothers, 

Your  most  afflicted  and  affectionate  sister,  and  servant  to 
command, 

Mary  Ann  Maury. 


332        MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

My  hearty  love  to  my  dear  sister  and  cousins.  I  received 
the  ring  from  my  son,  the  token  of  your  loves.  I  return  you 
my  thanks  for  that  and  a  great  many  moro  favors.  I  do  in- 
tend to  leave  the  ring  to  my  dear  Molly. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  REV.  PETER  FONTAINE 

OF  WESTOVER,  VIRGINIA. 


i»i 


Vlegixia,  27bv.  4:th,  1749. 

Dear  Bfv-othee.  Moses  : — Yours  and  brother  John's  letters 
dated  March  last,  with  Mr.  Torin's,  by  way  of  London,  through 
the  care  of  Mr.  Carey,  merchant  there,  came  safe  to  our  hands 
some  time  in  September  last.  It  is  putting  brother  Torin  to 
trouble  and  some  charge,  sending  the  letters  about,  which 
may  have  a  more  quick  passage  by  directing  them  in  a  cover 
to  us  to  the  care  of  Messrs.  Joseph  Farrell,  senior  and  junior, 
merchants,  in  Bristol,  who  will  further  them  to  me  by  all 
opportunities,  provided  they  are  directed  to  Peter  Fontaine, 
minister  of  Westover  Parish,  James  River,  Va.,  which  you 
may  do  for  the  future. 

I  observe  you  have  but  an  indifferent  state  of  health,  no 
more  than  myself.  When  we  are  turned  of  fifty,  we  must  ex- 
pect indispositions  will  creep  upon  such  weak  constitutions  as 
ours.  The  rheumatism  upon  you,  and  the  gout  upon  me,  dis- 
tempers near  of  kin  and  very  sharp,  which,  as  you  well  ob- 
serve, we  must  bear  with  Christian  patience  and  resignation. 
We  are,  nevertheless,  allowed  to  struggle  against  these  attacks 
by  all  lawful  means,  such  as  temperance  in  meats  and  drinks, 


334  MEMOIRS    OF    A    II  l(.  I  KNOT   FAMILY. 

warm  clothing,  gentle  exercise,  especially  taking  the  air  fre- 
quently on  horseback  :  and  though  we  cannot  hereby  make 
our  shattered  tenements  sound  and  strong,  yet  we  may  keep 
them  up  for  some  time,  until  we  have  made  our  peace  with 
God,  and  served  our  generation  as  long  as  he,  in  his  great 
wisdom,  shall  see  fit.  For  this  reason,  I  shall  give  you  my 
bill  of  health,  not  any  prescription  of  our  doctors  here,  for 
they  are  very  ignorant,  but  my  own  observations,  by  watching 
my  constitution  diligently. 

I  drink  no  spirituous  liquors  at  all,  no  small  beer ;  but 
when  I  am  obliged  to  take  more  than  ordinary  fatigue,  either 
in  serving  my  churches,  or  other  branches  of  my  duty,  I  take 
one  glass  of  good  old  Madeira  wine,  which  revives  me,  and 
contributes  to  my  going  through  without  much  fatigue.  I 
walk  much  about  the  family  business,  and  ride  constantly 
every  morning  all  over  my  plantation,  giving  to  my  servants 
their  several  employments,  in  all  which  I  avoid,  as  much  as 
possible,  wet  either  in  my  body  or  feet.  I  eat  very  little 
meat  of  any  sort,  living  chiefly  upon  bread  and  butter,  greens, 
pulse,  and  roots,  especially  Irish  and  Virginia  potatoes,  Scotch 
barley,  milk,  and  the  like  :  and  by  this  regimen  have  made 
shift  to  be  my  own  overseer  last  year,  and  made  a  tolerable 
crop.  The  gout  seized  me  once  by  my  right  knee  and  foot, 
but  was  entreated  to  let  me  get  clear  without  giving  me  much 
pain.  If  this  be  of  use  in  my  case,  it  may  in  yours,  and  my 
tale  will  not  appear  long  or  impertinent. 

It  is  natural  to  pass  from  the  dying  to  the  dead.  Poor 
brother  Francis,  after  having  labored  under  ill  health  for 
some  years,  was  seized  a  few  months  since  with  a  nervous 
fever,  which  in  four  or  five  days  time  deprived  him  of  his  life  ; 
and  of  his  senses  the  very  first  day.     He  has  left  the  disposal 


LETTERS    OF   PETER   FONTAINE.  335 

of  all  to  his  wife,  who  governed  him  and  his  with  a  heavy 
hand.  His  eldest  son.  by  this  means,  will  have  nothing,  and 
his  second  son,  and  his  daughter  by  his  first  wife,  but  what 
she  thinks  fit  to  give  them. 

Both  Frank  and  John  are  carpenters,  as  good  trades  as 
any  in  this  wooden  country.  Frank  has  been  some  years  in 
disgrace,  upon  account  of  disobliging  his  step-dame,  and  never 
received  one  farthing  but  what  his  master  obliged  my  brother 
to  do  for  him  by  contract.  Frank  has  been  free  about  six 
years,  and  is  married  and  has  had  three  children,  the  eldest 
of  which  is  dead.  He  lives  at  the  town  of  New  Berne,  in 
North  Carolina,  where  he  and  a  fellow-apprentice  of  his,  who 
is  married  to  his  wife's  sister,  have  all  the  carpenter's  busi- 
ness between  them.  His  master  has  been  to  see  them,  and 
has  been  here  this  week.  He  gave  me  a  very  agreeable  ac- 
count of  their  behavior  and  circumstances.  He  is  apprised 
that  his  father  hath  left  him  nothing,  and  hath  sent  a  kind 
invitation  to  his  brother  to  join  him.  With  the  blessing  of 
God,  I  doubt  not  he  will  make  a  thriving  man,  he  being  hon- 
est and  of  good  principles.  I  do  not  like  the  place,  and  dis- 
suaded him  from  going  thither ;  but  he  is  capable  of  serving 
God  in  his  family,  and  does  so,  I  understand,  and  is  very  dili- 
gent and  active.  They  are  much  beloved,  and  thrive  fast,  for 
even  knaves  choose  rather  to  deal  with  such  men,  than  their 
like. 

As  to  Molly,  she  has  been  well  brought  up,  so  that  if  she 
can  but  light  of  a  good  match,  her  personal  qualities  alone 
may  prove  better  than  an  ordinary  portion.  She  is  a  very 
pretty  girl,  much  resembling  our  dear  deceased  sister,  whom 
you  have  seen,  but  of  a  more  hardy  constitution.  She  is  now 
about  twenty  years  of  age. 


336  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

James  Maury,  his  son  by  this  last  wife,  is  a  boy  of  fine 
parts,  and  I  hear  goes  now  to  the  college.  If  the  vixen's 
over-fondness  crush  him  not  in  the  bud,  he  will,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  make  an  excellent  man,  for  he  knows  more  than  any 
boy  in  the  country  of  his  age.  His  sister,  the  youngest  of 
all,  is  a  pretty  girl,  but  so  cockered,  that  it  will  not  be  the  old 
lady's  fault  if  she  doth  not  spoil  her  quite.  I  hope  better 
things,  however,  and  that  she  may  take  more  after  poor  So- 
crates than  Xantippe. 

May  God  preserve  you,  is  the  hearty  prayer  of  your  affec- 
tionate brother  and  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


"  Virginia,  Uth  Fed.  1750-1. 

Dear  Brother  Moses  : — I  received  yours  and  brother 
John's  kind  letters  by  the  Virginia  Packet,  Captain  Aselby. 

Since  the  middle  of  last  August  to  the  middle  of  Novem- 
ber, we  have  had  continual  rain,  which  has  done  much  mis- 
chief. As  to  myself  and  family,  we  have  been  troubled  with 
continual  colds  and  small  fevers,  but  are  now,  thank  God, 
pretty  well  recovered. 

Cousin  Francis  Fontaine  came  from  New  Berne  in  North 
Carolina  last  November,  to  see  us,  and  buy  some  tools  which 
could  not  be  had  there,  and  to  hire  workmen — a  journey  of 
almost  four  hundred  miles.  He  is  well  settled  in  that  place, 
and  has  much  business.  He  has  taken  his  brother  John  and 
some  other  workmen  out  with  him.  He  paid  a  visit  to  his 
step-mother,  and  though  she  boasts  my  brother  Francis's 
estate  was  valued  at  £1500  Virginia  currency,  yet  she  neither 
gave  nor  offered  him  one  sous.     He  has  two  children,  a  boy 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAINE. 


337 


named  Francis,  about  three  years  old,  and  a  girl  of  fourteen 
months,  named  Mary,  He  has  several  lots  in  the  town  of 
New  Berne,  and  640  acres  of  land  near  it,  which  supplies  him 
with  timber  for  his  business.  He  brought  with  him  sixty 
pistoles,  to  purchase  his  tools  and  other  necessaries.  His 
step-mother  offered  to  be  his  security  if  he  wanted  more  goods, 
than  he  had  cash  to  pay  for,  but  he  refused  it,  and  the  mer- 
chant he  dealt  with  told  her  his  own  credit  was  sufficient,  if 
he  wanted  to  take  the  value  of  £500. 

He  only  asked  of  her  to  see  his  father's  will,  and  they 
parted  contented  on  both  sides,  he  with  the  pleasure  of  having 
his  brother  with  him,  and  she  with  that  of  getting  rid  of  him. 
She  gave  John,  however,  a  negro  boy,  which  he  carried  with 

him. 

Frank  was,  by  means  of  her  cruelty,  cast  off  without  a  rag 
to  cover  him ;  and  we  see  how  God  hath  taken  him  up,  and 
hath  been  to  him  a  most  tender  and  kind  Father.  He  came 
very  decently  dressed,  and  my  wife  observed  by  the  neatness 
of  his  clothes,  and  the  good  sewing  of  his  linen,  that  his  wife 
must  be  a  good  seamstress  and  ingenious  woman.  I  need 
not  repeat  what  I  said  in  my  former,  that  he  is  beloved  and 
respected. 

I  sent  your  kind  letter  to  my  son  soon  after  I  received 
it.  He  lives  threescore  miles,  in  the  woods  back  from  the 
river.  I  can  send  a  letter  to  you  in  as  short  a  time  as  to 
him.  No  post  travels  that  way,  and  I  have  not  heard  from 
him  at  all  this  two  months.  He  is  now  out  in  the  forest  sur- 
veying, if  well,  and  I  do  not  expect  to  hear  from  him  till 
April  or  May.  His  wife  has  brought  him  a  fine  son,  named 
John.  My  wife  was  up  to  see  them  last  August,  and  she 
says  he  is  the  greatest  boy  of  his  age  she  ever  saw.     He  was 

IS 


338  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

% 

then  three  months  old.  Please  God  to  preserve  him  ;  he  will 
have  limbs  and  strength  to  scuffle  through  the  woods,  and 
cope  with  his  fellow  foresters,  whether  human  or  brute. 

Dear  brother,  feed  much  on  soup  and  vegetables,  and 
good  fruits ;  and  in  the  winter  good  salad  oil  with  endive, 
dandelion,  and  other  bitter  salads  at  your  meals,  will  help 
digestion,  cut  the  tough  phlegm  which  engenders  the  pleu- 
risy, make  good  blood,  and  keep  the  body  in  good  order.  I 
know  you  eat  little  meat.  Taking  the  air  on  horseback  in 
fine  weather,  and  your  employment  in  your  garden,  will  keep 
you  healthy  and  cheerful,  with  God's  blessing.  Be  pleased 
with  little  things,  such  as  the  flourishing  of  a  tree  or  a  plant, 
or  a  bed  of  flowers,  and  fret  not  at  disappointments.  Why 
may  not  the  growth  of  your  trees  afford  you  as  much  plea- 
sure as  the  flourishing  of  a  colony  does  to  His  Majesty,  who 
hath  as  many,  God  bless  him  !  as  you  have  trees.  Excuse 
this  piece  of  quackery.  I  give  you  the  same  advice  I  follow 
myself,  and  am  with  great  sincerity,  dear  brother, 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


Virginia,  loth  April,  1754. 

Dear  Brothers  John  and  Moses  : — Just  received  your 
kind  letters  of  30th  November,  1753,  dated  from  your  castle, 
with  a  hard  name,  and  give  you  joy  of  your  purchase,  which, 
if  you  have  a  fee  simple  in  it,  will  be,  with  God's  blessing,  a 
pretty  revenue  for  you  and  one  of  yours,  for  many  generations. 

While  our  Merciful  Father  pours  in  his  blessings  upon  us 
through  one  channel,  he  afflicts  through  another.  I  heartily 
condole  with  you,  my  sister,  and  the  rest  of  our  relations  on 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FOXTAESE.  339 

the  other  side  of  the  water,  upon  account  of  the  loss  of  our 
dear  niece,  your  daughter. 

This  world  is  a  kind  of  warfare,  where  we  meet  with  good 
and  evil,  and  both  dispensed  by  the  same  kind  hand,  to  loosen 
our  affections  from  it,  and  remind  us  that  we  have  no  abiding 
place  here,  but  are  reserved  for  a  better.  May  we  all  make 
it  our  chief  study  to  prepare  for  a  blessed  change. 

I  very  much  approve  of  your  wise  disposal  of  your  boys  to 
good  trades.  Labor  was  ordained  by  our  good  Creator  to 
quell  the  impetuosity  of  our  passions,  lest  they  should  run 
into  riot  if  left  unsubdued  and  unemployed  ;  for  which  reason, 
considering  our  present  degenerate  state,  that  part  of  Adam's 
curse  which  condemned  him  to  labor,  hath  to  him  and  his 
posterity  proved  a  remarkable  blessing  ever  since ;  and,  if  I 
may  be  indulged  in  one  thought  more,  even  his  fall  was  of  no 
small  advantage  to  all  those  who  will  make  right  reason  and 
divine  revelation  their  guide,  since  the  happiness  of  heaven 
infinitely  surpasseth  the  bliss  of  Paradise,  even  in  the  state 
of  innocence. 

As  age  comes  on,  my  distemper  gains  ground,  and  warns 
me  to  prepare  for  my  change.  Last  fit  of  the  gout  confined 
me  to  my  bed  almost  three  months.  I  am  but  just  upon  the 
recovery,  and  still  very  weak,  so  that  without  aDy  pretence  to 
the  spirit  of  prophecy,  I  may  say,  in  all  probability,  this  will 
be  the  last  letter  you  will  receive  from  me. 

The  rest  of  the  grave,  had  not  G-od  some  wise  pur- 
pose  for  detaioing  me  here,  for  my  own  good  or  the  good  of 
others,  or  both,  would  be  preferable  to  my  present  state. 
For  the  greatest  of  earthly  blessings,  of  which  I  must  ac- 
knowledge I  partake  infinitely  more  than  I  deserve,  in  the 
prosperity  of  our  families  here  and  elsewhere,  do  not  afford 


340  MIMOIRS    OF    A   nUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

nie  the  same  pleasure  they  used  to  do.  Though  I  am  sin- 
cerely thankful  for  them,  yet  the  lazy  body  which  I  drag 
about,  and  which  is  never  free  from  pain  in  my  best  estate, 
nor  hath  been,  I  may  truly  say,  for  some  years  past,  soon  palls 
my  joy,  and  makes  me  believe  I  have  arrived  at  those  days  men- 
tioned by  Solomon,  in  which  I  can  say,  I  take  no  pleasure  ex- 
cept in  the  promises  of  the  Gospel,  which  I  have  sincerely  be- 
lieved from  my  youth  up  until  now,  and  in  prospect  of  a  blessed 
eternity,  through  the  merits  and  mediation  of  my  Blessed  Re- 
deemer. God  is  now  my  only  comfort  and  stay  ;  a  comfort 
so  powerful  through  his  infinite  goodness,  that  it  affords  me 
relief  in  my  most  violent  agonies,  and  chases  away  all  melan- 
choly and  desponding  thoughts  from  my  heart ;  a  blessing  I 
can  never  sufficiently  thank  him  for. 

I  shall  now  give  you  some  account  of  my  family.  My  son 
Moses,  the  oldest  by  my  second  marriage,  is  going  in  his 
twelfth  year.  My  daughter  Sarah  is  going  in  ten.  These 
two  can  read  and  write,  and  are  beginning  to  cipher.  My 
daughter  Elizabeth,  going  in  seven,  can  spell  pretty  well. 
My  son  Joseph  is  going  in  six,  and  my  last,  Aaron,  is  about 
four  months  old.  Three  days  ago  I  received  an  account  from 
Peter,  that  his  wife  was  delivered  of  a  third  son,  named  William. 
My  daughter  Winston,  hath  three  fine  boys.  Peter,  a  month 
older  than  my  Moses  ;  Isaac,  about  nine  years  old,  and  Wil- 
liam, about  six.  Their  father,  Mr.  Isaac  Winston,  is  the 
very  best  of  husbands,  a  man  of  strict  honesty,  and  possessed 
of  a  very  plentiful  estate.  With  regard  to  my  worldly  estate, 
I  am  full ;  I  abound  with  every  valuable  blessing  my  heart 
can  desire  or  wish  for. 

I  look  upon  a  competency,  I  mean  a  small  estate  which 
will,  with  a  man's  industry,  maintain  himself  and  family,  and 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAINE.  341 

set  him  above  the  necessity  of  submitting  to  the  humors  and 
vices  of  others,  the  most  happy  state  this  life  affords.  And 
as  we  here  in  Virginia  may  be  said  to  be  all  of  one  trade, 
namely,  planters,  about  one  thousand  acres  of  land  will  keep 
troublesome  neighbors  at  a  distance,  and  a  few  slaves  to  make 
corn  and  tobacco,  and  a  few  other  necessaries,  are  sufficient. 
This,  God  hath  enabled  me  to  leave  to  each  of  my  younger 
children,  who  you  may  perceive  by  what  is  before,  are  five  in 
number. 

I  would  by  no  means  add  affliction  to  the  afflicted,  or  give 
advice  when  it  is  too  late,  but  had  you  taken  me  into  your 
counsel  when  you  were  deliberating  about  marrying  my  de- 
ceased niece  to  so  near  a  relation,  I  should  have  opposed  it, 
and  advised  you  rather  to  a  stranger  for  her,  as  I  did  in  the 
case  of  my  own  daughter  being  married  to  James  Maury,  all 
friends  here  being  very  intent  upon  the  match. 

Marriage  was  the  first  divine  institution,  the  only  one  with 
regard  to  our  neighbor  in  the  state  of  innocence,  and  conse- 
quently the  best ;  joining  again  by  the  strictest  ties  of  love 
and  duty  those  who  are  separated  in  many  degrees  by  descent 
from  our  first  ancestors ;  thus,  though  by  generation  we  are 
continually  falling  off  one  from  another,  yet  the  circle  meets 
again,  and  we  become  one  flesh.  You  may  perceive  that,  con- 
fining these  alliances  within  our  own  family  is  straitening 
this  circle  greatly,  making  a  circle  within  a  circle,  a  state 
within  a  state,  as  the  clans  of  Scotland  and  the  west  of  Ire- 
land, which  is  not  only  of  pernicious  consequence  to  the  gov- 
ernment, but  contrary  to  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity,  which 
is  the  most  diffusive  of  any,  and  would  have  every  man  look 
upon  himself,  not  as  of  this  or  of  that  nation,  but  as  a  citizen 


&42  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

of  the  world.     This  comes  too  late  for  what  is  past,  but  may 
be  a  caution  for  the  future. 

As  you  desire  to  know  something  of  sister  Maury,  I  will 
tell  you.  In  the  first  place,  my  brother  left  her  the  house, 
land,  and  stock,  household  furniture,  and  six  working  slaves 
during  her  life,  besides  twenty  pounds  a  year.  She  lives  on 
the  mansion  plantation,  and  wants  nothing  this  world  affords 
except  health,  the  greatest  blessing  of  all ;  but  age  brings  in- 
firmities, and  she  is  perfectly  resigned  to  God's  will.  Her 
youngest  son,  Abraham,  lives  with  her,  and  is  not  yet  married. 
As  far  as  I  can  learn,  James  has  got  a  parish  amongst  the 
mountains,  and  is  concerned  in  the  Ohio  Company,  who  have 
an  entry  on  Halifax,  beginning  on  the  other  side,  or  properly, 
west  side  of  the  great  mountains,  upon  the  line  between  North 
Carolina  and  Virginia,  of  eight  hundred  thousand  acres  of 
land.  His  wife's  uncle,  Colonel  Walker,  is  the  chief  person 
in  this  scheme.  They  have  it  quite  free  for  some  years,  and 
sell  it  to  settlers  at  £3  the  hundred  acres.  They  have  about 
thirty  settlements  upon  it,  if  the  French  and  their  Indians 
have  not  routed  them  lately 

He  has  three  sons,  Matthew,  James,  and  Walker,  the  lat- 
ter a  mountain  hero,  by  report,  and  two  daughters,  Ann  and 
Mary,  and  his  wife,  a  healthy  young  creature,  who,  in  all  prob- 
ability, will  have  half  a  score  more.  His  last  letter  to  me 
consists  of  three  sheets,  wrote  on  all  sides,  with  a  box  contain- 
ing a  piece  of  antediluvian  mud,  petrified  with  the  perfect 
print  of  a  cockle-shell  upon  it,  taken  from  the  top  of  one  of 
the  Great  Mountains,  and  a  piece  of  sea-coal  as  good  as  any 
in  Whitehaven,  taken  out  of  a  broken  bank.  They  have  ex- 
cellent limestone,  and  many  other  materials  for  building  on 
the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  and  want  but  salt  to  live 


L  71TK2S    <>F    PETER    FOXTATOTE.  343 

comfortably,   which,  no    doubt,  is  in   great   plenty,  if  once 
discovered. 

Have  not  room  to  say  a  word  or  two  about  Brother 
Frank's  family  and  Molly  Claiborne,  but  shall  refer  you  to 
Moses'  particular  letter,  having  no  more  than  is  necessary  to 
assure  you  that  I  am, 

Your  affectionate  brother  and  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


Virginia,  17th  April,  1754. 

Dear  Brother  Moses: — 'Tis  kind  in  you  to  send  me  a 
line,  though  brother  John's  ample  letter  might  have  satisfied 

a  moderate  appetite  that  way. 

The  first  thing  I  look  at  is  the  name  at  the -bottom,  and 
having  found  all  things  right,  I  read  the  rest  with  pleasure, 
more  especially  when  yours  to  me  are  sealed  with  black  wax. 

Though  my  brother's  loss  is  great  in  being  deprived  of  his 
only  daughter,  in  the  bloom  of  her  years,  yet  your  two  pre- 
cious lives,  and  that  of  my  sister,  are  of  much  more  conse- 
quence towards  directing  and  providing  for  the  four  hopeful 
boys  under  your  management,  who  as  yet  are  but  young,  and 
beginning  to  launch  out  into  the  world,  an  ocean  full  of  rocks 
and  shoals ;  to  the  inexperienced  and  unwary  most  dangerous. 

May  God  preserve  your  lives,  that  you  may  have  the  com- 
fort to  see  the  youngest  of  them  well  settled  in  the  world,  and 
all  of  them  in  a  fair  way  to  provide  for  themselves. 

I  always  correspond  with  all  the  family  who  will  be  so 
kind  as  to  answer  my  letters,  and  have  endeavored  to  instil 
the  same  maxim  in  my  son  Peter,  and  my  nephews  James 
Maury  and  Frank  Fontaine,  and  I  reap  no  small  benefit  from 


344  MEMOIRS   OF  A   HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

it ;  for  next  to  being  with  my  friends  is  the  pleasure  of  hear- 
ing from  them,  and  knowing  how  matters  go  with  them  in  this 
inconstant  and  fluctuating  world.  I  am  highly  pleased  to 
find  my  conduct  approved  in  this  particular  by  those  I  esteem 
and  love,  and  I  hope  by  this  means,  when  I  am  gone,  there 
will  not  be  wanting  some  to  brighten  the  chain  between  us 
here  and  you  in  England,  many  years  to  come,  an  Indian  but 
very  significant  expression,  signifying  to  renew  the  affection 
or  alliance  between  people  of  different  nations,  or  friends,  at  a 
distance  one  from  another. 

Francis  Fontaine,  my  brother's  oldest  boy,  lives  at  New 
Berne,  in  North  Carolina,  has  three  children,  two  boys  and  a 
girl.  He  and  his  brother  John  have  all  the  business  of  the 
town,  they  both  of  them  being  good  joiners  and  carpenters. 
John  is  lately  married  to  a  girl  of  good  fortune  and  reputa- 
tion, a  thing  somewhat  scarce  in  those  parts,  as  they  have  no 
established  laws  and  very  little  of  the  Gospel  in  that  whole 
colony.  I  hear  from  them  once  a  year,  and  am  put  to  it  to 
find  conveyances  to  send  my  letters,  or  get  any  from  them. 
They  live  at  least  400  miles  from  hence,  and  there  are  very 
few  opportunities  by  water,  they  having  little  trade  to  Vir- 
ginia. In  every  letter  I  exhort  them  to  come  to  Halifax  or 
Lunenburg,  near  to  my  son  Peter,  who  hath  it  in  his  power  to 
help  them  to  good  land,  and  where  they  may  be  under  the 
protection  of  the  laws  as  to  property,  and  have  their  children 
educated  in  the  fear  of  God.  James  Maury  Fontaine  is  a 
charming  youth;  he  is  at  our  college  here,  and  makes  great 
proficiency  in  his  learning.  He  is  son  of  my  brother  Francis 
by  his  second  wife,  who  is  still  living.  Molly  Fontaine  I  have 
not  heard  from  lately.  She  is  whole  sister  to  Frank  and  John 
above-mentioned,  and  I  believe  lives  with  my  brother's  widow, 


LETTERS    OF    PF.TER    FONTAINE.  345 

her  mother-in-law,  as  yet  unmarried,  for  what  I  know.  Ju- 
dith, the  youngest  of  all  my  brother  Frank's  children,  is  with 
her  mother. 

Mr.  Daniel  Claiborne,  who  married  my  niece  Molly  Maury, 
sold  his  estate  in  King  William  County,  and  now  lives  near 
my  son  Peter  in  Lunenburg,  where  he  has  purchased  a  fine 
tract  of  land,  and  has  carried  with  him  a  good  number  of 
slaves.  He  has  had  two  sons,  both  of  which  he  had  the  misfor- 
tune to  lose,  and  hath  now  but  one  daughter  about  three  years 
old.  He  is  a  very  worthy  man.  and  kind  husband.  I  have 
not  heard  any  thing  this  three  years  of  brother  James's  fam- 
ily. They  live  in  Northumberland  Co.,  Virginia,  and  we  can 
never  hear  from  them. 

Cousin  Abraham  Maury  has  a  fine  tract  of  land  in  Hali- 
fax, to  which  he  will  probably  remove  after  my  sister's  death, 
my  brother  having  ordered  in  his  will  the  land  she  now  lives 
on  should  be  sold  then,  so  that  in  all  probability  our  relations 
here  will  in  time  be  near  one  the  other. 

Thus  have  my  poor  gouty  hands,  but  skin  and  bones,  per- 
formed more  than  I  expected  when  I  began.  Excuse  blots 
and  blurs. 

May  our  good   and    gracious   God    shed   on  you   all  his 
choicest  blessings,  is  the  hearty  prayer  of,  dear  brother, 
Your  most  affectionate  brother  and  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


March  2d,  1756. 
Dear   Brothers  : — Yours   of  the    30th    October,    1754, 
came  to  hand  the  February  following,  when  I  was  very  ill 
of  the  gout,  which  confined  me  to  the  middle  of  April,  and 


346  MEMOIRS    OF   A    IIUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

took  me  again  in  September,  but  did  not  confine  me  so  long. 
Thus  much  with  regard  to  my  troublesome  companion. 

My  sister  came  to  reside  with  us  in  the  beginning  of  last 
October,  but  we  had  no  long  enjoyment  of  her  company,  for 
she  departed  this  life  the  last  day  of  December,  after  a  five 
days'  illness,  which  though  very  sharp,  she  bore  with  a  truly 
Christian  patience  and  resignation  to  the  Divine  will,  spend- 
ing her  last  breath  in  prayers  for  all  her  relations  and  ac- 
quaintances, and  in  blessing  me  and  my  little  family,  one  by 
one,  as  we  stood  in  tears  around  her.  The  first  thing  she  said 
to  me  when  she  came  to  my  house  was :  "  Brother  I  am  come 
to  die  with  you."  Her  countenance  was  cheerful,  and  I  was 
in  hopes  that  her  words  would  not  be  so  soon  accomplished. 
During  the  little  time  she  was  with  us,  she  did  me  and  my 
family  much  good  by  her  pious  exhortations,  and  she  instruct- 
ed my  little  ones  in  commendable  works  they  were  unac- 
quainted with  before,  which  she  was  very  capable  to  teach 
them.  She  had,  after  her  duty  to  God,  taken  the  excellent 
daughter,  Proverbs  31st  chapter,  the  18th  verse  to  the  end, 
for  her  pattern  ;  and  she  kept  all  about  her  employed,  and 
would  often  wish  she  had  strength  to  do  more  herself,  and  not 
be  the  only  lazy  person  in  the  family  ;  and  yet  in  that  short 
time,  besides  her  daily  task  in  the  Bible,  four  chapters  and 
the  Psalms  for  the  day,  she  had  read  the  best  part  of  "  The 
Persecutions  of  the  Vaudois  of  Piedmont,"  a  pretty  large  folio 
by  John  Liger,  a  minister  of  that  country.  She  concluded  her 
labors  here  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  her  age,  and  by  the  truly 
Christian  manner  of  her  death  gave  us  great  comfort,  who 
were  eye-witnesse3  of  it.  This  being  the  last  scene  she  acted 
on  this  troublesome  stage  of  life,  I  have  transmitted  it  to  you 
faithfully,  and  I  hope  we  may  all  imitate  her  faith  and  con- 
stancy. 


LETTERS    OF    PETER   FONTAINE.  347 

As  to  news,  you  have  a  better  account  in  the  public  pa- 
pers than  I  can  give  you. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  shamefully  defeated  by  the  enemy, 
not  for  want  of  men  to  carry  on  the  war,  but  of  money  and 
proper  military  discipline. 

The  French  as  you  observe  are  bad  neighbors,  and  the 
Indians  not  one  jot  better,  neither  of  which  any  treaties  can 
bind,  so  that  though  a  peace  should  be  concluded  at  home, 
and  you  should  reap  the  benefit  of  it,  till  the  floating  walls  are 
unmanned  and  laid  up,  the  enemy  will  make  use  of  that  ces- 
sation of  hostilities  to  distress  us.  It  would  be  no  peace  for 
us  here,  for.  until  the  English  colonies  can,  by  exerting  them- 
selves, force  the  enemy  to  retreat  from  their  borders,  the  peo- 
ple will  be  cut  off  piecemeal  under  pretence  of  an  Indian  war. 
The  French  will  furnish  the  Indians  with  arms,  ammunition, 
scalping-knives  and  leaders,  to  harass  us  continually  ;  and 
may  it  not  be  of  evil  consequence  to  tie  up  our  hands  by  a 
peace  just  now  ?  Is  not  this  delivering  us  over  to  the  tyranny 
of  fear,  an  imperious  master  more  dreadful  than  a  thousand 
deaths?  No  doubt  peace  is  a  jewel  more  to  be  desired  than 
any  thing  else  this  world  affords,  could  it  be  expected  to  be  a 
real  peace  ;  but  to  put  off  the  evil  day,  because  you  or  I,  who 
are  old,  may  by  that  time  be  out  of  harm's  way,  and  leave  the 
conflict  to  our  children,  is  not  acting  a  generous,  but  a  das- 
tardly part. 

The  other  evil  you  mention,  our  intestine  enemies,  our 
slaves,  increase  daily.  The  females  are  far  more  prolific  than 
the  white  women,  for,  living  upon  a  simple  diet,  upon  bread, 
water,  pulse,  roots  and  herbs,  seldom  tasting  meat  of  any  sort, 
and  drinking  no  strong  drink,  and  being  used  to  labor  in  the 
ground,  they  seldom  miscarry,  have  strong  healthy  children, 


348  MEMOIltS   Ol     A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

liable  to  no  distempers.  When  our  mother  country  shall 
vouchsafe  to  consider  us  a  part  of  herself,  she  may  perhaps 
not  suffer  such  multitudes  to  be  brought  from  Africa  to  plea- 
sure a  company,  and  overrun  a  dutiful  colony. 

May  God  preserve  you,  is  the  hearty  prayer  of  your  affec- 
tionate brother  and  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


March  the  80th,  1757. 

Dear  Brother  Moses  : — As  I  was  obliged  to  take  my 
consignments  out  of  the  hands  of  Hanbury  and  Farrell.  it 
has  occasioned  some  miscarriages  and  delays  of  our  letters. 
Thomas  Knox,  Esq.,  in  Bristol,  and  Robert  Cary,  Esq.,  in 
London,  manage  for  me  now.  I  am  favored  with  yours,  and 
brother  and  sister  Torin's  letters,  dated  December,  1756,  and 
January,  1757,  received  the  11th  March.  Yours  and  our 
kind  relations'  prayers  for  me  and  mine,  give  me  great  com- 
fort, as  I  am  persuaded  they  have  a  favorable  audience  at  the 
Throne  of  Grace.  Dear  brother,  the  best  thing  we  can  do 
for  one  another  at  this  distance,  is  to  send  up  our  petitions 
continually  to  the  centre  of  our  hope,  love,  filial  affection  and 
fear,  where  they  meet  in  an  instant,  join  us  to  our  Heavenly 
Father,  to  our  blessed  Redeemer,  and  one  to  another.  Thus 
we  shall  be  disposed  to  turn  our  faces  now  towards  our  hea- 
venly rest,  where  we  shall  ere  long  meet,  see  one  another,  and 
by  God's  grace  and  mercy  live  for  ever.  When  our  thoughts 
take  this  direction  the  darkest  scenes  of  life  disappear,  or  are 
only  noticed  as  small  rubs  on  our  journey  thither.  Oli  !  let 
us  not  be  concerned  at  the  measure  or  duration  of  afflictions 
sent  to  bring  us  back   from   our  strayings.     Let  us  not  open 


LETTERS  OF  PETEK  FOMTAINE.  349 

our  lips  in  complaints,  but,  with  holy  David,  be  dumb,  and  be 
content  that  all  our  affairs  should  be  managed  by  Him  whom 
our  soul  loveth,  and  who  we  are  persuaded  loveth  us,  and  who 
saith  to  the  sword  and  to  the  pestilence,  what  he  formerly 
said  to  the  sea,  Thus  far  shalt  thou  rage,  and  no  farther,  and 
there  shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed. 

Now,  to  answer  your  first  query — whether  by  our  breach 
of  treaties  we  have  not  justly  exasperated  the  bordering  na- 
tions of  Indians  against  us,  and  drawn  upon  ourselves  the 
barbarous  usage  we  meet  with  from  them  and  the  French  ? 
To  answer  this  fully  would  take  up  much  time.  I  shall 
only  hint  at  some  things  which  we  ought  to  have  done,  and 
which  we  did  not  do  at  our  first  settlement  amongst  them, 
and  which  we  might  have  learnt  long  since  from  the  practice 
of  our  enemies  the  French.  I  am  persuaded  we  were  not  de- 
ficient in  the  observation  of  treaties,  but  as  we  got  the  land 
by  concession,  and  not  by  conquest,  we  ought  to  have  inter- 
married with  them,  which  would  have  incorporated  us  with 
them  effectually,  and  made  of  them  stanch  friends,  and, 
which  is  of  still  more  consequence,  made  many  of  them  good 
Christians  :  but  this  our  wise  politicians  at  home  put  an  effec- 
tual stop  to  at  the  beginning  of  our  settlement  here,  for  when 
they  heard  that  Eolfe  had  married  Pocahontas,  it  was  delib- 
erated in  Council,  whether  he  had  not  committed  high  trea- 
son by  so  doing,  that  is,  marrying  an  Indian  Princess ;  and 
had  not  some  troubles  intervened  which  put  a  stop  to  the  in- 
quiry, the  poor  man  might  have  been  hanged  up  for  doing  the 
most  just,  the  most  natural,  the  most  generous  and  politic  ac- 
tion that  ever  was  done  this  side  of  the  water.  This  put  an 
effectual  stop  to  all  intermarriages  afterwards.  Our  Indian 
traders  have  indeed  their  squaws,  alias  whores,  at  the  Indian 


350  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

towns  where  they  trade,  but  leave  their  offspring  like  bulls  or 
boars  to  be  provided  for  at  random  by  their  mothers.  As 
might  be  expected,  some  of  these  bastards  have  been  the  lead- 
ing men  or  war-captains  that  have  done  us  so  much  mischief. 
This  ill-treatment  was  sufficient  to  create  jealousy  in  the 
natural  man's  breast,  and  made  the  Indians  look  upon  us  as 
false  and  deceitful  friends,  and  cause  all  our  endeavors  to  con- 
vert them  to  be  ineffectual.  But  here  methinks  I  can  hear 
jmi  observe, v  What !  Englishmen  intermarry  with  Indians? 
But  I  can  convince  you  that  they  are  guilty  of  much  more 
heinous  practices,  more  unjustifiable  in  the  sight  of  God  and 
man  (if  that,  indeed,  may  be  called  a  bad  practice),  for  many 
base  wretches  amongst  us  take  up  with  negro  women,  by 
which  means  the  country  swarms  with  mulatto  bastards,  and 
these  mulattoes,  if  but  three  generations  removed  from  the 
black  father  or  mother,  may,  by  the  indulgence  of  the  laws  of 
the  country,  intermarry  with  the  white  people,  and  actually 
do  every  day.  so  marry.  Now,  if,  instead  of  this  abominable 
practice  which  hath  polluted  the  blood  of  many  amongst  us, 
we  had  taken  Indian  wives  in  the  first  place,  it  would  have 
made  them  some  compensation  for  their  lands.  They  are  a 
free  people,  and  the  offspring  would  not  be  born  in  a  state  of 
slavery.  We  should  become  rightful  heirs  to  their  lands,  and 
should  not  have  smutted  our  blood,  for  the  Indian  children 
when  born  are  as  white  as  Spaniards  or  Portuguese,  and  were 
it  not  for  the  practice  of  going  naked  in  the  summer  and  be- 
smearing themselves  with  bears'  grease,  &c,  they  would  con- 
tinue white  ;  and  had  we  thought  fit  to  make  them  our  wives, 
they  would  readily  have  complied  with  our  fashion  of  wear- 
ing clothes  all  the  year  round  ;  and  by  doing  justice  to  these 
poor  benighted    heathen,  we   should    have   introduced   Chris- 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAINE.  351 

tianity  amongst  them.  Your  own  reflections  upon  these 
Jrints  will  be  a  sufficient  answer  to  your  first  query.  I  shall 
only  add  that  General  Johnson's  success  was  owing,  under 
God,  to  his  fidelity  to  the  Indians,  and  his  generous  conduct 
to  his  Indian  wife,  by  whom  he  hath  several  hopeful  sons, 
who  are  all  war-captains,  the  bulwarks  with  him  of  the  five 
nations,  and  loyal  subjects  to  their  mother  country. 

As  to  your  second  query,  if  enslaving  our  fellow  creatures 
be  a  practice  agreeable  to  Christianity,  it  is  answered  in  a 
great  measure  in  many  treatises  at  home,  to  which  I  refer 
you.  I  shall  only  mention  something  of  our  present  state 
here. 

Like  Adam  we  are  all  apt  to  shift  off  the  blame  from  our- 
selves and  lay  it  upon  others,  how  justly  in  our  case  you  may 
judge.  The  negroes  are  enslaved  by  the  negroes  themselves 
before  they  are  purchased  by  the  masters  of  the  ships  who 
bring  them  here.  It  is  to  be  sure  at  our  choice  whether  we 
buy  them  or  not,  so  this  then  is  our  crime,  folly,  or  whatever 
you  will  please  to  call  it.  But,  our  Assembly,  foreseeing  the 
ill  consequences  of  importing  such  numbers  amongst  us,  hath 
often  attempted  to  lay  a  duty  upon  them  which  would  amount 
to  a  prohibition,  such  as  ten  or  twenty  pounds  a  head,  but  no 
Governor  dare  pass  such  a  law,  having  instructions  to  the  con- 
trary from  the  Board  of  Trade  at  home.  By  this  means  they 
are  forced  upon  us,  whether  we  will  or  will  not.  This  plainly 
shows  the  African  Company  hath  the  advantage  of  the  colo- 
nies, and  may  do  as  it  pleases  with  the  Ministry. 

Indeed,  since  we  have  been  exhausted  of  our  little  stock 
of  cash  by  the  war,  the  importation  has  stopped  ;  our  poverty 
then  is  our  best  security.  There  is  no  more  picking  for  their 
ravenous  jaws  upon  bare  bones,  but  should  we  begin  to  thrive 


352  MKMolKS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

they  will  be  at  the  same  again.  All  our  taxes  are  now  laid 
upon  slaves  and  on  shippers  of  tobacco,  which  they  wink  at 
while  we  are  in  danger  of  being  torn  from  them,  but  we  durst 
not  do  it  in  time  of  peace,  it  being  looked  upon  as  the  highest 
presumption  to  lay  any  burden  upon  trade.  Thk>  is  our  part 
of  the  grievance,  but  to  live  in  Virginia  without  slaves  is 
morally  impossible.  Before  our  troubles,  you  could  not  hire 
a  servant  or  slave  for  love  or  money,  so  that  unless  robust 
enough  to  cut  wood,  to  go  to  mill,  to  work  at  the  hoe,  &c, 
you  must  starve,  or  board  in  some  family  where  they  both 
fleece  and  half  starve  you.  There  is  no  set  price  upon  corn, 
wheat  and  provisions,  so  they  take  advantage  of  the  necessities 
of  strangers,  who  are  thus  obliged  to  purchase  some  slaves 
and  land.  This  of  course  draws  us  all  into  the  original  sin 
and  curse  of  the  country  of  purchasing  slaves,  and  this  is  the 
reason  we  have  no  merchants,  traders  or  artificers  of  any  sort 
but  what  become  planters  in  a  short  time. 

A  common  laborer,  white  or  black,  if  you  can  be  so  much 
favored  as  to  hire  one,  is  a  shilling  sterling  or  fifteen  pence 
currency  per  day ;  a  bungling  carpenter  two  shillings  or  two 
shillings  and  sixpence  per  day;  besides  diet  and  lodging. 
That  is,  for  a  lazy  fellow  to  get  wood  and  water,  £19.  16.  3, 
current  per  annum ;  add  to  this  seven  or  eight  pounds  more 
and  you  have  a  slave  for  life. 

My  last  to  you  was  in  March,  1756.  The  9th  of  April 
following  I  had  a  son  born  whose  name  is  Abraham,  a  fine 
child,  praised  be  God,  the  biggest  I  ever  had  ;  he  has  eight 
teeth. 

I  have  had  a  severe  fit  of  the  gout  this  winter,  and  am  just 
able  to  write. 

We  hear  the  Brest  fleet  is  out,  and  Louis  the  15th  dead. 


LETTERS  OF  PETER  FONTAINE.  353 

If  they  come  to  Virginia  we  must  take  to  the  woods  and  fight 
behind  the  trees.  We  have  no  other  fortification  but  the 
Lord  of  Hosts,  if  he  be  on  our  side  we  shall  give  them  a  great 
deal  of  trouble.  May  he  be  your  protection  and  ours,  is  the 
daily  and  sincere  prayer  of,  dear  brother, 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


April,  1757. 

Dear  Sister  Torin  : — I  did  not  desire  in  any  measure 
to  occasion  affliction  by  giving  you  an  account  of  our  dear  sis- 
ter's Christian  death,  but  rather  comfort,  and  such  I  hope  it 
hath  been  to  you. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  your  indisposition  prevails,  as  you  are 
but  young  in  comparison  of  me,  and  how  often  hath  my  dis- 
temper brought  me  to  the  gates  of  the  grave,  and  yet  have  I 
lived  to  see  these  troublesome  times,  and  for  what  end  God 
only  knows,  unless  it  be  to  bring  up  these  dear  little  ones, 
which  he  hath  bestowed  on  me,  in  his  fear  and  love,  which  I 
strive  to  do  both  by  my  daily  prayers  and  endeavors. 

All  our  infirmities  are  a  warning  to  us,  as  you  rightly  ob- 
serve, to  prepare  for  our  end,  to  set  our  faces,  our  hearts  and 
affections  towards  that  heavenly  country,  where  we  may  hope, 
through  the  mercy  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  meet  our  friends  and 
relations  wjio  are  gone  before  us.  In  the  mean  time  we  ought 
to  wait  in  patience  for  our  release  from  these  bodies,  and 
cheerfully  bear  their  burdens,  not  knowing  what  further  ser- 
vice may  be  in  the  designs  of  God's  providence  for  us  yet  to 
perform.  This,  dear  sister,  will  keep  us  cheerful  in  the  midst 
of  trouble,  and  lessen  the  pains  of  our  pilgrimage  here. 


354  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

May  God  take  you  in  his  most  gracious  care,  may  he  be 
your  comforter,  your  joy  and  your  hope,  is  the  hearty  prayer 
of,  dear  sister, 

Your  affectionate  brother  and  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 

This  is  the  last  letter  of  the  Kev.  Peter  Fontaine,  which 
has  fallen  into  our  hands.  He  died  in  the  month  of  July  of 
the  same  year. 


Extracts  from  his  last  Will. 

In  the  name  of  Grod,  Amen.  I,  Peter  Fontaine,  of  the  Coun- 
ty of  Charles  City,  Parish  of  Westover.  being  infirm  of  body, 
but  of  sound  mind  and  memory,  knowing  it  is  ordained  for  all 
men  once  to  die,  do  make  and  ordain  this  my  last  will  and 
testament. 

First,  I  commend  my  immortal  soul  into  the  hands  of  my 
Creator,  to  be  disposed  of  according  to  the  determination  of 
his  unerring  wisdom,  humbly  hoping  through  the  merits  of  my 
only  Redeemer,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  it  will  obtain  fa- 
vor in  his  sight,  and  the  pardon  of  all  my  known  transgres- 
sions. As  to  my  body,  I  commit  it  to  the  earth,  whence  it 
was  taken  ;  there  to  be  purged  of  all  rags  of  corruption 
through  the  blood  of  my  merciful  Redeemer,  firmly  believing 
it  will  be  raised  again  to  eternal  life,  summoned  by  the  awful 
trump  of  doom,  and  be  joined  to  my  soul  and  live  with  it  for 
ever.  *  *  *  *  * 

My  will  and  desire  is  that  I  may  have  no  public  funeral, 
but  that  my  corpse  may  be  accompanied  to  the  ground  by  a 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAINE.  355 

few  of  my  nearest  neighbors,  that  no  liquors  be  given  to  make 
any  of  the  company  drunk  :  many  instances  of  which  I  have 
seen,  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  abuse 
of  so  solemn  an  ordinance.  *  *  *  * 

I  desire  none  of  my  family  to  go  in  mourning  for  me. 


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LETTERS  OF  PETER  FONTAINE,  JUN. 

OF  ROCK  CASTLE,  HANOVER  COUNTY,  VIRGINIA. 


-♦-♦-♦- 


Ltjnenbtteg,  Virginia,  9th  July,  1752. 

Dear  Sir  : — I  got  not  long  since,  your  kind  letter,  by  the 
hand  of  my  father,  bearing  date  2d  January,  1752,  and  take 
this  opportunity  of  returning  you  my  thanks  for  the  many  ex- 
pressions of  kindness  it  contains.  We  are  all  (God  be  praised) 
well,  not  only  my  family,  but  all  our  relations  that  I  have 
lately  heard  from,  except  my  good  aunt  Maury,  who  I  hear 
has  been  very  like  to  die,  and  is  yet  in  a  very  low  condition. 

The  kind  curiosity  you  seem  to  have  to  know  where  I  live, 
has  put  me  upon  sending  you  a  sketch  of  that  part  of  our 
country  where  I  now  reside,  which  I  thought  might  be  some 
entertainment  to  you,  as  you  in  your  rambles  with  Colonel 
Spotswood,  travelled  over  a  good  deal  of  the  southern  part  of 
Virginia. 

I  find  you  have  formed  a  very  good  judgment  of  the  situa- 
tion of  these  parts,  for  Lunenburg,  as  you  imagine,  joins  (as 
you  see  by  the  plan)  Carolina,  though  not  so  far  now  as  it  did 
before  Halifax  county,  now  on  the  head  of  it,  was  cut  off  from  it 
by  a  late  Act  of  Assembly.     You  judge  very  rightly  that  Me- 


358  MEMOUR8    OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

herrin  River  is  in  Lunenburg  county.  We  live  so  high  up 
Nottoway  River  that  we  have  not  any  fish,  as  you  imagine, 
but,  thank  God,  a  healthy  air,  fruitful  soil,  and  good  fresh 
range  for  stocks.  I  fancy  you  did  not  travel  far  enough 
southward  to  get  acquainted  with  Roanoke  River,  which  is  a 
much  finer  stream  than  either  Meherrin  or  Nottoway,  and 
vastly  larger,  before  it  divides  itself  into  two  streams,  called 
Stanton  and  Dan,  near  three  hundred  yards  over,  and  either 
of  the  just  mentioned  branches  of  it  are  at  least  two  hundred 
and  thirty. 

My  district  for  surveying  lies,  i.  e.  the  chief  of  it,  in  Hali- 
fax county,  in  the  Fork  of  the  river  Roanoke,  so  that  I  now 
live  out  of  my  county,  and  by  means  of  the  indulgence  granted 
me,  of  having  assistants,  I  do  not  go  at  all  in  the  woods, 
which  indeed  my  weakly  constitution  is  not  fit  for ;  yet,  thank 
God,  I  have  my'  health  very  well,  when  I  am  not  obliged  to 
undergo  fatigue.  Though  my  living  a  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  from  Williamsburg,  forces  me  frequently  to  take  very 
tedious  rides,  being  sometimes  called  down  in  the  heat  of 
summer.  But  certainly,  if  any  man  in  the  world  has  reason 
to  be  thankful  to  the  Great  Giver  of  ail  blessings,  I,  who  in  a 
troublesome  employment,  am  indulged  to  live  at  home  at  ease, 
ought  to  be  all  gratitude,  and  instead  of  murmuring  at  the 
trifling  fatigues  I  undergo,  should  be  thankful  that  I  can  reap 
a  comfortable  harvest  without  putting  my  hand  to  the 
plough. 

You  see,  dear  sir,  that  the  regard  you  are  so  kind  as  to 
express  for  me.  has  made  me  so  fond  of  myself,  and  so  vain,  as 
to  trouble  you  with  almost  half  a  sheet  full  of  my  own  history, 
and  to  imagine  all  the  while  that  I  am  entertaining  you  agree- 
ably. 


LETTERS    OF   PETER    FONTAINE,    JUN.  359 

My  family  is  increased  by  the  birth  of  a  son,  now  two 
months  old,  whom  we  have  named  Peter.  My  wife  joins  me 
in  tenders  of  hearty  and  unfeigned  respect  to  you,  my  aunt, 
and  all  your  good  family.  I  have  no  more  to  add,  but  to 
beg  on  your  part  a  continuance  of  the  correspondence,  which 
affords  me  so  much  real  comfort,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am 
with  my  daily  prayers  for  the  health  and  welfare  of  you,  and 
all  our  dear  friends  on  your  side  the  ocean, 

Your  very  affectionate  nephew  and  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine,  Jun. 
To  Mr.  John  Fontaine. 


Lunenburg,  Virginia,  7  th  Juiie,  1754. 

Dear  Sir  : — Your  exceedingly  kind  letter  of  30th  No- 
vember, 1753,  is  before  me,  and  I  am  seated  to  return  you 
my  hearty  thanks  for  that  favor,  and  in  a  very  talkative  hu- 
mor to  perform  my  part  in  the  only  kind  of  conversation 
which  the  great  distance  between  us  will  admit  of. 

Your  kind  acceptance  of  my  little  performance  inclosed  in 
my  uncle  John's  letter  for  his  and  your  perusal,  has  more  than 
paid  me  for  the  trouble  it  cost  me,  and  might  induce  me  to 
make  a  draught  of  the  country  for  your  and  his  satisfaction, 
had  I  proper  helps  to  assist  me  in  those  parts  of  it  that  I  am 
less  acquainted  with  than  this,  which  the  nature  of  my  busi- 
ness in  it  has  given  me  a  tolerable  knowledge  of. 

Your  kind  promise  of  embracing  all  opportunities  of  keep- 
ing up  an  epistolary  correspondence  with  me,  gives  me  the 
greatest  pleasure,  and  renders  the  business  I  am  now  about  a 
most  agreeable  one :  as  I  have  leave  to  expect  that  each  epis- 
tle of  mine  will  be  rewarded  with  at  least   a  few  lines  from 


360  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

you,  the  perusal  of  which  affords  me  real  satisfaction  on  many 
accounts,  but  on  none  more  than  the  truly  Christian  disposi- 
tion and  open  sincerity  I  conceive  to  be  lodged  in  the  heart 
that  dictates  them. 

The  indulgence  that  it  has  pleased  God  I  have,  by  the 
favor  of  those  who  have  the  legislative  power  in  their 
hands,  enjoyed,  has  been  of  great  service  to  my  constitution. 
I  pray  God  to  enable  me  to  express  my  gratitude,  not  with 
lips  only,  but  a  well-spent  life  and  Christian  conversation. 

I  have  formed  to  myself  a  very  agreeable  idea  of  the  situ- 
ation of  your  present  residence,  as  I  imagine  you  live  much 
retired  ;  and  being  out  of  business,  have  great  leisure  for 
study  and  contemplation,  to  which  I  doubt  not  is  added  the 
pleasure  of  fine  prospects,  fertile  soil,  good  gardens,  and 
healthy  air. 

My  father,  whom  I  am  preparing  to  visit  on  my  way  to 
Williamsburg  (our  metropolis),  informs  me  by  a  letter  I  have 
received  from  him,  that  he  has  this  past  winter  had  a  most 
severe  fit  of  the  gout,  which  affected  his  breast  much  and  his 
head  a  little,  symptoms  that  I  fear  forebode  sorrows  to  those 
who  can  never  part  with  him  without  regret ;  but,  I  thank 
God,  he  speaks  of  it  as  of  a  journey  he  shall  undertake  with 
joy,  a  circumstance  which,  I  doubt  not,  will  administer  com- 
fort to  him  and  all  his  friends  in  time  of  need. 

My  wife  assures  you  of  her  most  hearty  respect.  Pray, 
my  dear  uncle,  continue  that  good  office  of  mentioning  me  and 
mine  in  your  prayers  to  the  throne  of  grace,  and  be  persuaded 
that  my  poor  petitions  are  frequently  put  up  for  blessings  on 
you  and  all  our  dear  friends  on  your  side,  and  that  I  am, 
dear  sir,  your  dutiful  nephew,  and 

Very  affectionate,  humble  servant, 
Peter  Fontaine,  Jun. 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAETR,    JUN.  361 


To  Mr.  Moses  Fontaine  : — Since  the  within.  Colonel 
Washington,  the  commander  of  our  three  or  four  hundred  men 
from  Virginia,  has,  with  a  party  of  about  forty  men  and  some 
auxiliary  Indians,  by  the  intelligence  of  an  Irish  deserter,  met 
with  a  party  of  about  thirty-six  French,  who  were  in  ambush 
in  the  woods  waiting  for  him.  Each  party  fired,  and  it  has 
pleased  God  that  we  have  killed  or  taken  them  all.  There 
were  thirteen  killed  and  the  rest  taken.  We  lost  only  one 
man,  and  two  wounded.  The  French  seem  to  have  a  great 
mixture  of  Indian  blood,  and  are  sturdy  fellows.  The  place 
in  dispute  is  on  the  Ohio  river,  about  two  hundred  miles  back 
of  our  nearest  mountains.  P.  F. 


LmnarouBa,  Virginia,  7th  June,  1754. 

Dear  Sir  : — I  return  you  hearty  thanks  for  your  very 
kind  and  most  agreeable  letter  of  the  30th  Nov.  1753,  and 
particularly  acknowledge  the  favor  of  your  having  wrote  me  a 
longer  epistle  than  I  have  ever  yet  received  from  your  side  of 
the  water ;  for,  I  can  with  sincerity  assure  you,  that  my  hav- 
ing more  to  read  at  once  than  I  can  at  once  remember,  yields 
me  great  pleasure,  as  it  sets  me  to  reading  again  and  again 
your  kind  letter,  wherein  I  am  in  hopes,  even  to  the  tenth 
perusal,  of  finding  something  new,  and  never  fail  of  meeting 
something  very  entertaining. 

The  encomiums  your  kindness  has  dictated  on  account 
of  my  little  draught  are,  I  am  very  sensible,  more  than  it 
deserved,  though  I  am  very  glad  it  has  yielded  you  any  satis- 
faction, as  it  has  thereby  fully  answered  its  end. 

I  heartily  condole  with  you  upon  the  loss  of  my  dear  cou- 
sin, I  believe,  your  only  daughter.      May  God  Almighty  com- 

16 


362  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

fort  you  and  your  family,  and  him  who  cannot  be  less  in  want 
of  it,  my  poor  cousin,  James  Fontaine. 

I  congratulate  you  on  your  new  purchase,  by  which,  if  I 
understand  the  matter  rightly,  you  have  turned  your  money 
to  greater  advantage  than  4  per  cent.,  and  hope  you  will  re- 
pair the  loss  sustained  by  the  reduction  on  the  interest  pre- 
scribed by  the  Parliament  while  your  money  was  in  the  Bank. 
I  conclude  that  you  lead  a  very  happy  life  in  your  present 
country-seat,  but  must  beg  you  will  excuse  me  when  I  desire 
you  will  be  so  kind  in  your  next  as  to  let  me  know  how  the 
name  of  your  castle  is  pronounced,  for  I  observe  it  is  spelt 
CWM,  which,  for  want  of  vowels,  I  do  not  know  how  to  pro- 
nounce, and  which  is,  I  fancy,  the  case  in  many  Welsh  words. 

My  present  settlement  does  not  answer  the  opinion  you 
have  conceived  of  it,  being  very  little  improved  by  art ;  for, 
as  the  only  inducement  I  have  hitherto  had  for  residing  at  it 
is,  its  being  the  nearest  tolerable  neighborhood,  I  could  find 
and  purchase,  to  my  business  in  Halifax,  I  have  always  been 
cautious  of  expending  any  thing  considerable  on  it,  being  de- 
termined (God  willing)  to  leave  it  when  my  business  shall  en- 
able me  to  live  in  Hanover,  a  much  more  sociable  part  of  the 
country,  where  I  have  upwards  of  five  hundred  acres  of  land 
very  pleasantly  situated,  with  good  house  and  all  other  neces- 
saries ;  though  I  am  not  so  fond  of  my  scheme  but  that  I  may 
perhaps  sell  my  possessions  below,  and  with  the  money  pur- 
chase a  larger  quantity  of  land  in  these  parts,  since  the  in- 
crease of  our  family  with  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  bless 
me  (having,  thank  God,  three  fine  boys,  John,  Peter  and  Wil- 
liam), may  make  it  more  expedient  to  spend  our  days  near 
the  frontier.  However,  I  do  not  form,  I  hope  I  never  shall 
form  any  other  resolution  than  to  endeavor  to  be  contented  in 


LETTER*    OF    PETER    FOXTAE^E,    JUN".  363 

whatsoever  station  or  situation  it  shall  please  God  to  place  me, 
always  striving  for  what  appears  the  best. 

Our  neighborhood  was,  about  eighteen  months  ago,  ren- 
dered much  more  agreeable  to  us  by  the  coming  of  Mr.  Daniel 
Claiborne  and  his  wife,  my  cousin,  formerly  Molly  Maury,  to 
reside  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  us.  They  are  both 
well,  as  is  their  daughter  Molly,  their  only  child.  We  live 
very  happily  together. 

My  aunt  Maury  is,  I  understand,  somewhat  better  in 
health  than  usual,  though  but  crazy.  She  lives  where  my 
uncle  lived.  Aby  Maury  is  the  only  child  she  has  with  her. 
He  acts  the  part  of  a  dutiful  son  and  a  worthy  young  man. 
He  carries  on  the  business  of  a  merchant. 

My  cousin,  the  Rev.  James  Maury,  has  removed  from 
King  William,  and  lives  in  Louisa  County,  in  the  upper  par- 
ish ;  he  is  much  beloved  by  his  parishioners,  and  has  a  pretty 
income. 

My  sister,  Mary  Ann  Winston,  with  her  husband  and 
three  sons,  Peter,  Isaac  and  William,  are  well.  Mr.  Isaac 
Winston,  her  husband,  is  a  wealthy  planter,  and  what  is  much 
better,  a  tender  husband  and  a  good  Christian.  — 

The  last  time  I  heard  from  my  cousins,  Francis  and  John 
Fontaine,  who  carry  on  the  carpenter's  trade  in  New  Berne,  a 
town  in  North  Carolina,  they  were  well  and  in  a  thriving  way. 
Francis  is  married.  They  live  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  from  me.  I  need  not  tell  you,  that  my  cousins  last 
mentioned  are  sons  of  my  late  uncle  Francis.  My  aunt,  his 
relict,  lives  in  York  County ;  her  oldest  son  James,  a  fine, 
promising  youth  about  fourteen  years  old,  goes  to  the  college. 
She  has  also  a  daughter  with  her.     There  is  a  kind  of  coolness 


, 


o<;4  .\n:.\[t>[iis   OF    A    HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

towards  her — I  mean  my  aunt — in  most  of  our  family,  on  ac- 
count of  her  treatment  of  my  uncle's  first  children. 

Ann  Fontaine,  sister  to  my  cousin  James,  your  son-in-law, 
lives  with  my  sister  Winston,  who  brought  her  up.  She  is  a 
virtuous,  good  girl,  and  reaps  the  benefit  of  it  even  temporally, 
as  my  brother  Winston  has  given  her  a  little  beginning,  in 
case  she  should  marry  and  leave  him,  and  provides  for  her 
handsomely,  as  I  dare  say  he  will  continue  to  do  while  she 
stays  with  him.  I  have  not  in  a  great  while  heard  any  thing 
of  the  rest  of  the  family  my  uncle  James  left  behind  him. 
They  live  in  the  Northern  Neck,  170  or  180  miles  from  me. 

My  father  has  by  his  last  wife,  my  mother-in-law,  five 
children,  three  boys  and  two  girls,  the  oldest  about  twelve 
years  old.  He  has  made  use  of  my  opportunities  as  a  sur- 
veyor to  procure  lands  for  them  in  Halifax  County,  where  he 
has  procured  five  tracts  of  land,  amounting  to  about  six  thou- 
sand acres,  which  he  designs,  with  near  or  about  twenty  slaves, 
to  divide  amongst  them  at  his  death. 

And  here  I  cannot  help  expressing  my  concern  at  the  na- 
ture of  our  Virginia  estates,  so  far  as  they  consist  in  slaves. 
I  suppose  we  have,  young  and  old,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand of  them  in  the  country,  a  number,  at  least,  equal  to  the 
whites.  It  is  a  hard  task  to  do  our  duty  towards  them  as  we 
ought,  for  we  run  the  hazard  of  temporal  ruin  if  they  are  not 
compelled  to  work  hard  on  the  one  hand — and  on  the  other, 
that  of  not  being  able  to  render  a  good  account  of  our  stew- 
ardship in  the  other  and  better  world,  if  we  oppress  and  tyran- 
nize over  them.  Besides,  according  to  our  present  method, 
which  every  body  appears  afraid  to  go  out  of,  it  seems  quite 
necessary  to  lay  most  stress  on  that  stinking,  and,  in  itself, 
useless  weed,  tobacco,  as  our  staple  commodity,  which  is  the 


LETTERS    OF   FETES    FONTAINE,    JTJN.  365 


reason  that  all  other  more  useful  trades  and  occupations  are 
neglected,  or  professed  by  such  as  are  not  above  half  qualified 
for  them ;  and  every  Virginia  tradesman  must  be  at  least  half 
a  planter,  and  of  course  not  to  be  depended  upon  as  a  trades- 
man. 

I  cannot  help  adding  a  piece  of  domestic  news,  which  is, 
that  the  French  on  the  back  of  us  are  disputing  our  title  to 
the  Mississippi  lands,  have  built  a  fort  to  annoy  our  settle- 
ments, and  have  drove  off  about  seventy  families  of  my  coun- 
trymen. The  Assembly  has  enacted  the  levying  of  £10;000 
currency  to  enable  them  to  oppose  the  enemy.  We  expect 
every  day  to  hear  that  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  levied  in 
these  colonies,  have  either  settled  on  Mississippi  and  built  a 
fort  to  countermine  that  of  the  French,  or  that  they  have,  if 
opposed,  engaged  them.  May  Grod  restore  peace  to  our  infant 
colony  !  I  have  but  just  room  to  add,  that  I  beg  you  will  ex- 
cuse my  writing  in  this  manner  on  the  back  of  my  uncle 
Moses's  letter,  which  I  do  under  a  notion  of  saving  you  post- 
age, and  that  my  wife  joins  in  tenders  of  sincere  respect  to 
you  and  all  your  dear  family.  That  you  and  yours  may  long 
enjoy  here  all  temporal  blessings,  and  in  the  regions  of  bliss 
everlasting  happiness,  is  the  fervent  prayer  of,  my  dear  uncle, 
Your  obliged  and  dutiful  nephew, 

And  very  affectionate,  humble  servant, 


To  Mr.  John  Fontaine. 


Peter  Foxtaixe,  Jun. 


CnAKLES  City  County,  Virginia,  Jane  11th,  1757. 
Dear  Sir  : — I  have  now  an  opportunity  of  returning  you 
my  hearty  thanks  for  your  kind  mention  of  me  and  mine  in 
yours  of  8th  Jan.  1757,  to  my  father,  and  fulfilling  your  re- 


366  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

quest  so  grateful  to  me.  Impute  not  my  silence  to  a  want  of 
due  regard  to  you,  or  an  indifference  in  keeping  up  a  corre- 
spondence with  you.  I  have,  since  my  last  to  you,  removed 
forty  miles  further  southward  than  I  then  lived,  which  renders 
my  writing  to  you  more  difficult  than  formerly.  But  as  the 
motive  that  carried  me  thither,  i.  e.,  the  keeping  my  place, 
which  is  become,  on  account  of  our  present  troubles,  of  little 
value,  has  no  longer  any  weight  in  it,  I  have  {Deo  volente)  de- 
termined (unless  the  times  shortly  change  for  the  better, 
which,  from  the  appearance  of  things  we  have  but  little,  and 
from  our  own  deserts  no  reason  at  all  to  hope)  shortly  to  re- 
move to  my  little  seat  in  Hanover,  where  I  propose  to  employ 
my  small  abilities  in  the  education  of  my  three  boys,  which  I 
shall  have  the  more  leisure  to  attend  to  after  having  quitted 
every  kind  of  public  business,  and  the  many  avocations  which 
are  now  a  bar  to  such  an  employment ;  though  I  fear  our  dis- 
tresses, unless  it  please  God  to  put  a  speedy  stop  to  them,  may 
prove  an  interruption  to  every  occupation  in  every  part  of  this 
poor  infant  colony.  We  are  here  so  utterly  unacquainted 
with  military  matters,  that  we  all,  from  the  legislator  to  the 
meanest  handicraftsman,  are  at  a  stand.  All  the  measures  we 
have  fallen  upon  seem  ineffectual,  and  answer  no  other  end 
than  to  plunge  us  in  debt,  insomuch  that  the  credit  of  the 
country  is  almost  sunk  ;  and  from  the  inexperience  of  the 
managers,  our  expeditions  have  proved  not  only  abortive,  but 
disgraceful.  The  miscarriages  in  all  our  enterprises  have  ren- 
dered us  a  reproach,  and  to  the  last  degree  contemptible  in 
the  eyes  of  our  savage  Indian,  and  much  more  inhuman  French 
enemies. 

Those  of  the  Indians  that  call  themselves  our  friends  de- 
spise us,  and  in  their  march  through  our  inhabited  country, 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAESE,    JUN.  367 

when  going  to  our  assistance,  insult  and  annoy  us.  It  is  not 
above  a  month  ago  since  a  party  of  about  a  hundred  and 
twenty  Cherokees,  in  passing  through  Lunenburg,  insulted 
people  of  all  ranks.  About  three  weeks  ago  the  Cattawbos 
behaved  so  ill  in  Williamsburg,  that  those  in  power  were 
obliged  to  arm  the  militia,  and  the  matter  was  near  coming  to 
extremities.  About  fourteen  days  ago  the  same  Cattawbos 
murdered  a  poor  woman  in  Bartie  County,  in  North  Carolina, 
whom  they  met  alone  in  the  road.  It  is  said  that  for  this  last 
misdemeanor  they  are  like  to  smart  severely,  as  it  is  reported 
that  four  hundred  men  in  arms  are  in  pursuit  of  them  (and 
they  do  not  exceed  one  hundred),  and  are  determined  to 
avenge  her  death. 

There  is  some  hope  that  our  affairs  are  better  managed 
under  the  Earl  of  Loudon  than  formerly  they  were,  as  mat- 
ters are  conducted  with  great  secrecy  :  and  it  is  presumed  he 
has  a  good  army. 

The  County  of  Halifax,  in  the  mean  time,  is  threatened 
by  our  Indian  enemies,  and  the  people  in  the  upper  part  of 
that  county,  which  by  the  late  encroachments  of  our  enemies 
is  become  a  frontier,  are  in  great  consternation,  and  all  public 
business  at  a  stand.  The  poor  farmers  and  planters  have 
dreadful  apprehensions  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  savage, 
as  indeed,  considering  the  treatment  those  have  had  who  have 
had  the  misfortune  to  be  surprised  by  them,  they  have  good 
reason. 

We  have  among  us  two  or  three  who  have  made  their 
escape  from  the  Shawnees  (a  tribe  of  Indians  that  live  on  the 
Ohio,  to  the  westward  of  Halifax  County) ;  the  Indians  sus- 
pected that  one  of  them,  whose  wife  and  children  they  had 
most  inhumanly  murdered,  would  attempt  to  escape,  to  pre- 


368  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

vent  which  they  cut  deep  gashes  in  his  heels,  and  as  soon  as 
the  man  was  like  to  get  well,  and  be  in  order  to  travel  again, 
they  cut  other  gashes  across  the  former,  and  by  that  means, 
and  at  some  other  times  searing  his  feet  with  hot  irons,  they 
kept  him  a  continual  cripple.  The  man,  however,  being  of  an 
enterprising  spirit,  contrived,  by  means  of  a  piece  of  lighted 
punk  thrust  into  a  barrel  of  gunpowder,  to  blow  up  a  fine 
French  store  in  their  town,  for  which,  being  after  some  time 
discovered  by  the  treachery  of  a  fellow-prisoner,  lie  was  to 
have  been  burnt  alive  by  piecemeal,  had  he  not  very  provi- 
dentially made  his  escape.  He  gives  most  dreadful  shocking 
accounts  of  their  treatment  of  our  people,  but  more  especially 
of  the  poor  women,  upon  whom  they  exercise  all  kinds  of  tor- 
ture and  brutality.  In  short,  such  cruelties  do  they  practise 
upon  every  one  that  falls  into  their  hands,  that  all  had  rather 
perish  than  be  taken  alive.  I  dare  say  I  have  by  this  time 
tired  you  with  the  relation  of  our  sufferings,  and  the  bloody 
triumphs  of  our  enemies,  which,  though  not  perhaps  as  to  the 
minute  particulars  I  have  mentioned,  you  are  no  doubt  in  the 
general  well  informed  of  from  our  public  prints. 

My  family  was,  three  days  ago,  when  I  left  home,  in  good 
health,  as  was  also  Mr.  Claiborne  and  my  cousin,  Aby  Maury, 
who  is  his  father's  likeness  both  in  person  and  all  good  quali- 
ties. I  also  saw  a  letter  from  my  cousin,  the  Rev.  James 
Maury,  the  other  day,  by  which  I  see  he  and  his  also  enjoy 
the  same  blessing. 

I  beg,  my  dear  uncle,  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  feast  me 
with  a  letter  by  the  first  opportunity,  and  that  you  will  in  the 
mean  time,  think  of  me  and  mine  in  your  approaches  to  the 
throne  of  grace,  and  be  assured  that  I  am  with  the  most  pro- 
found respect,  the  most  sincere  affection,  and  daily  prayers  for 


LETTERS    OF   FETEE   FONTAINE,    JUN.  369 

your  well-being  here,  and  everlasting  happiness  in  that  never- 
ending  state  of  bliss,  where  I  hope  and  trust  we  shall  all, 
through  the  merits  of  the  Redeemer,  have  a  joyful  meeting. 
My  dear  uncle,  your  dutiful  nephew  and  most 

Affectionate  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine,  Jun. 

• 

This  letter  I  believe  to  have  been  addressed  to  Moses 
Fontaine,  it  was  without  address,  but  endorsed  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Moses  Fontaine.  Received  23d  September,  1757, 
answered  21st  February,  1758. 


Rock  Castle,  IIanovee,  Virginia,  June  9,  17G0. 

Dear  Sir  : — It  is  so  long  since  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
to  receive  a  letter  from  you,  that  I  am  afraid  something  has 
happened  on  your  part  to  prevent  it,  and  yet  I  acknowledge 
you  have  seeming  reason  to  doubt,  to  suspect  my  sincerity, 
when  I  tell  you  so,  as  I  have  been  so  long,  so  very  long  silent 
myself.  But  I  am  persuaded  that  you  will  make  all  possible 
allowance  for  a  person  who  has  had  so  much  business  on  his 
hands,  as  I  have  had  since  I  last  wrote  to  you.  The  death 
of  my  dear  father  ;  the  business  of  his  whole  concerns  falling 
into  my  hands,  my  own  removal  from  Halifax  and  settling  in 
Hanover,  the  late  dismal  prospect  of  our  public  affairs,  with 
the  almost  continual  sickliness  of  my  own  family,  and  the 
death  of  two  dear  children,  and  last  of  all.  my  having  discon- 
tinued to  ship  tobacco  home,  which  used  to  act  as  the  monitor 
as  well  as  offer  opportunities  of  writing  to  you  and  my  other 
friends  on  your  side  ;  these,  dear  sir,  have  been  the  principal 
impediments  in  my  way. 

16* 


370  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

As  I  have  always  understood  that  you  are  settled  in  South 
Wales,  near  my  uncle  John,  I  shall  refer  you  to  mine  to  him, 
for  a  particular  account  of  my  mother  ;  I  hope,  please  God, 
all  may  end  well  at  last. 

Our  public  affairs  have,  through  the  merciful  and  almost 
miraculous  interposition  of  kind  Providence,  taken  quite 
another  turn  of  late,  and  were  it  not  that  the  Cherokee  In- 
dians have  most  perfidiously  broken  their  treaty  of  peace,  and 
fallen  upon  our  frontiers,  we  should  enjoy  the  sweets  of  peace 
again.  But  they  have  done  considerable  mischief  in  North 
Carolina  on  our  borders,  and  some  in  our  own  Province  ; 
several  families,  that  had  since  the  former  troubles  returned 
to  their  settlements  on  the  frontiers,  are  again  frightened  and 
have  left  them — so  that  the  county  I  lived  in  (Halifax),  is  as 
much  confused,  and  as  unfit,  of  course,  for  my  business  as 
when  I  left  it.  Our  colonies  are  raising  men  to  go  against 
them.  May  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  only  giver  of  all  victory, 
prosper  the  enterprise. 

I,  for  my  part,  had,  for  the  last  two  years  I  lived  in  Hali- 
fax, very  little  to  do  as  a  surveyor,  nor  should  I,  if  I  had  con- 
tinued till  now.  I  there  lived  on  rented  land,  at  a  smart  ex- 
pense, had  houses,  etc.,  here,  suffering  for  want  of  me,  and 
above  all,  had  a  longing  desire  to  retire  and  live  in  private, 
where  I  might  attend  to  the  education  of  my  boys,  and  had 
hopes  that  I  could  be,  through  the  grace  of  God,  thankfully 
contented  with  that  competency  with  which  his  bounty  had 
blessed  me  ;  nor  have  I  as  yet,  thank  God,  found  myself  in  the 
least  disappointed.  I  was  always  persuaded  that  a  middle 
station  was  the  happiest,  in  which  condition  it  has  pleased 
God  in  mercy  to  place  me,  with  thousands  of  blessings — even 


LETTERS    OF    PETER    FONTAINE,    JHN.  371 

in  the  midst  of  his  chastisements — on  my  head,  the  least  of 
which  is  more  than  I  deserve. 

As  to  perfect  happiness,  it  is  not,  it  ought  not  to  be  looked 
for  in  a  valley  of  tears,  or  in  a  state  of  trial.  Our  good  God 
has,  in  mercy,  denied  it  to  every  station  of  life,  lest  we  should 
anchor  here,  and  not  long  for  that  better  life,  where  tears  and 
pain  and  want  are  strangers,  and  where  friends  are  never 
parted.  May  the  merits  of  our  gracious  Redeemer  purchase 
for  us  all  an  inheritance,  an  estate  for  life  eternal,  in  those 
happy  mansions. 

My  wife  and  family  join  me  in  tenders  of  sincere  regard 

and  affection  to  you  and  all  on  your  side  the  ocean.     May 

temporal  and  eternal  blessings  attend  you  all.     I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate  nephew  and  humble  servant, 

Peter  Fontaine. 
To  Mr.  Moses  Fontaine. 


To  Messrs.  Moses  and  John  Fontaine  and  Mr.  Daniel  Torin. 

Foeks  of  Pamuxket  Rivee,  Haxovee  Co.,  Va.,  7  Aug.  1763. 

My  Dear  Uncles  : — I  take  this  opportunity  by  Mr. 
Harden  Burnley,  who  is  going  home,  to  inquire  after  you  all. 

It  is  some  considerable  time  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
receiving  a  letter  from  you.  I  hope,  please  God,  nothing  has 
happened  to  interrupt  that  agreeable  correspondence  which 
has  yielded  me  so  much  pleasure. 

There  has  not  any  great  alteration  happened  in  the  state 
of  any  of  our  relations'  families  here.  I  believe  cousin  Ann 
Fontaine,  sister  to  cousin  James  (with  you),  was  married  when 
I  wrote  last  to  Mr.  Thomas  Owen.     She  has  two  children. 


o72  MEMOIRS    01    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

But  our  public  affairs  are  in  a  very  bad  situation  at 
present,  as  all  the  Indians  on  the  continent,  i.  e.  between  us 
and  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  have  entered 
into  a  combination  against  us,  resolved  it  seems  to  prevent 
our  settling  any  farther  than  we  have,  viz.,  much  about  the 
main  Blue  Ridge  of  mountains ;  and  in  consequence  of  this 
resolution,  they  have,  according  to  their  manner,  declared  war 
against  all  our  colonies,  that  is  to  say,  all,  or  most  of  the 
tribes  on  our  backs,  divided  themselves  into  proper  parties, 
and  fell  upon  our  poor  scattered  unprepared  frontier  settle- 
ments, and  have  cut  the  throats  of  many  of  the  inhabitants, 
whilst  they  were  quite  unaware  that  any  mischief  was  intend- 
ed them,  and  have  carried  a  great  number  of  women  and  chil- 
dren, as  well  as  some  men,  and  (for  the  first  time  too)  a  good 
many  negroes,  into  captivity  ;  indeed,  'tis  said  they  have 
broke  us  more  frontiers,  come  lower  down  to  do  us  mischief, 
and  killed  as  many  people  as  in  the  last  war. 

I  hope,  my  dear  friends,  you  do  not  disapprove  my  man- 
ner of  writing  to  you  all  together,  as  I  direct  for  my  uncle 
Torin,  who  after  perusal,  will  be  so  kind  as  forward  the  letter 
to  Wales.  My  family,  I  thank  God,  is  at  present  in  health. 
My  youngest  child  is  James,  who  I  believe  was  born  before  I 
wrote  last. 

I  long  much  to  hear  from  you.  I  am  in  a  more  particular 
manner  anxious  to  know  how  my  dear  aunt  Torin  and  uncle 
Moses  are,  as  I  look  upon  them  to  be  the  greatest  invalids, 
and  of  most  crazy  constitutions. 

We  all  join  in  tenders  of  sincere  respect  and  affection. 

I  am,  my  dear  uncles,  your  most  affectionate  kinsman, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


LETTERS    OF    FETES    FONTAINE,    JUN.  373 

The  following  memorandum  endorsed  upon  the  letter,  in 
Mrs.  Torin's  handwriting. 

I  find  he  has  not  received  mine,  of  30th  July,  1762, 
though  it  went  by  Mr.  Sumpter,  a  friend  of  his,  who  went  back 
with  the  Indian  Kings. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  remark,  that  the  James  Fontaine, 
spoken  of  as  an  infant  in  the  foregoing  letter,  in  after  life 
held  a  commission  as  Major  of  a  volunteer  regiment  of  cavalry 
from  Kentucky,  which  composed  part  of  the  force  which  was 
sent  against  the  Indians  on  our  western  frontier,  after  the 
close  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  Owing  to  some  indiscretion 
of  the  commanding  officer,  his  regiment  was  surrounded  by 
the  Indians.  Major  Fontaine  proposed  to  the  troops  to  cut 
their  way  through  them.  There  were  but  few  who  joined  in 
this  heroic  attempt,  which  would  probably  have  saved  the 
greater  part  of  the  regiment,  had  the  movement  been  executed 
by  all,  with  the  resolution  which  marked  the  brave  few. 

Major  Fontaine  succeeded,  but  died  almost  immediately, 
from  the  numerous  wounds  he  received. 


To  Mr.  John  Fontaine. 
Rock  Castle.'  Haxovee  Co.,  Va.,  July  8,  1765. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  very  kind  letter  of  20th  June.  1764,  I 
just  now  received,  for  which,  as  for  a  most  agreeable  cordial, 
I  return  you  my  sincere  thanks. 

Your  memento,  my  dear  uncle,  that  you  are  now  seventy- 
one  years  old.  and  that  you  are  providing  a  substitute  to  act 
that  kind  part  which  you  now  fill  yourself,  after  you  shall 
leave  the  stage,  though  kind  and  reasonable,  has  yet  raised  in 
me   that  sorrow  which  is  natural,  at  the   thought  of  parting 


374  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

with  a  beloved  friend.  But  it  is  a  memorandum  that  I  think 
we  ought  always  to  carry  about  us,  that  friends,  the  best  of 
our  worldly  enjoyments,  are  liable  to  be  taken  from  us  every 
moment,  or  if  not,  we  ourselves  must  some  time  or  other  be 
taken  from  them  ;  so  that  we  ought  to  stand  always  prepared 
for  the  painful  divorce,  and  not  set  our  affections  on  the  good 
things  of  this  world,  which  are  only  intended  by  our  good 
God  as  comforts  and  refreshments  in  our  pilgrimage  upon  the 
journey  to  that  other  world,  which  is  our  proper  home.  May 
God  grant,  my  dear  uncle,  that  all  of  us  may  so  run  this 
short  race,  as  that  we  may  reap  those  joys  which  have  no  bit- 
terness, and  no  bounds,  in  that  everlasting  world,  to  which  you, 
that  are  seventy  odd,  and  I  that  am  forty  odd,  are  equally 
hastening,  and  in  which  you  only  have  a  little  the  start; 
where  I  hope  we  shall  not  only  be  better  acquainted  with 
each  other,  know  personally,  and  converse  by  word  of  mouth, 
and  have  no  dangerous  ocean  of  three  thousand  miles  between 
us.  But  the  very  essence  of  all  joy  will  be,  that  we  shall  know 
the  Great  Father  of  all  our  blessings  and  enjoyments,  whom 
to  know  is  eternal  life. 

As  to  public  affairs  here,  we  seem  to  have  room  to  flatter 
ourselves  that  our  cruel  enemies  the  Indians,  are,  from  some 
motive,  more  peaceably  disposed  towards  us  than  formerly. 
And  yet  things  wear  but  a  gloomy  aspect,  for  the  country  is 
so  excessively  poor,  that  even  the  industrious,  frugal  man  can 
scarcely  live,  and  the  least  slip  in  economy  would  be  fatal. 
There  is  no  money  but  the  small  remains  of  our  paper  cur- 
rency, which  is  almost  all  returned  to  and  burnt  in  the 
Treasury ;  and  in  the  midst  of  this  our  poverty,  our  mo- 
ther country,  which  seems  to  have  contracted  a  dislike  to  some 
of  our  proceedings,  is  laying  a  tax  (the  forerunner  we  fear  of 


.( 


LETTERS    OF   PETER   FONTAINE,    JUX.  375 

others)  upon  us,  which  it  appears  impossible  to  pay.  as  I  learn 
it  is  to  be  collected  in  silver,  of  which  there  is  almost  none  in 
the  colony :  so  that  peace,  the  ardent  wish  of  the  poor  wretch 
who  is  involved  in  war,  seems  to  threaten  us  with  as  great,  if 
not  greater  evils,  than  even  the  war  itself.  But  I  am  not  a 
politician,  and  the  subject  is  disagreeable:  therefore  I  will 
drop  it,  and  in  spite  of  alarming  appearances,  I  will  trust  in 
Providence  to  send  us  better  times,  and  to  work  a  kinder  dis- 
position in  our  mother  country  towards  us. 

I  saw  my  cousin,  Mr.  Abraham  Maury,  and  his  family, 
and  Mr.  Daniel  Claiborne  and  his  family,  this  spring,  who 
were  all  well.  I  have  also  lately  seen  Mr.  Isaac  Winston  and 
his  family.  They  are  well,  except  my  sister,  who  is  in  but  a 
low  state  of  health. 

My  poor  mother-in-law  is  now  with  Mr.  William  Mills, 
who  married  Elizabeth,  her  second  daughter.  Sally,  the  old- 
est, lives  with  us,  unmarried.  Moses,  the  oldest  son,  is  in  bu- 
siness in  Charles  City  County.  Joseph  I  have  bound  to  a 
cabinet-maker,  and  he  is  like  to  do  well.  Aaron  lives  with 
Mr.  Isaac  Winston,  and  Aby,  the  youDgest,  is  with  his 
mother. 

The  Rev.  James  Maury  I  saw  not  long  ago,  and  believe 
he  and  his  family  are  well. 

My  cousin  Mary,  oldest  daughter  of  my  uncle  Francis,  is 
so  unhappy  as  to  have  married  an  extravagant,  careless  man, 
who  is  quite  unable  to  maintain  her ;  and  she  now  lives  in  the 
capacity  of  housekeeper,  with  a  very  worthy  clergyman  in 
North  Carolina. 

I  willingly  embrace  your  kind  proposal  of  commencing  an 
epistolary  correspondence  with  your  son,  my  cousin  James 
Fontaine,  but  not  as  your  substitute,  for  I  trust  in  God  (pro- 


376  UEM0IB8    ()K    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

vided  it  be  for  your  good  to  continue  here)  that  I  shall  have 
the  pleasure  of  receiving  many  kind  letters  yet,  from  the  good 
friend  of  seventy  odd,  if  not  of  eighty  odd. 

With  hearty  thanks  for  your  kindness  in  favoring  me  thus 
far  with  your  correspondence,  and  sincere  prayers  for  your 
temporal  and  eternal  welfare, 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  very  dutiful  and  affectionate  nephew, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


To  Mr.  Moses  Fontaine. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  kind  favor  of  20th  June,  1764,  now 
lies  before  me ;  and  most  sincerely  am  I  obliged  by  the  kind 
promise  you  make  of  continuing  to  give  me  this  proof  of  your 
affection.  When  your  annual  letter  arrives,  it  yields  me  much 
more  substantial  pleasure  than  is  felt  at  the  feastings  on  the 
return  of  a  birth-day.  The  meltings  of  heart  that  I  expe- 
rience when  I  read  your  pious  letters,  leave  impressions  on 
my  mind  that  are  of  real  advantage  to  me.  I  am  persuaded 
there  is  a  kind  of  instinct  in  souls ;  for  though  I  never  saw 
with  my  bodily  eyes  either  you  or  my  dear  uncle  John,  yet  I 
am  better  acquainted  with  nobody.  I  indulge  myself  in  form- 
ing ideas  of  you  in  my  mind ;  and  sometimes  in  an  agreeable 
reverie,  enjoy  a  kind  of  ideal  conversation  with  you.  I  seem 
quite  intimate  with  you  both,  and  so  closely  united  in  fami- 
liar friendship,  that  nine-tenths  of  those  I  am  personally  ac- 
quainted with,  are  incapable  of  affording  me  half  the  satisfac- 
tion, in  repeated  interviews,  that  I  reap  from  only  poring 
over  one  of  your  letters  once  a  year. 

As  to  articles  of  intelligence,  I  have  forestalled  myself  in 
my  letter  to  my  uncle   John,   to  which   I   have  only  to   add, 


LETTEKS   OF   PETER   FONTAINE,    JTJN.  377 

that  my  family  of  children  now  consists  of  three  sons,  John, 
William,  and  James,  and  three  daughters,  Sarah,  Mary 
Anne,  and  Judith,  who  with  my  wife,  are,  thank  God,  well. 
To  avoid  repetition,  I  refer  you  to  the  letter  aforesaid.  In- 
deed, I  have  learned  to  consider  you  and  my  uncle  John,  al- 
most as  one  person,  for  I  find  you  so  united  in  your  letters, 
your  habitation  in  "Wales,  and  in  another  warm  habitation 
you  have  in  my  heart,  that  whatever  I  write  to  the  one,  al- 
ways anticipates  my  thoughts  to  the  other :  I  therefore  con- 
clude with  hearty  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness  here 
and  hereafter. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  dutiful  and  affectionate  nephew, 

Peter  Fontaine. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  REV.  JAMES  MAURY. 


•  •  • 


Fredericks ville  Parish,  Louisa  County,  Aug.  9  th,  1755. 

Dear  Sir  : — I  am  always  tardy.  Your  kind  and  agree- 
able letter  of  October  last,  now  before  me,  ought  to  have  been 
answered  by  my  friend  Knox's  ship,  from  Pamunkey,  which 
sailed  some  time  in  June,  and  should  have  been  so,  had  the 
map  come  to  hand  in  time,  which  it  was  necessary  to  have 
my  hand  upon,  in  order  to  answer  some  parts  of  it.  I  am 
sorry  the  engraver  had  not  the  most  accurate  copy.  He  has 
copied  from  that  which  was  transmitted  to  the  Board  of 
Trade  and  Plantations,  who,  it  seems,  wrote  so  expressly  for 
it,  that  the  government  thought  proper  to  send  them  one  be- 
fore it  had  received  the  finishing  touch ;  since  that,  the  fuller 
draughts  have  been  sent  over  sea  by  the  compilers,  as  presents, 
one  to  the  late  pious  Bishop  of  Man,  Dr.  Wilson,  the  other  to 
a  clergyman  in  Bristol.  However,  sir,  incomplete  as  it  is, 
you  may  form  a  tolerable  guess,  where  each  of  our  families  is 
situated,  by  the  directions  which  I  am  about  to  give  you, 
whence  you  will  also  discover  how  the  American  branches  of 
the  Fontaine  family  are  dispersed,  and  how  seldom,  of  conse- 
quence, they  can  have   the  satisfaction   of  seeing  one  another, 

*  Son  of  Mary  Ann  Fontaine,  who  married  Matthew  Maury.    He  was 
ordained  in  London,  in  the  year  1742. 


LETTEKS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  379 

though  residents  in  the  same  colony.  But  it  is  some  comfort 
that  a  time  is  coming,  when  we  hope  for  a  happy  meeting  with 
all  who  are  dear  to  us,  in  a  happier  state,  however  separated 
at  present  by  extensive  tracts  of  land  and  sea. 

But,  to  the  map.  My  uncle  Peter's  habitation  is  in 
Charles  City  County,  about  two  miles  to  the  northward  of 
James  River,  pretty  near  midway  between  Weynoke  and 
Swineyards. 

Mr.  Isaac  Winston,  who  married  his  daughter,  resides  in 
Henrico,  on  the  south  side  of  Chickahominy,  about  six  miles 
from  the  meadow  bridges. 

My  cousin  Peter,  with  a  view  of  reaping  the  full  benefit 
of  his  place,  has  lately  removed  into  a  new  county,  called 
Halifax,  between  Stanton  and  Dan,  the  two  main  branches  of 
Roanoke  River,  and  lives  close  upon  the  southern  bank  of  the 
former,  some  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Difficult,  as  near 
as  I  can  guess  about  seven ;  for,  as  it  is  several  years  since  I 
was  on  the  spot,  and  only  once,  I  am  not  perfect  in  the  geo- 
graphy of  that  part  of  the  country. 

My  brother  Claiborne  has  seated  himself  among  the  Forks 
of  Nottoway,  in  Lunenburg. 

My  mother  lives  among  the  head  springs  of  Jack's  creek, 
which  empties  into  Pamunkey,  on  the  north  side. 

As  to  myself,  I  am  planted  about  two  miles  to  the  north- 
east of  Walker's  under  the  South  West  Mountains  in  Louisa, 
close  by  one  of  the  head  springs  of  the  main  northern  branch 
of  Pamunkey,  which  runs  through  my  grounds — a  very  whole- 
some, fertile,  and  pleasant  situation,  where,  I  thank  God,  I 
enjoy  more  blessings  and  comforts  than  I  deserve ;  and  am  as 
happy  as  a  good  member  of  society  can  be,  while  the  society 
to  which  he  belongs  is  in  a  suffering  and  calamitous  condition, 


380  Ml. M<>ii;s  <»i     A    BUGUINOT   FAMILY. 

as  you  will  perceive  by  my  letter  to  ray  uncle  John  (to  which 
I  refer  you)  ours  is  at  present  God  only  knows  when  it  will 
be  better  with  us ;  as  he  only  knows  when  and  how  the  pre- 
sent contest  between  Great  Britain  and  France  will  be  de- 
cided, upon  which  depends  the  all  not  only  of  this,  but  of 
every  other  British  plantation  in  America.  And  such  seems 
to  be  the  connection  between  the  mother  and  children  in  this 
case,  that  the  downfall  of  either  must  sooner  or  later  be  at- 
tended with  that  of  the  other. 

Our  people  are  loaded  with  debt  and  taxes.  Money  is 
much  scarcer  than  it  has  been  for  many  .years.  Our  spring 
crops  of  wheat,  barley,  oats,  and  rye,  have  been  ruined  by  an 
early  drought.  Our  Indian  corn,  the  main  support  of  man 
and  beast  in  this  part  of  the  world,  has  been  so  much  hurt  by 
a  later  drought,  that  I  fear  scarce  enough  will  be  made  for  the 
sustenance  of  our  people,  exclusive  of  our  stocks,  great  num- 
bers of  which  must  in  all  probability  perish  this  winter. 
Some  of  our  neighboring  colonies  have  likewise  suffered  in 
the  same  manner,  and  cannot  assist  us.  So  fertile,  too,  are 
our  lands,  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  magazine  for  grain 
in  all  British  America,  which,  as  it  has  never  known  the  want 
of  bread,  has  never  made  any  provision  against  it. 

Our  frontiers  are  daily  ravaged  by  savages,  and,  worse 
than  savages,  papists,  who,  in  conjunction  with  them,  captivate 
and  butcher  our  out-settlers,  and  have  drove  great  numbers  of 
them  into  the  thicker  inhabited  paris,  who,  as  they  have  left 
their  farms  and  stocks,  must  be  supported  by  us,  who  shall  be 
scarcely  able  to  support  our  own  families.  These,  with  many 
others  that  might  be  mentioned,  are  very  melancholy  and 
affecting  considerations.  However,  dependence  upon  the 
supreme  arbiter  of  all  things,  and  resignation  to  the  dispensa- 


•     LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MAURY.  381 

tions  of  infinite  wisdom  are,  not  only  our  duty  and  interest, 
but  also  our  greatest  comfort.  Though  storms  and  tempests 
rage  without,  it  has  been,  and  it  shall  be  my  study  to  keep  all 
within  calm  and  serene.  Happy  beyond  expression  are  they 
who,  when  laboring  under  national  or  private  calamities,  can 
say  with  David's  trust  and  confidence  :  God  is  our  refuge  and 
strength,  a  very  present  help  in  time  of  trouble ;  therefore  ivill 
we  not  fear  though  the  earth  be  removed,  and  the  mountains 
be  cast  into  the  midst  of  the  sea. 

As  to  the  controversy  of  the  two  crowns  about  limits,  that 
perhaps  has  not  so  much  alarmed  us  as  it  has  many  on  your 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  It  is  true  the  balance  is  held  by  the 
Almighty,  and  he  may  elevate  or  depress  which  scale  he 
pleases ;  but,  were  the  race  always  to  the  swift,  and  the  battle 
to  the  strong,  our  colonies  would  have  little  to  apprehend 
from  the  exertion  of  all  the  power  which  France,  especially  in 
a  general  war,  could  spare  to  annoy  us  here  on  this  continent. 
Her  American  strength,  compared  with  ours,  is  quite  con- 
temptible in  all  respects  but  one,  and  that  is,  the  wisdom  and 
prudence  with  which  it  is  directed.  Canada  is  a  very  un- 
friendly clime ;  her  soil  in  general  unfruitful.  Her  inhabit- 
ants, in  the  year  1748, 1  am  informed  by  persons  who  pretend 
to  know,  amounted  to  little  more  than  forty  thousand,  and  for 
that  number  the  lands  have  never  yet  produced  a  sufficiency 
of  bread.  Slaves  have  never  yet  been  found  as  industrious 
as  the  sons  of  liberty. 

The  British  plantations,  on  the  contrary,  are  both  fertile 
and  populous ;  so  fertile,  that  even  here  in  Virginia,  where 
our  main  force  is  applied  to  the  production  of  tobacco,  the 
labor  of  one  man  in  a  tolerable  year  will  feed  eight,  besides 
a  competent  number  of  hogs,  sheep,  horses,  and  cattle  ;  and  so 


382  MEMOIRS    OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

populous,  that  on  the  most  modest  calculation,  His  Majesty 
has  four  hundred  thousand  men  on  this  continent  capable  of 
bearing  arms,  hardy  and  robust,  and  ready,  whenever  called 
upon,  to  sacrifice  life  and  fortune  in  his  service  and  their 
country's  cause.  This  strength  wisely  directed,  would  be 
justly  formidable  to  France.  But,  it  is  our  common  misfor- 
tune, that  there  is  no  mutual  dependence,  no  close  connection 
between  these  several  colonies ;  they  are  quite  disunited  by 
separate  views  and  distinct  interests ;  and  like  a  bold  and 
rapid  river,  which,  though  resistless  when  included  in  one 
channel,  is  yet  easily  resistible  when  subdivided  into  several 
inferior  streams  and  currents.  The  Indians,  though  not  very 
polite,  are  politic  enough  to  observe  this  defect  in  our  polity, 
and  honest  enough  to  tell  us  that  we  resemble  a  chain  of  sand. 
A  remedy  for  this  evil,  though  obvious  and  practicable,  and 
recommended  seriously  by  several  of  His  Majesty's  governors 
here,  the  great  men  on  your  side  of  the  water  have  not  thought 
proper  to  apply,  from  a  principle  in  politics,  which  we  on  this 
side  of  it  think  more  obvious  than  wise  or  just. 

The  colonies,  sensible  of  the  manifest  disadvantages  of 
their  present  unconnected  state,  have  long  wished  for  a  coali- 
tion by  means  of  a  General  Council  formed  by  a  certain  num- 
ber of  deputies  from  each  colony,  to  be  presided  over  by  a 
person  commissioned  by  His  Majesty  to  act  as  his  representa- 
tive. By  this  means,  the  whole  strength  of  his  subjects  here 
(who,  except  a  small  intermixture  of  papists,  and  some  natives 
of  the  northern  part  of  your  island,  are  behind  none  of  their 
fellow-subjects  in  loyalty)  might  be  easily  and  successfully 
exerted  against  any  of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  in  this 
quarter  of  the  world. 

Though  we  are  numerous,  we  are  poor,  and  unable  to  raise 


LETTEES   OF   JAMES   MAURY.  383 

such  large  sums  of  money  as  would  be  required  to  defray  the 
heavy  expenses  of  war ;  and  this  is  an  evil  which  might  also 
have  been  partly  remedied,  had  not  Great  Britain  chosen  to 
buy  of  her  European  neighbors,  her  rivals  in  many  respects, 
articles  which  she  might  have  had  from  her  children  here,  as 
good  in  kind,  and  at  cheaper  rates.  But,  poor  as  we  are,  we 
have  already  exerted  ourselves  to  the  utmost  in  the  present 
dispute,  and  we  still  intend  to  do  so,  desirous  to  convince  our 
common  mother,  that  we  are  in  truth,  what  we  have  often  pro- 
fessed ourselves  to  be,  her  dutiful  children.  We  want  not 
men,  but  only  money  to  pay  them,  and  to  pay  for  arms,  ammu- 
nition, and  a  few  engineers.  We  wish  to  see  none  of  your 
officers,  nor  indeed  regulars,  unless  they  be  better  than  what 
we  have  seen.  As  to  any  officers  which  may  hereafter  be  sent 
over,  officers  of  rank,  I  mean »  if  they  make  as  free  with  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  the  constitutions  of  the  several 
governments,  as  a  late  gentleman  has  attempted  to  do,  and  in 
some  particulars  has  actually  done,  I  am  so  far  a  prophet  as 
to  foretell,  that  neither  your  interests  nor  ours  will  be  ever 
promoted  by  them.  I  believe  it  is  the  general  opinion  here, 
that,  liberty  and  property  once  lost,  a  people  have  nothing  left 
worth  contending  for.  Had  we  been  a  people  conquered  and 
enslaved,  a  polite  and  generous  conqueror  would  have  treated 
us  with  less  rudeness  and  insolence  than  the  gentleman  above 
hinted  at  (now  no  more)  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  adven- 
tured to  treat  us  Americans,  which.  I  am  almost  confident 
nothing  but  an  honest  zeal  to  further  by  all  means  the  com- 
mon cause,  prevented  them  from  resenting  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  they  would  the  acts  of  a  public  enemy.  But  I  will  add 
nothing  further  on  this  head,  lest  I  break  through  my  above- 
mentioned  resolve,  of  keeping  all  within    calm  and    serene, 


384  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

which  I  am  sensible  would  by  no  means  recommend  me  to  one 
of  your  calm  and  equable  disposition. 

You  are  already  so  well  convinced  what  weight  your 
opinion  has  with  me,  that,  should  I  tell  you,  how  much  fonder 
I  have  been  of  that  mode  of  instruction,  on  which  I  have 
providentially  fallen,  since  it  has  obtained  your  approbation 
than  I  was  before,  I  foresee,  you  would  in  your  next  charge 
me  with  saying  what  is  superfluous.  That,  which  you  tell  me 
you  have  so  happily  pursued  in  the  education  of  my  cousins, 
seems  excellently  calculated  for  answering  all  the  good  ends 
proposed.  Although,  perhaps,  it  may  not  be  so  proper  for 
public  instruction,  especially  in  such  extensive  parishes  as 
some  in  Virginia,  yet  I  have  so  great  an  opinion  of  it  for  the 
education  of  a  small  community,  that,  God  willing,  I  propose 
to  make  experiments  of  it  in  my  own  family,  as  soon  as  the 
winter  evenings  come  on.  I  can  well  remember  when  it  was 
my  own  misfortune  to  receive  words  without  the  proper  ideas ; 
which  has  doubtless  been  the  misfortune  of  many  others. 
And,  in  that  case,  as  you  remark,  words  are  of  but  little  use. 

Hereabouts  I  thought  to  have  closed,  but  remembering 
that  I  have  not  mentioned  some  places  to  my  uncle  John, 
which  are  either  .not  set  down  in  the  map,  or  have  received 
new  names  since  the  map  was  published,  I  imagine  you  will 
readily  excuse  the  following  directions. 

In  the  map  I  perceive  the  name  of  a  river  erased,  empty- 
ing itself  into  New  River,  and  in  its  general  tendency  for 
some  considerable  distance,  pointing  towards  the  angle  be- 
tween the  south  boundary  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  west  of 
Maryland,  and  thence  through  several  meanders  penetrating 
into  the  Alleghany  mountains,  between  Spring  Head  and 
Laurel  Thickets.     The  word   erased   I  guess  to  be  Yaugh- 


LETTERS    OF    JAMES    MAURY.  385 

yaughgaine.  If  so,  there  was  an  error,  which  I  imagine  has 
been  corrected  here  by  the  surviving  compiler  of  the  map. 
The  river  now  described  has  since  been  discovered  to  be  Mo- 
nongahela, though  wrongly  planned  off,  for  it  discharges  itself 
into  the  Ohio,  in  the  latitude  of  about  30  deg.  48  min.  N. 
On  the  point  of  land  formed  by  the  confluence  of  these,  Fort 
Duquesne  now  stands,  to  the  eastward  of  the  latter,  and  the 
northward  of  the  former.  If  you  would  have  Monongahela 
correctly  laid  down,  you  are  to  erase  the  river,  which  I  sus- 
pect is  called  Yaughyaughgaine,  from  about  four  miles  below 
that  branch  of  it  which  most  directly  points  to  the  above-men- 
tioned angle,  quite  down  to  New  River,  and  then  extend  it  in 
an  almost  straight  course  from  where  you  began  to  erase 
quite  down  to  the  Ohio,  in  the  above-mentioned  latitude. 

Yaughyaughgaine  is  a  branch  of  Monongahela,  and  falls 
into  it  on  the  north  side,  lat.  N.  39  deg.  43  min.  and  long.  W. 
from  Philadelphia  5  deg.  7  min.,  and,  after  having  run  about 
twenty-five  miles  almost  east,  divides  into  three  branches 
called  the  Turkey  Foot,  one  of  which  verges  northerly,  the 
other  southerly,  and  the  third  easterly,  but  none  reach  so  far 
as  the  main  chain  of  hills.  Between  the  branches  of  this  and 
Monongahela,  about  forty  miles  back  of  the  hills  just  men- 
tioned, are  the  Great  Meadows  where  our  brave  Washington 
was  last  year  attacked  by  the  French  and  Indians. 

On  the  north  side  of  Cohongoronto  you  will  see  Caicuck- 
tuck.  since  called  Will's  Creek,  on  the  point  of  land  formed 
by  which  and  the  river,  on  the  western  side  of  the  creek,  is 
built  Fort  Cumberland,  from  which  the  brave  but  unfortu- 
nate, and  I  believe  I  may  add,  imprudent  General  Braddock 
marched  this  summer  against  Duquesne,  near  which,  my  un- 
cle John,  as  well  as  the  public  prints   can  inform  you,  how 

17 


3S6  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

shamefully  he  was  defeated  by  a  contemptible  band  of  naked 
French  and  Indians. 

As  I  believe  you  to  be  master  of  a  good  stock  of  patience, 
and  as  you  have  informed  me  of  the  extraordinary  strength 
of  your  eyes,  you  will  suspect  I  mean  to  put  both  to  the  test, 
if  I  go  much  farther ;  my  pen,  too,  is  almost  foundered,  my 
fiugers  cramped,  and  my  stock  of  matter  almost  exhausted,  so 
that,  after  desiring  you  to  accept  of  our  good  wishes  and  re- 
spects, I  shall  take  my  leave  of  you  for  the  present,  with  a 
declaration  that  I  am,  very  sincerely,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  dutiful  nephew, 

James  Maury. 


Louisa  County,  Feedeeicksyille  Paeish,  Jan.  10,  1756. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  kind  letter,  bearing  date  1st  January, 
I  have  now  sat  down  to  answer,  and  must  tell  you  I  consider 
it  as  a  New-Year's  gift ;  and  believe  me,  it  is  a  very  accept- 
able one. 

It  pleases  me  much  that  the  directions  sent  you  as  to  the 
habitations  of  our  relations  here,  and  as  to  some  alterations 
requisite  to  be  made  in  the  map  of  Virginia  to  render  it  more 
complete  had  been  intelligible.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  pres- 
ent troubles,  which  have  rendered  it  unsafe  for  our  people  to 
make  such  long  peregrinations  into  the  backwoods  as  they 
used  to  do  before  their  commencement,  many  other  inaccura- 
cies would  doubtless,  ere  this,  have  been  discovered  in  the 
western  parts  of  it,  where  the  courses  of  many  considerable 
streams,  several  ranges  of  hills,  and  other  particulars,  must 
have  been  laid  down,  partly  on  conjecture,  and  partly  on  but 
imperfect  information,  which  will  ever  be  the  case  with  one 


LETTERS    OF    JAMES    MAURY.  387 

who  undertakes  to  publish  a  map  of  a  country  not  yet  thor- 
oughly explored,  or  actually  surveyed.  Since  the  publication 
of  that  map.  another  has  made  its  appearance  in  the  world, 
much  more  extensive,  as  it  comprehends  all  that  part  of  the 
British  American  Empire  that  lies  between  Boston  and  the 
southern  boundary  of  Virginia,  the  Territory  of  the  six  con- 
federate Northern  Indian  nations,  the  river  St.  Lawrence 
almost  from  Quebec  to  its  source,  the  various  communications 
between  that  river  and  the  lakes,  and  Ohio ;  also  Ohio  with 
its  dependencies  lower  than  the  Falls  ;  and  in  short,  the  pres- 
ent scene  of  action  as  far  as  their  Excellencies  Shirley  and 
Johnson  are,  and  Braddoc  was  concerned,  published  by  Lewis 
Evans,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  and  engraven  there,  and  there- 
fore, in  that  respect  clumsily  executed.  With  it  the  author 
has  published  an  instructive,  curious,  and  useful  pamphlet,  ex- 
planatory not  only  of  the  map,  but  of  many  particulars,  too, 
relative  to  the  face  and  products,  and  natural  advantages  of 
the  tract  of  territory  which  is  the  subject  of  it.  The  map  is 
but  small,  not  above  half  as  large  as  Fry  and  Jefferson's,  con- 
sequently crowded.  Though  both  it  and  the  pamphlet  be 
liable  to  several  exceptions,  and  I  believe  just  ones,  yet  both 
are  very  useful  in  the  main,  and  together,  give  an  attentive 
peruser  a  clear  idea  of  the  value  of  the  now  contested  lands 
and  waters  to  either  of  the  two  competitor  princes,  together 
with  a  proof  amounting  to  more  than  probability,  that  he  of 
the  two  who  shall  remain  master  of  Ohio  and  the  Lakes  at 
the  end  of  the  dispute,  must,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years, 
without  an  interposal  of  Providence  to  prevent  it,  become  sole 
and  absolute  lord  of  North  America,  to  which  I  will  farther 
add  as  my  own  private  opinion,  that  the  same  will  one  day  or 
other  render  either  Hudson's  river  at  New-York,  or  Potomac 


388  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

river  in  Virginia,  the  grand  emporium  of  all  East  Indian 
commodities.  Marvel  not  at  this,  however  surprising  it  may 
seem  ;  perhaps,  before  I  have  done  with  you.  you  will  believe 
it  to  be  not  entirejy  chimera. 

When  it  is  considered  how  far  the  eastern  branches  of  that 
immense  river,  Mississippi,  extend  eastward,  and  how  near 
they  come  to  the  navigable,  or  rather  canoeable  parts  of  the 
rivers  which  empty  themselves  into  the  sea  that  washes  our 
shores  to  the  east,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  its  western 
branches  reach  as  far  the  other  way,  and  make  as  near  ap- 
proaches to  rivers  emptying  themselves  into  the  ocean  to  the 
west  of  us,  the  Pacific  Ocean,  across  which  a  short  and  easy 
communication,  short  in  comparison  with  the  present  route 
thither,  opens  itself  to  the  navigator  from  that  shore  of  the 
continent  unto  the  Eastern  Indies. 

Before  I  go  on,  lest  from  the  word  canoeable,  just  now 
used,  you  should  form  but  a  contemptible  idea  of  the  naviga- 
tion of  a  river  which  must  be  carried  on  by  vessels  slender 
and  tottering  as  canoes,  I  must  beg  you  will  suspend  sentence 
for  a  while,  and  give  me  time  to  inform  you,  that  although 
one  single  canoe  will  carry  but  a  small  weight,  yet  nothing  is 
more  common  than  to  see  two  of  these  tottering  vehicles, 
when  lashed  together  side  by  side  with  cords,  or  any  other 
strong  bandages,  carrying  down  our  upland  streams  eight  or 
nine  heavy  hogsheads  of  tobacco  at  a  time  to  the  warehouses, 
rolled  on  their  gunwales  crossways,  and  secured  against  mov- 
ing fore  or  aft  by  a  small  piece  of  wood  drove  under  the  bilge 
of  the  two  extreme  hogsheads  ;  an  almost  incredible  weight 
for  such  slender  embarkations  !  But  as  they  will  bear  such  a 
burden,  their  slender  contexture  is  an  advantage ;  they  draw 
but  few  inches  water,  move  down  a  current  with  great  velo- 


LETTEES    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  389 

city,  and  leave  the  waterman  nothing  but  Palinurus's  task  to 
perform  when  going  downwards ;  and  when  they  return,  two 
men  will  shove  the  canoes  with  poles  as  far  against  stream  in 
one  day,  as  four  brisk  watermen  with  oars  can  a  boat  that  will 
carry  the  same  burden,  in  two  days.  For  this  great  improve- 
ment of  inland  navigation,  we  mountaineers  are  indebted  to 
the  late  Reverend  and  ingenious  Mr.  Rose.  But,  to  return : 
There  are  more  than  probable  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
western  branches  of  this  river  are  no  less  extensive  than  its 
eastern  branches.  This  is  a  common  property  of  most  rivers, 
and  that  it  is  of  the  Mississippi,  I  have  the  authority  of  one 
Mr.  Cox,  an  English  gentleman  who,  either  some  time  before, 
or  during  the  reign  of  King  William  III  (in  virtue  of  a 
charter  granted  by  Charles  I.,  if  I  remember  right,  for  I  speak 
without  book,  to  his  Attorney-General,  Sir  Robert  Heath,  con- 
stituting him  the  Lord-Proprietor  of  the  lands  and  waters  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  afterwards  transferred  through  several 
hands,  till  it  fell  into  those  of  this  gentleman),  sailed  up  to  its 
Great  Falls  near  1500  miles  from  its  mouth,  both  took  its 
soundings  that  whole  distance,  traced  some  of  its  most  consid- 
erable branches  on  either  side,  and  almost  up  to  their  sources, 
made  a  settlement  and  planted  a  colony  upon  it  near  midway 
that  distance,  if  my  memory  fails  me  not,  and  published  a  map 
of  it  from  his  own  and  the  Company's  journals  as  far  as  those 
Falls ;  and  above  them,  from  what  information  he  could  col- 
lect from  the  savages.  One  of  its  western  branches,  he  tells 
you,  he  followed  through  its  various  meanders  for  seven  hun- 
dred miles  (which,  I  believe,  is  called  Missouri  by  the  natives, 
or  Red  River,  from  the  color  of  its  waters),  and  then  received 
intelligence  from  the  natives  that  its  head  springs  interlocked 
in  a  neighboring  mountain  with  the  head  springs  of  another 


390  MEMOIRS    OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

river,  to  the  westward  of  these  same  mountains,  discharging 
itself  into  a  large  lake  called  Thoyago,  which  pours  its  waters 
through  a  large  navigable  river  into  a  "boundless  sea,  where, 
they  told  him,  they  had  seen  prodigious  large  canoes,  with 
three  masts,  and  men  almost  as  fair  as  himself,  if  I  mistake 
not ;  for,  as  I  have  read  a  History  of  the  travels  of  an  Indian 
towards  those  regions,  as  well  as  those  of  Mr.  Cox,  the  reports 
of  the  natives  to  both  of  them  as  to  the  large  canoes  are  so 
similar,  that  I  perhaps  may  confound  one  with  the  other. 
Mr.  Cox's  book,  I  imagine,  is  very  scarce.  I  know  of  but  one 
copy  in  this  colony,  of  which  I  had  an  accidental,  and  there- 
fore a  cursory  view,  about  four  years  ago.  It  is  a  small 
octavo  volume,  entitled  Cox's  Carolana,  that  country  being 
thus  called  from  the  Donor. 

Now,  sir,  though  this  narrative  hath  in  it  something  of  the 
romantic  air  of  the  voyager,  yet  the  author's  accounts  of  such 
branches  of  that  river,  and  such  parts  of  that  country,  even  as 
high  up  as  the  latitude  of  Huron's  Lake,  and  also  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  extent,  situation,  shape,  soundings  and  other  pro- 
perties of  the  Lakes  now  confessedly  navigated  by  him,  toge- 
ther with  his  character  of  the  circumjacent  lands,  are  said  to 
have  been  found  just  by  late  discoveries,  as  far  as  discoveries 
have  been  made.  And,  if  so,  it  is  but  reasonable  to  give 
credit  to  what  he  tells  us  concerning  others  of  its  waters  and 
countries,  into  which,  perhaps,  no  British  subject  has  ever 
since  penetrated. 

I  presume  the  credit  which  Colonel  Fry  gave  to  Mr.  Cox, 
and  his  recommending  these  matters  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Governor  and  Council,  gave  birth  to  a  grand  scheme 
formed  here  about  three  years  ago.  But  this  is  only  a  con- 
jecture, founded  on  my  having  seen  that  book  at  his  house. 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES    MAURY.  391 

The  scheme  might  have  been  formed  in  Great  Britain,  and  was 
this.  Some  persons  were  to  be  sent  in  search  of  that  river 
Missouri,  if  that  be  the  right  name  of  it,  in  order  to  discover 
whether  it  had  any  such  communication  with  the  Pacific 
Ocean :  they  were  to  follow  that  river  if  they  found  it,  and 
make  exact  reports  of  the  country  they  passed  through,  the 
distance  they  travelled,  what  sort  of  navigation  those  rivers 
and  lakes  afforded,  &c,  &c.  And  this  project  was  so  near  be- 
ing reduced  into  practice,  that  a  worthy  friend  and  neighbor  of 
mine,  who  has  been  extremely  useful  to  the  Colony  in  the 
many  discoveries  he  has  made  to  the  westward,  was  appointed 
to  be  the  chief  conductor  of  the  whole  affair,  had,  by  order  of 
their  Honors,  drawn  up  a  list  of  all  the  necessary  implements 
and  apparatus  for  such  an  attempt,  and  an  estimate  of  the  ex- 
pense, and  was  upon  the  point  of  making  all  proper  prepara- 
tions for  setting  out.  when  a  sudden  stop  was  put  to  the  fur- 
ther prosecution  of  the  scheme  for  the  present,  by  a  commence- 
ment of  hostilities  between  this  Colony  and  the  French  and 
their  Indians,  which  rendered  a  passage  through  the  interja- 
cent nations  with  whom  they  are  ever  tampering,  too  hazard- 
ous to  be  attempted.  This.  I  must  observe  to  you,  still  re- 
mains a  secret ;  and  to  prevent  its  discovery  to  the  enemy,  in 
case  the  ship  I  write  by  should  be  taken,  the  person  to  whom  I 
have  recommended  this  packet  has  instructions  to  throw  it 
overboard  in  time.  However,  you  are  at  liberty  to  impart  it 
to  my  uncle  John,  or  to  any  other  friend,  of  whose  retentive 
faculty  you  can  be  as  confident  as  I  can  be  of  yours.  But  to 
return  once  more.  As  there  is  such  short  and  easy  communi- 
cation by  means  of  canoe  navigation,  and  some  short  portages 
between  stream  and  stream,  from  the  Potomac,  from  Hudson's 
River  in  New-York,  and  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Ohio, 


392  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

the  two  latter  through  the  lakes,  the  former  the  best  and 
shortest.  As  there  also  is  good  navigation,  not  only  for  ca- 
noes and  batteaux,  but  for  large  flats,  schooners  and  sloops 
down  the  Ohio  into  the  Mississippi,  should  Cox's  account  be 
true  of  the  communication  of  this  last  river  with  the  South 
Sea,  with  only  one  portage,  I  leave  you  to  judge  of  what 
vast  importance  such  a  discovery  would  be  to  Great  Britain, 
as  well  as  to  her  Plantations,  which,  in  that  case,  as  I  ob- 
served above,  must  become  the  general  mart  of  the  European 
World,  at  least  for  the  rich  and  costly  products  of  the  East, 
and  a  mart  at  which  chapmen  might  be  furnished  with  all 
those  commodities  on  much  easier  terms  than  the  tedious  and 
hazardous,  and  expensive  navigation  to  those  countries  can  at 
present  afford.  This  would  supersede  the  necessity  of  going 
any  more  in  quest  of  the  North  East  passage,  which,  proba- 
bly, if  ever  discovered,  will  also  be  productive  of  another  dis- 
covery, that  it  lies  in  too  inclement  a  latitude  ever  to  be 
useful. 

The  discovery  of  a  communication  through  this  part  of 
the  continent  with  the  South  Sea,  would  not  only  be  a  nursery 
for  our  seamen,  but  would  be  instrumental  in  saving  the  lives 
of  great  numbers  of  them,  under  Heaven,  the  protectors  of 
you  and  of  us ;  who,  poor  fellows,  drop  off  like  rotten  sheep 
by  scorbutic  disorders  consequent  upon  such  long  voyages  as 
that  to  the  East  Indies. 

What  an  exhaustless  fund  of  wealth  would  here  be  opened 
superior  to  Potosi  and  all  the  other  South  American  mines  ! 
What  an  extent  of  region !  What  a —  !  But  no  more.  These 
are  visionary  excursions  into  futurity,  with  which  I  some- 
times used  to  feast  my  imagination,  ever  dwelling  with  plea- 
sure on  the  consideration  of  whatever  bids  fair   for  contri- 


LETTERS    OF    JAMES    MAURY.  393 

buting  to  extend  the  empire  and  augment  the  strength  of  our 
mother  island,  as  that  would  be  diffusing  liberty  both  civil 
and  religious,  and  her  daughter  Felicity  the  wider,  and  at  the 
same  time  be  a  means  of  aggrandizing  and  enriching  this  spot 
of  the  globe,  to  which  every  civil  and  social  tie  binds  me,  and 
for  which  I  have  the  tenderest  regard. 

But,  these  pleasing  expectations,  if  not  entirely  vanished, 
are  much  weakened  and  suspended,  till  Heaven  decide  the 
controversy  between  the  two  mighty  monarchs  now  contend- 
ing, in  some  sort,  for  the  empire  of  the  world. 

Sir,  as  these  lands  now  in  dispute  are  so  immensely  valu- 
able, what  reason  can  you  assign  why  most  of  the  great  men 
with  you,  and  why  persons  of  the  highest  rank  here,  with  very 
few  exceptions,  either  were,  or  seemed  to  be,  quite  unac- 
quainted with  its  value  till  of  late  ?  I  know  the  reason  of  it 
here.  Great  men  are  too  wise  to  be  informed.  They  are  too 
indolent  to  look  about  them  :  therefore  their  views  and  no- 
tions of  matters  of  this  nature,  are  contracted  within  so  nar- 
row a  compass,  that  they  think  nothing  worth  their  inquiry 
beyond  their  own  reach.  And,  when  men  of  inferior  fortune, 
but  not  therefore  of  inferior  merit,  have  been  animated  by  a 
principle  both  of  industry  and  public  spirit,  to  search  un- 
known forests  and  wilds,  and  made  discoveries  valuable  and 
important  to  the  State,  and  imparted  them  to  these  epicurean 
gods,  they  either  discountenance,  disregard,  or  discredit  them. 
This,  in  too  many  instances,  has  been  the  misfortune  here, 
though  not  in  all,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  scheme  commu- 
nicated above,  which  is  an  instance  to  the  contrary,  provided 
my  conjecture  be  correct,  that  it  was  originally  formed  here. 

On  the  other  hand,  our  politic  and  sagacious,  though  tur- 
bulent  neighbors,  leave  nothing  unattempted  to  extend  the 

17* 


394  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

territory,  and  heighten  the  glory  of  th'e  Grand  Monarch. 
For,  I  am  told  that  in  Canada,  to  have  made  the  tour  of  the 
Lakes,  and  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  is  reckoned  an  essential 
qualification,  almost  the  sine  qua  non  to  recommend  young 
gentlemen  to  any  important  posts,  civil  or  military,  under  the 
government,  the  advantages  of  which  they  are  now  reaping. 
And  happy  would  it  have  been  for  us  if  a  tour  of  the  same 
nature  had  been  an  especial  qualification  for  recommending 
gentlemen  to  seats  in  the  Supreme  Court,  while  those  regions 
were  equally  accessible  to  us  and  to  them.  But  now,  these 
gentlemen  living  in  the  lower  parts  of  the  country,  within  a 
day's  ride  of  Williamsburg,  except  one,  and  none  of  them 
knowing  any  thing  of  the  back  country,  our  frontiers,  from 
this  very  reason,  have  been  left  thus  naked  and  exposed. 

Great  are  my  hopes,  that  as  the  people  both  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  Colonies  seem  now  at  length  to  be  highly  sen- 
sible of  the  mischiefs  of  our  past  lethargy  and  supineness,  we 
at  last  shall  rouse,  and  let  those  bold  intruders  know  they  are 
not  thus  insolently  to  encroach  on  the  demesne  of  the  British 
Crown  with  impunity,  nor  peaceably  allowed  to  wrest  from  us 
a  country,  the  present  intrinsic  value  of  which,  together  with 
such  future  and  contingent  advantages  as  are  in  prospect,  be- 
sides others  out  of  view,  of  which  yet  the  womb  of  time  may 
be  productive,  almost  exceed  the  power  of  numbers  to  calcu- 
late. Were  I  only  to  enumerate  in  a  concise  manner  such  of 
the  important  benefits  only  of  the  country  watered  by  the 
Ohio,  which  is  but  one  branch  of  the  Mississippi,  as  oceur 
even  to  myself,  who  have  not  leisure  to  attend  to  matters  of 
that  sort,  my  letter  would  swell  to  an  enormous  size.  Your 
own  imagination,  therefore,  shall  be  permitted  at  leisure  to 
range  this  ample   field  which  I  have  here  been  endeavoring  to 


LETTEES    OF    JAMES    MAUKY.  395 

open  just  to  your  view,  or  rather  to  bring  you  nearer  the 
verge  of.  You  will  no  doubt  ruminate  with  some  little  satis- 
faction on  the  vast  importance  of  that  prodigious  river  Mis- 
sissippi, which  is  said  to  take  its  rise  on  the  south  side  of 
hills  which  empty  the  springs  on  their  northern  side  into 
Hudson's  Bay,  which  rolls  its  waters  due  south,  through  a 
great  variety  of  latitudes,  between  those  mountains  and  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  where  it  intermingles  with  the  sea,  and,  in  its 
course,  waters  a  fat  and  fertile  soil,  which,  from  those  various 
latitudes,  with  proper  culture,  is  capable  of  bearing  almost  any 
of  the  productions  of  any  climate  or  country. 

Of  this  the  French  are  well  aware,  as  I  collect  from  their 
insinuations  to  the    various   European  powers,   in    order    to 
weaken  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  among  them,  that  the 
sole  possession  of  North  America  which  they  apprehend  would 
be  the  consequence  of  our  keeping  the   Ohio  and  the  Lakes 
without  partner  or  rival,  would  put  it  in  the  power  of  England 
not  only  to  grasp  at,  but  seize  universal  monarchy  in  Europe,  in 
process  of  time.     And  though  I  may  be  mistaken,  yet  I  verily 
believe   as  much.     However,   I   think  the  Monsieurs  in  this 
ship  have  been  somewhat  abandoned  by  their  usual  sagacity, 
since  the  powers  of  Europe,  upon  an  impartial  comparison  of 
the  past  conduct  of  the  two  contending  nations  for  some  cen- 
turies back,  may  possibly  form  a  conclusion  but  little  favor- 
able to  them — a  conclusion  that  should  the  English  get  such 
an  opportunity,  there   is  only  a  probability  that  they  might ; 
but  should  the  French  get   such  an  opportunity,  there  is  an 
infallible  certainty  that  they  would  make  use  of  it :  and  also 
that  in  the  former  case  liberty,  both  civil  and  religious,  but, 
in  the  latter,  tyranny  of  both  kinds  would  be  more  widely  dif- 
fused and  extensively  propagated. 


396  MKMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Your  observations  and  criticisms,  or  rather  hints  on  the 
probability  of  the  children  doing  well  without  the  parent, 
and  on  the  coalition  I  mentioned  in  my  last,  appear  to  me  ex- 
tremely just,  and  have  contributed  to  open  my  eyes.  How- 
ever, they  are  subjects  that  require  to  be  treated  with  great 
delicacy,  and  like  fenny  lands,  will  only  bear  to  be  gently 
touched  and  slightly  skimmed.  God  only  knows  the  determi- 
nations of  his  own  wise  counsels,  or  what  grand  revolutions 
may  be  ripe  for  birth.  Our  business  is  patiently  to  wait  their 
execution,  and  when  executing  or  executed,  humbly  to  acqui- 
esce in  them  as  wise,  and  just,  and  right,  and  best. 

Our  public  affairs,  as  you  will  collect  from  mine  to  my 
uncle  John,  are  not  in  such  a  state  as  blind  mortals,  who  see 
but  little  beyond  the  present,  would  wish,  or  as  a  friend  to 
his  country,  who  attentively  surveys  them,  any  satisfaction. 

You  will  therefore  also  see,  that  we  are  trying  first  one  ex- 
pedient and  then  another,  to  give  them  a  more  pleasing  aspect, 
depending,  I  hope,  on  Providence,  to  crown  them  with  success. 
For  this  purpose,  several  schemes  have  been  recommended, 
and  several  projects  seen  the  light,  besides  many  more  which 
probably  have  perished  in  their  embryo  state. 

Among  other  adventurers  of  this  sort  in  the  aerial  world 
who  erect  elaborate  piles  of  building  in  the  air,  you  will  fear  I 
have  classed  myself,  from  a  letter  which,  at  the  request  of 
some  neighboring  gentlemen,  I  wrote  to  one  of  His  Majesty's 
Council  here,  of  which  I  herewith  send  you  a  copy,  with  a 
\iew  (since  you  seem  inquisitive  into  our  affairs)  of  letting  you 
further  into  our  present  circumstances ;  from  the  contents  of 
which,  I  imagine,  you  will  discover  what  we  think  has  cer- 
tainly rendered  them  bad  as  they  are,  and  what  we  believe  to 
be  the  most  effectual  method  to  mend  them.     And  in  order  to 


LEITfcJfcj    OE    JAMES    MAURY.  397 

render  that  letter  still  more  conducive  to  those  purposes,  I 
propose  to  add  to  it  some  explanatory  annotations,  if  I  can 

find  time. 

Although  I  have  already  given  such  a  loose  to  my  pen,  I 
must  not  yet  hold  my  hand.  Your  postscript  enjoins  me  to 
give  some  certain  directions  where  my  mother  lives.  Infan- 
dam  jubes  renovare  dolorem  !  Alas  !  she  lives  no  more  on 
earth  !  She,  for  several  reasons,  the  most  weighty  of  which 
was,  to  consult  my  brother's  interest,  determined  to  remove  to 
Lunenburg,  and  spend  the  remainder  of  her  days  with  him. 
But  as  he  was  not  yet  prepared  for  accommodating  her  there 
in  a  manner  suitable  to  her  age  and  many  infirmities,  she  last 
fall  accepted  of  an  invitation  from  my  uncle  Peter,  to  make 
his  house  her  home,  while  my  brother  was  preparing  for  her 
reception.  There,  I  doubt  not,  the  great  kindness  of  my  aunt, 
and  my  uncle's  vivacity,  as  well  as  agreeable  and  instructive 
conversation,  contributed  to  her  passing  the  time  with  much 
comfort  and  satisfaction  for  a  while,  that  is,  until  the  hour 
was  come  when  she  was  summoned  to  remove  home  into  a 
building  of  God,  an  house  not  made  with  hands,  eternal  in  the 
heavens.  That  she  now  lives  there,  we  have  abundant  reason 
to  conclude,  as  from  her  deportment  while  in  the  body,  so 
from  the  manner  in  which  she  relinquished  that  perishable 
tabernacle  ;  of  which  my  brother  has  given  me  some  account  in 
two  letters.  One  informs  me  when,  about  three  in  the  after- 
noon, on  Tuesday  the  30th  of  December  last,  after  four  days' 
illness ;  the  other,  how  ;  the  most  important  point,  which 
please  to  take  in  his  own  words.  "  The  manner  of  her  death 
was  much  like  my  father's.  She  was  first  taken  with  an  ague, 
which  was  followed  by  a  fever,  which,  after  three  days'  con- 
tinuance, deprived  her  of  the  use  of  one  side.     When  my  aunt 


o!*S  KEMO|R8   OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

acquainted  her  she  was  dying,  she  lifted  up  her  hands  and 
thanked  God  that  he  had  at  length  heard  her  prayers ;  and 
she  spent  her  last  moments  in  wholesome  admonitions  to  all 
about  her,  and  in  blessing  us  her  children  and  all  that  we 
have.  Thus,"  adds  my  dear  brother,  ."  our  dearest  mother 
made  a  most  glorious  end  !  which,  God  grant  we  may  all  have 
the  happiness  to  make  whenever  we  shall  be  called  upon !" 
Amen  !  say  I ;  -and  so  I  am  confident  will  you  too.  The 
grand  business  of  life  is  to  prepare  for  death,  as  that  is  pre- 
paring for  eternity.  Of  all  the  acts  of  that  piece,  the  last  is 
the  most  important  as  well  as  the  most  difficult,  and  therefore 
requires  spiritual  succor  to  perform  it  well.  My  mother  hav- 
ing performed  her  last  act  so  well,  is  much  comfort  even  in 
the  midst  of  affliction.  Death,  it  seems,  was  regarded  by  her 
in  the  true  light,  as  a  removal  from  a  laborious  and  fatiguing 
post  to  a  state  of  reward,  for  having  so  faithfully  maintained 
it.  This,  surely,  caused  her  consolations  to  abound  and  over- 
flow in  that  hour  of  darkness,  and  has,  I  hope,  had  the  same 
effect  on  her  surviving  friends,  as  far  as  self-love  and  other 
imperfections  of  human  nature  will  permit. 

The  decease  of  a  person  of  her  character,  if  we  listen  to 
divine  revelation  and  unbiassed  reason,  cannot  be  lamented 
on  the  person's  own  account,  except  we  think  it  acting  a  ra- 
tional and  Christian  part  to  grieve  that  the  deceased  has  ex- 
changed mortality  and  corruption  for  immortality  and  incor- 
ruption,  and  removed  from  the  busy,  perplexing  and  toilsome 
scenes  of  life  to  a  permanent  and  immutable  state  of  rest,  and 
peace,  and  bliss.  However,  at  first,  it  is  true  we  are  but  too 
apt  to  do  so  ;  prompted  thereto  partly  by  the  tender  affec- 
tions of  humanity,  and  partly  by  a  very  singular  regard  for 
ourselves,  which  makes  us  reluctant  to  part  from  the  comfort 


LETTERS    OE    JAMES    MAURY.  399 

and  pleasure  we  used  to  enjoy  in  the  conversation  and  society 
of  the  departed.     But,  though  it  is  not  avoidable  to  sorrow 
on  such  occasions,  yet  there  are  not  only  different  degrees,  but 
different  kinds  of  sorrow,  too  :  and,  were  it  not  for  the  certain 
discoveries  of  life  and  immortality  through  the  sacrifice  of  our 
Redeemer,  which  have  been  so  clearly  brought  to  light  by  the 
Gospel,  the  sorrow  consequent  on  such  a  loss  as  we  have  sus- 
tained, in  the  death  of  that  excellent  and  pious  parent,  must 
have  been  a  sorrow  destitute  of  any  alleviating  intermixture 
of   comfort.     But,    according    to    the   tenor  of  the    precious 
promises  of  the  Gospel,  and  of  her  life,  thanks  be  to  the  xldor- 
able  Trinity,  we  are  not  quite  void  of  comfort,  because  thence 
we  have  hope,  that  she  now  rests  in  a  much  happier  place  than 
a  changeable  and  fleeting  world ;  hope,  that  her  felicity  has 
no  limit  as  to  its  duration,  nor  any  as  to  its  measure,  except 
those  of  the  enlarged  capacity  of  such  a  creature  as  man  in 
his  glorified  and  exalted  state  ;  and  hope,  that  the  virtuous 
soul  is  making  a  perpetual  progress  towards  the  perfection  of 
its  nature,  going  on  from  strength  to  strength,  arriving  from 
one  degree  of  happiness  to  another,  and  shining  for  ever  with 
still  new  accessions  of  glory  and  bliss  ;  in  a  word,  we  have 
hope,  that  we  too,  who  are  left  behind,  shall  not  therefore  be 
excluded  the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  but  though  we  may  arrive 
somewhat  later  thither,  shall,  if  our  honest  endeavors  co-operate 
with  our  gracious  Redeemer's  all-sufficient  merits,  be  at  length 
admitted  into  God's  presence,  where  alone  is  fulness  of  joys 
and  pleasures  for  evermore.     These  are  pleasing  and  trium- 
phant considerations,  and  the  basis  of  those  glorious  hopes 
which  shoot  enlivening  rays  of  comfort  through  the  blackest 
clouds,  and  dash  even  grief  with  some  refreshing  alloy  of  joy, 
but  of  a  joy  which  perhaps  it  is  easier  to  feel  than  describe, 


400        MEMOIRS  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

and  which,  it  may  be,  can  be  felt  by  none  but  those  whose 
minds  have  been  happily  tinctured  witli  Christian  principles, 
and  who,  to  a  lively  faith  and  hope  in  Christ  have  been  taught 
to  add  an  absolute  resignation  to  the  will  of  God,  otir  strictest 
duty,  our  greatest  wisdom,  and  truest  magnanimity. 

That  in  all  the  afflictions  and  adversities  which  may  occur 
in  our  passage  through  this  vale  of  misery  and  tears,  these 
considerations  and  hopes  may  be  your  support  and  mine,  and, 
indeed,  the  support  of  all  others  who  need  it,  is  the  constant 
and  fervent  prayer  of,  dear  sir, 

Your  dutiful  nephew  and  affectionate  friend, 

James  Maury. 

P.  S.  I  had  like  to  have  forgot  to  inform  you,  that,  thank 
God,  myself  and  mine  are  all  well,  and  that  they  unanimously 
desire  to  be  affectionately  remembered  to  yourself,  and  every 
branch  of  my  uncle's  family.  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  the  wel- 
fare of  our  relations  in  London;  may  the  Lord  continue  it! 

N.  B.  Evans's  map,  colored,  together  with  the  pamphlet, 
were  sold  in  Philadelphia  at  two  Spanish  dollars,  4s.  6d.  of  our 
money. 


To  Mr.  John  Fontaine. 
Louisa  County,  Fredericksville  Parish,  June  \hih,  1756. 

Dear  Sir  : — The  receipt  of  your  kind  and  agreeable  letter 
of  1st  January,  happened  at  a  very  seasonable  juncture,  as  it 
administered  much  comfort  where  comfort  was  much  wanting. 
Comfortable  and  satisfactory,  to  the  highest  degree,  it  is- 
when  we  cannot  see,  yet  to  hear  from  those  with  whom  we  are 
connected  by  the  endearing  ties  of  blood  and  friendship,  ties 


LETTEKS   OF   JAMES   MAUKY.  401 

which,  I  trust,  mutually  link  our  hearts  together  now,  and  will 
continue  so  to  do,  till  we  meet  in  that  more  perfect,  and,  as 
my  uncle  Moses  terms  it,  that  inseparable  and  immutable  state, 
where  all  imperfections  will  be  done  away,  and  every  impedi- 
ment to  a  more  intimate  intercourse  be  removed.  Hopes  and 
views  of  this  sort  are  most  reviving  cordials  to  a  mind  labor- 
ing under  the  pressure  either  of  public  or  private  afflictions, 
and  Providence  has  been  pleased  to  afford  me  an  opportunity 
of  proving  them  to  be  so  by  my  own  experience  in  both. 

The  private  affliction,  named  in  my  letter  to  my  uncle  Mo- 
ses, is  one  in  which  you  will  both  be  no  small  sharers;  which, 
though  in  truth  very  deep,  is  far  from  incurable,  as  the  same 
Hand  that  gave  it  has  graciously  furnished  means  of  cure,  and 
poured  healing  balsam  into  the  wound. 

As  to  the  other  kind  of  afflictions,  they  are  still  incumbent, 
and  when  they  will  be  removed,  God  only  knows.  I  hope  I 
am  resigned  to  the  will  of  the  great  arbiter  of  all  things,  yet 
I  cannot  remain  an  unconcerned  spectator  of  the  calamities 
of  my  country.  But,  lest  you  should  suspect  me  of  being  un- 
easy without  just  reason,  I  shall  give  you  as  just  and  suc- 
cinct an  account  as  I  can  of  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  this 
once  flourishing  and  happy  colony. 

You  may  remember,  I  told  you  last  year,  the  drought  had 
been  of  long  continuance  and  threatened  famine;  but  the  wise 
and  gracious  Disposer  of  all  things,  who,  in  the  midst  of  judg- 
ment remembers  mercy,  mitigated  things  so  far  as  to  afford  a 
sufficiency  of  bread  for  the  life  of  man,  but,  in  general,  very 
little  more,  so  that  vast  numbers  of  stock,  of  all  kinds,  perish- 
ed, notwithstanding  the  uncommon  clemency  of  last  winter. 

Taxes  on  taxes  are  multiplied,  and,  though  it  be  a  necessa- 
ry, it  is  a  heavy  burden. 


402  MEMOIRS    OF    A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

Besides  genteel  presents  to  the  officers  who  behaved  well 
last  campaign  at  Monongahela,  and  a  gratuity  of  £5  per  man 
to  every  common  soldier  of  our  own  regiment  who  survived 
the  action,  and  pensions  or  presents  to  the  disabled  and  to  the 
widows  of  the  slain,  which  amounted  to  a  round  sum;  and 
besides  levying  money  to  pay  the  owners  for  upwards  of  one 
thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco,  burnt  in  the  warehouses  of 
Boiling's  Point,  £40,000  was  voted  for  His  Majesty's  service 
and  our  own  defence,  then,  and  £05,000  more  this  spring. 
This,  as  little  or  no  tobacco  was  made  last  summer,  falls  heavi- 
ly  on  the  lower  ranks  of  people,  especially,  as  tobacco  is  the 
only  medium  of  raising  money,  and  as  they  generally  cultivate 
the  meanest  lands,  so  were  their  crops  proportionally  short. 
Of  this  the  legislature  has  been  so  sensible,  that  an  act.  to  con- 
tinue  in  force  one  year,  was  last  fall  passed,  indulging  the 
people  by  allowing  them  to  pay  off  their  public  dues  to  the 
secretary,  the  county  court  clerks,  the  clergy  and  other  public 
creditors  (which  ever  before  had  been  payable  in  tobacco),  in 
money,  at  the  rate  of  two  pence  per  pound.  The  current  mar- 
ket value  has,  hitherto,  been  twenty-six  shillings  per  hundred, 
so  that  the  law  saves  to  those  who  have  tobacco  to  sell,  four 
pounds  thirteen  shillings  and  four  pence  per  thousand,  while 
it  deducts  the  same  from  the  annual  salaries  and  revenues  of 
the  creditors.  In  my  own  case,  who  am  entitled  to  upwards  of 
seventeen  thousand  weight  of  tobacco  per  annum,  the  differ- 
ence amounts  to  a  considerable  sum.  However,  each  indivi- 
dual must  expect  to  share  in  the  misfortunes  of  the  community 
to  which  he  belongs. 

Furthermore,  to  enable  people  to  pay  their  taxes  and  debts, 
paper  money  has  been  issued,  which,  in  every  colony  where  it 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES    MATJTJY.  403 

has  Been  recurred  to,  has  been  attended  with  many  evils,  one 
of  which  is  draining  out  the  remains  of  their  specie. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  our  people  pay  their  taxes  with 
much  more  cheerfulness  than  could  reasonably  be  expected 
from  those  whose  necks  were  never  heretofore  accustomed  to 
such  a  yoke,  and  who  have  had  the  mortification  to  see  those 
contributions,  large  compared  with  their  circumstances,  sur- 
prisingly misapplied,  and,  through  a  complication  of  most 
egregious  blunders,  promotive  of  scarce  one  good  effect  to  our 
country.  Of  these  blunders,  it  may  suffice  to  remark,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  sums  levied  and  expended,  and  the  readi- 
ness of  the  people  to  pay  their  taxes  and  risk  their  persons  in 
the  defence  of  their  country,  and  vindication  of  the  insults 
offered  to  the  crown,  yet,  ever  since  the  tragical  event  last  July, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Monongahcla,  our  frontiers  have  been 
ravaged  and  dispeopled,  great  quantities  of  the  stock  of  the 
back  inhabitants  driven  off  by  the  French  and  their  Indians 
to  Duquesne.  Fire,  sword  and  perpetual  alarms  have  surround- 
ed them,  persons  of  every  age  and  sex  have  fallen  a  prey  to 
the  barbarians,  and,  in  short,  the  most  shocking  outrages  per- 
petrated on  the  western  settlements  of  this  colony,  and  our 
two  next  neighbors  to  the  northward.  By  these  means,  our 
frontiers  have  been  contracted  in  many  places  150  miles,  and 
still  are  drawing  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  centre. 

To  what  secondary  causes  all  this 'has  been  imputable,  you 
will  discover  from  a  letter  which  the  persuasion  of  some  of  my 
friends  induced  me  to  write  to  one  of  our  honorables,  early  in 
the  spring,  of  which  I  have  sent  my  uncle  Moses  a  copy ; 
whence  you  will  collect  what  methods  we  think  most  proper 
( and  ours  is  the  general  opinion )  for  putting  a  stop  to  the 
further  progress  of  those  evils,  and  guarding  against  the  like 


404  MEMOIRS   OF  A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

in  time  to  come.  In  furtherance  of  these  ends,  I  drew  up, 
and,  by  means  of  my  acquaintance,  dispersed  in  the  three  fron- 
tier and  five  contiguous  counties,  petitions  to  the  General  As- 
sembly before  its  last  session,  praying,  that  such  a  line  of  forts 
might  be  built,  and  such  an  Indian  factory  established.  To 
these  a  favorable  hearing  was  given,  and  a  bill  framed  accord- 
ing to  them,  as  far  as  relates  to  the  chain  of  forts.  But  before 
this  bill  had  gone  through  the  several  formalities  requisite  to 
constitute  it  a  law,  an  unlucky  clause  was  tacked  to  it,  which, 
it  is  to  be  feared,  will  destroy  every  good  effect  that  we  had 
reason  to  hope  for  from  it ;  a  clause  incorporating  five  hun- 
dred men,  now  levying  for  the  construction  and  defence  of 
these  forts,  into  the  Virginia  regiment;  rather  than  submit  to 
which,  where  the  character  of  the  regiment  is  known,  people 
will  pay  any  fines.  The  five  hundred  men  are  to  be  raised  by 
a  draught  upon  the  young  men  of  each  county,  who,  on  refu- 
sal to  go  upon  duty  are  obliged  to  deposit  £10  on  the  drum- 
head, by  way  of  fine. 

Such  was  the  treatment  which  that  unfortunate  regiment 
received  last  campaign  from  the  commander  in  chief,  that  no 
person  of  any  property,  family  or  worth  has  since  enlisted  in  it, 
and  the  Governor  has  filled  up  the  vacant  commissions  and  the 
new  companies  with  raw,  surly  and  tyrannical  Scots,  several  of 
them  mere  boys  from  behind  the  counters  of  the  factors  here  ; 
thus,  that  regiment,  from  an  exceedingly  good  one,  has  degenera- 
ted into  a  most  insignificant  and  corrupt  corps.  Whence,  I  ap- 
prehend, the  salutary  purposes  of  that  act  will  be  defeated,  as 
the  above  complement  of  men  will  generally  be  made  up  of 
worthless  vagrants,  servants  just  out  of  servitude,  and  convicts 
bought  with  the  fines  paid  by  recusants ;  men  utterly  unac- 
quainted with  the  woods  and   the  use  of  fire  arms,  and,  for 


LETTERS    OF   JA3IES   MAUKY.  405 

these  reasons,  were  there  no  other,  unfit  to  be  sent  against 
Indians. 

Besides  this,  feuds  and  dissensions  still  subsist  between 
different  branches  of  the  legislature. 

To  crown  our  misfortunes,  we  have  been  informed  that 
such  accounts  of  our  temper  and  disposition  in  this  colony 
have  been  transmitted  to  England,  by  a  certain  person,  that 
the  Ministry  suppose  we  want  nothing  but  ability  and  oppor- 
tunity to  attempt  shaking  off  allegiance  to  the  Most  Gracious 
Prince,  that,  peradventure,  ever  adorned  the  British  thrqne. 
This  is  a  vile  calumny,  for  the  calumniator  well  knows  that  we 
have  shed  our  blood  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness,  and  we  have 
paid  taxes  freely  and  willingly  in  support  of  the  common  cause, 
equally  with  any  of  our  sister  colonies,  in  proportion  to  our 
numbers  and  wealth. 

I  fear  nothing  good  will  be  done  with  all  the  money  we 
have  raised,  unless  affairs  shall  take  quite  a  different  turn  on 
the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  whom  private  letters,  as 
well  as  public  prints,  give  us  reason  daily  to  expect  in  his  gov- 
ernment. 

Besides  augmenting  our  regiment  to  one  thousand  men,  in 
the  fall,  and  endeavoring  to  augment  it  further,  now,  to  fifteen 
hundred  men,  levying  monies  and  guarding  our  frontiers,  the 
Honorable  Peter  Randolph  and  the  Honorable  William  Byrd, 
two  of  the  Council,  have  been  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Chero- 
kees,  and  have  concluded  a  treaty  between  this  government 
and  that  nation ;  obliging  us,  on  the  one  hand,  to  build  and 
garrison  a  good  and  sufficient  fort  in  their  country,  for  the 
protection  of  their  women  and  children,  which  a  body  of  men 
are  now  on  their  march  to  perform ;  and  that  nation,  on  the 
other  part,  is  to  furnish  us  with  five  hundred  warriors,  this 


40<i  MEMOIRS    OF    A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

summer.  This  will  probably  afford  some  security  to  our  fron- 
tiers ;  and.  it  gives  a  general  satisfaction,  for  all  now  seem 
sensible,  of  what  only  some  few  were  sensible,  till  of  late,  that 
Indians  are  the  best  match  for  Indians. 

It  is  a  very  pleasing  consideration  to  observe  the  general 
spirit  of  patriotism,  and  the  resentment  against  the  common 
enemy,  which  seems  to  have  diffused  itself  through  every  rank 
of  men.  The  common  people  have  lately  given  proof  of  it. 
This  spring,  upon  advice  that  some  thousands  of  French  and 
Savages  were  approaching  our  frontiers,  in  their  northern 
quarter,  the  government  thought  it  necessary  to  make  a  draught 
of  the  militia  of  ten  counties,  contiguous  to  the  three  frontier 
counties,  with  orders  to  rendezvous  at  the  town  of  Winchester, 
otherwise  called  Frederick,  there  to  receive  further  orders  from 
Col.  "Washington ;  and,  although  it  was  at  a  season  of  the 
3Tear  when  men  could  least  be  spared  from  home,  and,  indeed, 
when  a  long  continuance  on  duty  must  have  blasted  all  expec- 
tations of  a  crop  in  those  who  had  no  slaves  to  labor  for  them  ; 
yet  great  numbers  voluntarily  offered  themselves,  and  march- 
ed with  the  utmost  alacrity  to  meet  the  enemy,  till  they 
had  advanced  as  far  as  the  place  of  rendezvous,  where  the 
alarm  appeared  to  be  false.  I  am  fully  convinced,  had  there 
been  occasion,  they  would  have  followed  their  own  officers. 
with  the  utmost  spirit  to  Duquesne,  or  any  other  place ;  if  I 
may  form  a  judgment  from  what  I  then  saw,  for  I  was  present, 
having,  at  the  request  of  the  detachment  from  this  county,  ac- 
companied them  as  chaplain. 

Upon  its  being  determined,  in  a  council  of  war,  held  there 
by  Col.  Washington  and  the  militia  field  officers,  that  only  a 
certain  quota  of  the  militia  of  each  county  should  be  left  be- 
hind, amounting  in  the  whole  to  only  four  hundred  and  four 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  407 

men,  the  quota  of  each  county  to  be  commanded  by  a  lieuten- 
ant, and  two  sergeants  of  its  own ;  the  bare  suspicion  that 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  regiment  were  to  act  over  them  as 
captains,  had  almost  the  same  effect  on  the  men  as  a  spark  of 
fire  on  a  train  of  gunpowder.  It  raised  such  a  fermentation, 
as  Col.  Washington's  positive  declaration  that  they  should 
not  be  commanded  by  any  officers  but  these  lieutenants,  could 
scarce  allay. 

Although  I  have  already  been  so  prolix  in  these  two  letters, 
yet,  lest  you  should  have  reason  to  charge  me  with  harping  only 
on  the  elegiac  string,  I  must  further  inform  you,  which  I  do 
with  great  pleasure,  that  the  bountiful  Giver  of  all  good  things, 
has  been  pleased  to  cheer  our  spirits,  under  our  misfortunes, 
with  a  prospect  of  almost  unparalleled  plenty  and  abundance 
for  the  current  year.  The  last  year's  scarcity  has  made  us 
much  more  provident  than  usual.  Much  larger  fields  of  wheat, 
barley  and  rye  last  fall,  and  of  oats  this  spring,  have  been 
sown,  and  much  larger  quantities  of  ground  planted  with  In- 
dian corn,  than  has  ever,  heretofore,  been  known.  And,  al- 
though it  be  too  early  in  the  season  to  form  any  judgment  of 
the  latter,  yet,  as  the  former  will,  in  a  few  days,  call  for  the 
sickle  and  scythe  some  weeks  sooner  than  usual,  which  is  an 
eminent  instance  of  divine  goodness,  we  can  form  a  very  good 
judgment  of  them ;  and  unless  some  disaster  befalls  them  be- 
tween this  and  harvest,  I  may  venture  to  say  that  more  wheat, 
barley,  rye  and  oats  will  be  made  here  this  year,  than  perhaps 
has  ever  been  made  in  any  two  or  three  preceding  years  to- 
gether ;  for,  besides  the  quantities  sown,  the  winter  and  spring 
have  been  so  unprecedentedly  seasonable,  that  the  earth  produces 
by  handfuls.  And  as  we  have  known  the  evil  of  a  scarcity, 
though  not  want  of  bre^id,  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  approaching 


Ids  MEM0IB8   '"     A    fftJGUENOT    I  amily. 

plenty  will  inspire  us  with  due  sentiments  of  gratitude  to  Him 
who  sends  us  rain  from  heaven  and  fruitful  seasons,  and  makes 
the  valleys  stand  so  thick  with  corn,  that,  in  the  Psalmist's 
bold  and  significant  metaphor,  they  laugh  and  sing. 

The  wise  man's  general  remark,  that,  When  goods  increase 
they  are  increased  that  cat  them,  is  applicable  to  my  own  par- 
ticular case,  my  wife  having  lately  increased  our  family  with 
a  daughter,  whom  we  have  named  Elizabeth. 

As  to  affairs  in  the  north,  they  continue  much  as  they 
were  left  after  Sir  William  Johnston's  victory  over  the  Baron, 
in  our  favor  on  the  whole,  but  not  so  much  so,  but  that  our 
miscarriage  there  would  give  a  turn  to  the  scales. 

Should  the  forces  expected  in  America  with  Lord  Lou- 
doun be  destined  for  this  quarter,  and  the  officers  who  com- 
mand them  have  learned,  from  General  Braddock's  disaster, 
not  to  be  too  conceited  of  their  own  ability,  and  not  to  form 
too  contemptible  an  opinion  of  the  enemy,  I  think,  if  they 
arrive  safe,  they,  in  conjunction  with  some  Pennsylvania,  Mary- 
land and  Virginia  troops,  might  make  a  successful  attempt 
against  Duquesne  this  summer  and  fall,  and  thereby  largely 
contribute  to  forward  the  success  of  the  general  plan. 

With  my  hearty  prayers  for  the  welfare  of  the  whole  little 
community  at  Cwm  Castle,  I  am,  with  very  great  regard, 
dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate  nephew, 

James  Maury. 


LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MATTRY.  409 

To  Mr.  Moses  Fontaine. 

Louisa.  County,  Feedeeicksyille  Paeish,  June  11,  1759. 

Respected  Sir: — Yours  of  the  14th  September,  1758, 
with  the  glasses  which  you  have  been  so  kind  as  to  procure 
for  me,  and  also  the  pamphlets,  came  safe  to  hand  some  months 
ago.  Accept  of  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  trouble  you  have 
taken  to  oblige  me  herein. 

I  am  glad  the  manuscript  afforded  you  any  satisfaction. 
My  reason  for  not  sending  it  to  the  press  without  consulting 
those  gentlemen,  was,  that  I  had  cause  to  believe  their  influ- 
ence necessary  to  procure  it  a  passage  into  the  world,  for 
want  of  which  many  useful  things  had  been  suppressed,  and 
also  a  persuasion  founded  on  their  usual  conduct  and  general 
character,  that  they  would  have  readily  undertaken  and  hear- 
tily engaged  in  the  business.  Had  I  not  taken  this  for 
granted,  I  should  at  first  have  sent  it  to  some  other  press,  for 
at  that  time  I  imagined  it  might  have  some  little  tendency  to 
open  the  eyes  of  such  as  wanted  to  see.  But  at  present  I 
know  not  of  what  service  it  could  be. 

Many  persons  who  have  had  better  opportunities  of  in- 
formation in  such  matters  than  myself,  and  whose  rank  and 
station  in  life  give  more  weight  to  what  they  recommend  than 
any  proposals  of  mine  could  be  expected  to  have ;  have  both 
here  and  with  you,  with  invincible  force  of  argument,  recom- 
mended those,  or  such  like  measures  for  our  mutual  security 
against  the  French  intrigues  and  encroachments  in  America, 
both  at  present  and  in  time  to  come.  And  Providence  has 
been  pleased  of  late  to  give  so  favorable  a  turn  to  public  af- 
fairs in  almost  every  department  of  the  war,  that  I  am  in 
hopes  those  salutary  measures  will  be  carried  into  execution, 

18 


410  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

if  not  before,  yet  immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  a  peace, 
and  such  an  one  as  you  mention,  solid,  honorable,  and  lasting, 
may  be  no  very  distant  event.  For,  blessed  be  the  only 
Giver  of  victory  for  it,  affairs  both  on  your  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic and  ours  wear  a  face  very  different  from  what  they  did 
some  time  ago,  and  much  more  pleasing  than  perhaps  the 
most  sanguine  of  us  all  could  then  expect  they  would  at 
the  present  time. 

At  our  entrance  on  the  war,  we  indeed  seemed  possessed 
of  every  advantage  and  means  that  could  conduce  to  victory, 
and  thence  were  willing  to  conceive  hopes  of  seeing  our  enemy 
well  nigh  crushed,  almost  before  completely  prepared  for  com- 
bat. But  yet  our  counsels,  we  had  the  mortification  to  ob- 
serve, were  all  frustrate,  our  enterprises  unprosperous,  and  our 
arms  almost  every  where  disgraced. 

Near  our  own  doors,  a  well-appointed  army  of  disciplined 
troops  fled  before  a  contemptible  band  of  savages  and  raga- 
muffins, and  stained  Monongahela's  memorable  stream  with 
British  blood  |  and  not  far  from  yours,  Mahon  was  wrested 
from  the  nation  in  a  manner  which  will  greatly  surprise  pos- 
terity. In  short,  every  attempt  to  annoy  the  enemy  or  secure 
ourselves  miscarried,  notwithstanding  a  great  inequality  of 
strength  in  our  favor  in  those  quarters  of  the  world  where 
the  war  chiefly  centred. 

None,  I  believe,  but  David's  fool,  and  such  as  he,  will 
deny  this  to  be  the  Lord's  doing.  And,  although  in  many 
cases,  his  judgments,  and  the  reasons  of  them  are  unsearch- 
able and  impenetrable  by  short-sighted  mortals,  yet  here,  me- 
thinks,  they  do  not  seem  inexplicable.  Had  not  too  many  of 
us,  think  you,  been  under  the  influence  of  that  spirit 
which    prompted    Mezentius,    in    the    poet,  before    combat 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  411 

to  boast,  Dextra  mihi  Deus  et  telum  quod  missile  libro,  and 
the  proud  Assyrian,  in  the  prophet,  after  victory  to  vaunt, 
By  the  strength  of  my  hand  I  have  done  it,  and  by  my  wis- 
dom 7  If  so,  the  Great  Superintendent  of  the  Universe 
seemed  concerned  to  exhibit  some  new  proof  that  He  doeth 
according  to  his  will,  not  only  in  the  armies  of  heaven,  but 
also  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth.  Accordingly  he  chas- 
tised that  insolent  spirit  in  us,  as  he  did  in  the  two  instances 
just  given ;  and  as  he  sooner  or  later  does  in  all  others  of 
the  like  sort,  consistently  with  that  dreadful  sentence,  Cursed 
be  the  man  who  trusteth  in  man,  and  maketh  flesh  his  arm, 
and  whose  heart  departeth  from  the  Lord.  But  whatever 
were  his  reasons  for  chastising,  he  has- now  graciously  inter- 
fered to  rescue  from  destruction  his  heritage,  humbled  and 
penitent,  I  hope,  and  sensible  that  without  his  blessing  all 
human  force  is  vain ;  for  our  enemies,  who  then  filled  us  with 
terror,  have  since  been  themselves  dismayed.  Our  efforts 
have  reduced  them,  instead  of  an  offensive,  to  act  a  defensive 
part.  Xheir  naval  power  has  received  severe  and  fatal  checks. 
Their  commerce  is  not  only  greatly  encumbered,  but  probably 
well  nigh  ruined.  Their  coasts  have  been  perpetually  alarmed 
by  repeated  descents,  and  the  horrors  of  war  have  been  turned 
loose  to  rage  within  their  own  borders,  both  in  Europe  and 
here.  The  armies  of  the  Grand  Monarch  once,  nay  of  late, 
the  terror  of  Europe,  have  been  surprisingly  mortified  and  re- 
duced, nay,  almost  annihilated,  as  effectually,  though  not  so 
suddenly,  as  those  of  his  brother  Sennacherib.  The  loss  of 
Mahon  has  been  abundantly  compensated  by  the  acquisition 
of  Louisburg,  which  puts  us  in  possession  of  the  keys  of  Ca- 
nada. Frontenac,  too,  the  gate  from  Canada  into  the  lakes, 
and  their  rich  and   extensive  environs,  is  an  important  as  it 


412  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

was  a  cheap  conquest.  Niagara,  too,  the  shortest  and  best 
communication  between  Canada  and  Louisiana,  is  said  to  be 
ours,  though  this  I  doubt  cannot  be  depended  on.  However, 
it  is  confidently  said  Colonel  Gage  marched  with  two  thou- 
sand men  against  it,  upwards  of  two  months  ago,  and  has 

taken  it. 

Guadaloupe,  too,  in  the  West  Indies,  is  no  mean  acquisi- 
tion ;  and  I  am  in  hopes,  at  the  present  date,  the  British  can- 
non, in  the  West  Indies,  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  up  St. 
Lawrence,  are  venting  the  resentments  of  an  injured  nation 
against  the  fortresses  of  Martinico,  Crown  Point,  and  Quebec. 
May  this  series  of  successes  produce  in  our  hearts  such  effects 
as  they  ought !  May  -they  lead  us  to  repent  and  constrain  us 

to  obey. 

I  can  give  you  no  account  of  our  families  here,  only  that 
my  brother  is  concerned  in  victualling  the  troops  stationed  on 
the  south-western  frontier  of  this  colony,  and  that  by  his  pru- 
dence and  activity,  and  his  spirited  conduct  as  Lieutenant  of 
Halifax  county,  he  has  greatly  contributed  to  keep  the  remote 
inhabitants  from  abandoning  their  habitations,  and  thereby 
done  no  small  service  to  his  country  ! — that  my  cousin  Peter 
this  spring  lost  a  son  with  the  nervous  fever,  and  that  my 
cousin  James,  son  of  my  uncle  Francis  by  his  second  mar- 
riage, has  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  a  fine  parcel  of  slaves, 
which  came  by  his  mother,  taken  from  him  by  a  suit  at  law. 

The  measles,  now  epidemic  almost  all  over  this  continent, 
has  gone  through  my  family  lately  (only  two  or  three  having 
escaped),  without  any  other  inconvenience  than  retarding  our 
plantation  business  so  much  at  a  critical  season  of  the  year, 
that  our  crops  and  harvest  are  likely  to  suffer.  The  small- 
pox, too,  is  near  us  in  some  places. 


LETTEES    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  413 

My  wife  and  family  desire  to  be  respectfully  remembered 
to  you. 

I  am,  dear  sir, 

Yours  affectionately  and  dutifully. 

James  Maury. 


To  Mr.  Moses  Fontaine. 

Louisa  County,  Fkedepjcksyille  Paeish,  June  19^,  1760. 

Dear  Sir  : — Yours  from  Cwm  Castle  of  Nov.  30th  came 
to  hand  some  few  days  ago. 

It  has  escaped  my  memory  if  you  before  advertised  me  of 
your  intention  to  quit  London. 

My  conjectures  concerning  the  effect  of  your  exchanging 
the  gross  air  of  that  immensely  populous  city  for  the  purer  air 
you  now  breathe,  I  perceive  were  not  quite  without  founda- 
tion. Indeed,  they  were  in  good  measure  built  on  what  I 
have  had  occasion  to  observe  here.  Persons  who  have  been 
either  born  in  the  mountainous  country  hereabouts,  or  resided 
in  it  long  enough  to  acquire  what  we  call  a  mountain  constitu- 
tion, on  their  removal  to  the  natter  lands  and  the  large  rivers, 
are  infallibly  unhealthy  there,  however  healthy  and  robust 
they  used  to  be  here,  so  that,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  an 
athletic  habit  degenerates  and  dwindles  into  one  valetudinary 
and  cachectic.  But  when  driven  thence  to  this  part  of  the 
country  again,  which  is  beautifully  diversified  with  Milton's 
grateful  variety  of  hill  and  dale,  you  would  be  surprised  to  see 
how  suddenly  they  recover  their  wonted  strength  and  vigor. 
I  suppose  the  great  difference  between  the  two  airs  to  be  the 
cause  which  produces  these  effects. 


414:  MEMOIRS   OF  A   HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

In  the  lower  parts  of  the  country,  near  the  large  rivers, 
the  lands  are  flat  and  the  declivity  towards  the  sea-coast  much 
more  gradual  than  here.  Hence,  the  water  there  descends 
with  less  rapidity,  and  is  not  so  pure  ;  hence,  too,  there  are 
many  more  stagnant  collections  of  it,  which  may  be  considered 
as  so  many  seminaries  of  disease.  On  the  rivers,  too,  are  ex- 
tensive tracts  of  marshy  land,  many  parts  of  which  are  so  miry 
that,  without  exaggerating,  you  may  with  a  light  impulse  of 
the  hand,  bury  a  ten-foot  rod  in  a  perpendicular  direction. 
These  are  covered  with  a  luxuriant  growth  of  grass  and  weeds 
in  summer,  and  with  a  thick  coat  of  dry  sedge  in  winter ;  so 
that,  except  in  the  spring,  when  these  places  are  set  on  fire, 
they  are  utterly  impenetrable  to  sun  or  air,  excluding  the  salu- 
brious blasts  of  the  one  and  the  purifying  rays  of  the  other, 
and  remain  ever  fraught  with  noxious  and  morbific  particles. 
Hence  arise  fogs,  prodigiously  dense,  impregnated  with  un- 
wholesome vapors,  arising  from  these  sloughs,  and  extremely 
offensive  to  the  smell,  which  often  continue  undispersed  till 
nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  by  which  probably  the  purity  and 
salubrity  of  the  air  is  impaired.  From  the  evils  of  these 
treasuries  of  disease  we  mountaineers  are  happily  exempt.  The 
descent  of  our  lands  is  so  quick,  that  morasses  are  scarcely 
known  among  us,  and  the  rapidity  of  our  waters  so  great  that 
none  of  them  have  leisure  to  stagnate.  Now,  the  difference 
between  the  air  of  London  and  that  of  the  country  may  possi- 
bly be  as  great  as  between  that  of  a  lowland  and  mountainous 
situation  here  ;  for,  methinks  it  is  highly  probable,  that  the 
smoke  and  filth  of  that  prodigious  city  may  infect  and  pollute 
the  air  as  much  as  the  exhalations  from  our  marshy  grounds. 
Whether  these  speculations  be  just  or  not,  I,  who  never  made 
philosophy  my  study,  will  not  undertake  to  decide,  but  it  is 


LETTERS   OF  JAMES   MAURY.  415 

notorious  that  many  constitutions,  which  had  been  so  impaired 
by  the  unwholesome  air  of  the  lower  country,  that  the  physi- 
cian's art  could  neither  mend  nor  restore,  have  surprisingly  re- 
covered their  vigor  by  a  change  of  situation.  May  your  re- 
moval to  rural  retreats  and  sylvan  scenes  be  attended  with  the 
like  happy  effects ! 

A  sound  mind  in  a  sound  body,  with  a  competent  share  of 
the  comforts  of  life,  is  doubtless  the  highest  pitch  of  happiness 
to  which  a  reasonable  man  could  aspire,  till  the  desirable  pe- 
riod arrive  when  He,  who  has  so  wonderfully  connected  and 
interwoven  in  one  frame  two  such  different  and  heterogeneous 
principles  as  flesh  and  spirit,  shall  think  fit  to  dissolve  the 
union,  in  order  to  that  more  perfect  and  glorious  re-union 
which  we  expect  to  take  place  on  that  awful  day,  when  this 
corruptible  shall  put  on  incorruption,  and  this  mortal,  immor- 
tality, and  when  Death,  that  scourge  of  guilt  and  enemy  of 
our  nature,  shall  be  triumphantly  swallowed  up  in  victory. 

Your  command  to  let  you  know  the  distance  and  bearings 
between  the  several  branches  of  our  family  and  Williamsburg, 
and  also  between  each  other,  I  will  execute  as  well  as  I  am 
able,  without  the  assistance  of  a  pair  of  dividers,  which  I  have 
not  at  present  by  me. 

Mr.  Fontaine,  if  I  mistake  not,  lives  near  Bear  Swamp, 
close  on  the  southern  branch  of  the  North  Anna,  a  northern 
branch  of  Pamunkey  River,  about  75  miles  northwest  from 
Williamsburg,  and  about  56  miles  almost  due  east  from  hence, 
in  the  county  of  Hanover. 

Mr.  Claiborne  is  seated  in  the  forks  of  Nottoway,  in  the 
county  of  Lunenburg,  between  ninety  and  a  hundred  miles 
distant  from  Williamsburg,  by  a  course  about  two  points  to 


416  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

the  southward  of  west,  and  about  the  same  distance  hence  in  a 
direction  somewhat  to  the  eastward  of  south. 

My  brother,  as  well  as  I  remember,  lives  on  the  waters  of 
Difficult  Creek,  near  the  extremity  of  that  point  of  land  where 
the  great  river  Roanoke  is  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the 
Dan  and  Stanton,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the  me- 
tropolis, in  a  course  somewhat  to  the  southward  of  west,  in 
the  county  of  Halifax,  and  a  hundred  miles  at  least  from 
hence,  a  little  to  the  westward  of  south. 

The  rector  of  Fredericksville  is  planted  close  under  the 
southwest  mountains,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  nearly 
northwest  from  Williamsburg. 

To  the  article  of  public  affairs,  I  have  little  to  add  to  what 
has  been  said  in  my  letters  to  uncle  John  and  to  Mr.  Torin. 
However,  it  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  subjoin,  that  General 
Stanwix,  who  last  year  commanded  at  Pittsburg,  has,  by  his 
singular  industry  and  application,  and  by  prosecuting  the 
works  during  the  whole  winter,  as  far  as  the  rigors  of  the  sea- 
son would  allow,  completely  finished  a  large  and  strong  fortifi- 
cation there.  Instead  of  wasting  time  in  those  pleasures  and 
diversions  which  officers  commonly  indulge  in  during  the 
winter,  this  gentleman  continued  at  his  post,  and  carried  on 
the  works  with  assiduity  and  vigor,  and  left  not  the  wilds  of 
Ohio  till  late  in  the  spring,  when  he  returned  to  Philadelphia 
in  order  to  embark  for  Great  Britain,  where  I  hope  his  great 
merit  will  meet  with  the  approbation,  and  applause,  and  grate- 
ful acknowledgment  of  his  country  and  his  Roj-al  Master. 

The  command  of  the  Southern  army,  since  his  departure, 
devolves  on  General  Monkton,  an  officer,  universally  esteemed 
by  those  who  have  been  witnesses  of  his  spirited  conduct  on 
many  occasions  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.     At  the 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  417 

time  that  the  behavior  of  Braddock,  and  some  other  British 
officers,  had  caused  very  unfavorable  ideas  to  be  attached  to 
the  words— English  officer — this  gentleman,  though  only  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel,  was  respected  wherever  he  was  known.     By 
this  date,  I  expect,  he  is  on  the  point  of  embarking,  either  from 
Oswego  or  Niagara,  on  an  expedition  against  Detroit,  a  French 
fortress,  built  on  the  western  side  of  the  strait,  through  which 
the  upper  lakes  pay  their  constant  tribute  to  Erie.     This  place 
is  otherwise  called  Pontchartrain.     Should  he  succeed,  he  is 
to  advance  to  St.  Sulpice,  situate  on  the  strait  through  which 
the  Lake  Michigan  discharges  its  waters  into  Huron.     Thence, 
if  all  go  smoothly,  and  summer  enough  be  left,  a  chain  of  forts 
is  to  be  extended  to  the  Mississippi,  and  all  the  most  impor- 
tant portages  and  communications  between  the  waters  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  Lake  Michigan,  secured  quite  into  Mis- 
sissippi.      Whether   this    intelligence    be    authentic,  I  know 
not.     The  plan,  however,  seems  to  be  good,  pleasing  at  least 
to  myself,  as  it  exactly  falls  in  with  my  own  notion ;  and,  to 
me  it  appears  practicable,  as,  without  some  uncommon  disaster, 
the  enemy,  there,  must  submit  to  our  superiority  of  strength. 
It  is  excellently  calculated  to  prevent  the  augmentation  of  the 
French  power  here,  to  finish  the  glorious  work  of  stopping  up 
all  the  avenues  of  communication  between  their  northern  and 
southern  settlements,  and  to  open  a  most  lucrative  trade  with 
nations  scarce  ever  heard  of  by  the  American  English.     And. 
should  the  armaments,  which,  your  prints  tell  us,  are  destined 
against  their  settlement   of   Louisiana,  also  triumph,  Great 
Britain  will  then  be  in  possession  of  what  will  one  day  prove 
a  more  copious  source  of  wealth  than  all  the  Mexican  and 
Peruvian  mines. 

The  honorable  and  successful  issue  of  the  war,  will,  proba- 

18* 


±18  MEMOLRS   OF    A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

bly,  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  any  thing  but  our  iniquities  to 
hurt  us ;  though,  according  to  the  course  of  things,  it  may 
minister  material  for  cherishing  those  vices,  which,  alas  !  have 
already  grown  to  a  gigantic  and  enormous  size.  So  that  we 
may  possibly,  at  length,  fall  under  the  Psalmist's  malediction, 
and  see  those  very  things,  which  should  have  been  for  our 
wealth,  by  our  own  perverse  abuse  of  them,  unhappily  con- 
verted into  an  occasion  of  falling.  This  is  certainly  an  alloy 
that  embitters  the  pleasure  resulting  from  prospects  of  tem- 
poral greatness,  to  feel  that  all  the  enjoyments  and  possessions 
of  this  world  carry  in  them,  what,  though  not  necessarily,  yet, 
eventually,  becomes  a  temptation  to  evil.  And,  therefore,  you 
may  believe  that  I,  very  heartily,  join  with  you  in  praying 
that  such  a  wonderful  series  of  successes  may  not  produce  the 
unnatural  fruits  it  sometimes  does,  but  those,  which  in  reason, 
and  justice  and  duty  it  ought  to  do. 

My  family  desires  to  be  particularly  remembered  to  you, 
and  as  for  myself,  I  am,  respected  sir, 

Your  dutiful  nephew  and  affectionate  friend, 

James  Maury. 


To  the  Rev.  John  Camm. 

December  12th,  1763. 

Dear  Sir  : — Now  that  I  am  somewhat  more  at  leisure, 
than  when  I  wrote  to  you  by  Major  Winston,  from  Hanover, 
some  few  days  ago,  I  have  sat  down  to  give  you  the  best  ac- 
count I  can  of  the  most  material  passages  in  the  trial  of  my 
cause  against  the  Collectors  in  that  Court,  both  to  satisfy 
your  own  curiosity,  and  to  enable  the  lawyer,  by  whom  it  is 
to  be  managed  in  the  General  Court,  to  form  some  judgment 


LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MAURY.  419 

of  its  merits.  I  believe,  sir,  you  were  advised  from  Nov'r 
Court,  that  the  Bench  had  adjudged  the  twopenny  act  to  be 
no  law ;  and  that,  at  the  next,  a  jury,  on  a  writ  of  inquiry, 
were  to  examine  whether  the  Plaintiff  had  sustained  any  dam- 
ages, and  what.  Accordingly,  at  December  Court,  a  select 
jury  was  ordered  to  be  summoned ;  but,  how  far  they  who 
gave  the  order,  wished  or  intended  it  to  be  regarded,  you  may 
judge  from  the  sequel.  The  Sheriff  went  into  a  public  room, 
full  of  gentlemen,  and  told  his  errand.  One  excused  himself 
( Peter  Robinson  of  King  William )  as  having  already  given 
his  opinion  in  a  similar  case.  On  this,  as  a  person  then  pres- 
ent told  me,  he  immediately  left  the  room,  without  summoning 
any  one  person  there.  He  afterwards  met  another  gentleman 
(Richard  Sq.  Taylor)  on  the  green,  and,  on  his  saying  he  was 
not  fit  to  serve,  being  a  churchwarden,  he  took  upon  himself 
to  excuse  him,  too,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  made  no  further 
attempts  to  summon  gentlemen.  These,  you'll  say,  were  but 
feeble  endeavors  to  comply  with  the  directions  of  the  Court 
in  that  particular.  Hence,  he  went  among  the  vulgar  herd. 
After  he  had  selected  and  set  down  upon  his  list  about  eight 
or  ten  of  these,  I  met  him  with  it  in  his  hand,  and  on  looking 
over  it,  observed  to  him  that  they  were  not  such  jurors  as  the 
Court  had  directed  him  to  get,  being  people  of  whom  I  had 
never  heard  before,  except  one,  whom,  I^told  him,  he  knew  to 
be  a  party  in  the  cause,  as  one  of  the  Collector's  Securities, 
and,  therefore,  not  fit  for  a  juror  on  that  occasion.  Yet  this 
man's  name  was  not  erased.  He  was  even  called  in  Court, 
and,  had  he  not  excused  himself,  would  probably  have  been 
admitted.  For,  I  cannot  recollect,  that  the  Court  expressed 
either  surprise  or  dislike  that  a  more  proper  jury  had  not  been 
summoned.      Nay,  though  I  objected  against  them,  yet,  as 


4  liO  MEMOIRS   01    a    BUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Patriok  Henry  (one  of  the  Defendant's  lawyers)  insisted  they 
were  honest  men,  and,  therefore,  unexceptionable,  they  were 
immediately  called  to  the  book  and  sworn.  Three  of  them, 
as  I  was  afterwards  told,  nay,  some  said  four,  were  Dissenters 
of  that  denomination  called  New  Lights,  which  the  Sheriff, 
as  they  were  all  his  acquaintance,  must  have  known.  Messrs. 
Gist  and  McDowall,  the  two  most  considerable  purchasers  in 
that  county,  were  now  called  in  to  prove  the  price  of  tobac- 
co, and  sworn.  The  testimony  of  the  former  imported,  that, 
during  the  months  of  May  and  June,  1759,  tobacco  had  cur- 
rently sold  at  50s.  per  hundred,  and  that  himself,  at  or  about 
the  latter  end  of  the  last  of  those  months,  had  sold  some  hun- 
dreds of  hhds.  at  that  price,  and,  amongst  the  rest,  one  hun- 
dred to  be  delivered  in  the  month  of  August,  which,  however, 
were  not  delivered  till  September.  That  of  the  latter  only 
proved,  "  That  50s.  was  the  current  price  of  tobacco  that 
Beason."  This  was  the  sum  of  the  evidence  for  the  Plaintiff. 
Against  him,  was  produced  a  receipt  to  the  Collector,  to  the 
best  of  my  remembrance  in  these  words  :  "  Received  of  Thomas 
Johnson,  Jun'r,  at  this  and  some  former  payments,  £144,  cur- 
rent money,  by  James  Maury."  After  the  lawyers  on  both 
sides  had  displayed  the  force  and  weight  of  the  evidence,  pro 
and  con.  to  their  Honors,  the  jurors,  and  one  of  those  who  ap- 
peared for  the  Defendants  had  observed  to  them  that  they  must 
iind  ( or  if  they  must  find,  I  am  not  sure  which,  but  think  the 
former)  for  the  Plaintiff,  but  need  not  find  more  than  one  far- 
thing ;  they  went  out.  and,  according  to  instruction  ( though 
whether  according  to  evidence  or  not,  I  leave  you  to  judge ).  in 
less  than  five  miuutes  brought  in  a  verdict  for  the  Plaintiff,  one 
penny  damages.  Mr.  Lyons  urged,  as  the  verdict  was  contrary  to 
evidence,  the  jury  ought  to  be  sent  out  again.     But  no  notice 


LETTERS    OF    JAMES    MAURY.  421 

was  taken  of  it,  and  the  verdict  admitted  without  hesitation  by 
the  Bench.  He  then  moved  to  have  the  evidence  of  Messrs. 
Gist  and  McDowell  recorded,  with  as  little  effect.  His  next 
motion,  which  was  for  a  new  trial,  shared  the  same  fate.  He 
then  moved  it  might  be  admitted  to  record,  "that  he  had  made 
a  motion  for  a  new  trial,  because  he  considered  the  verdict  con- 
trary to  evidence,  and  that  the  motion  had  been  rejected  ;"  which, 
after  much  altercation,  was  agreed  to.  He  lastly  moved  for  an 
appeal,  which,  too,  was  granted.  This,  sir,  as  well  as  I  can  re- 
member, is  a  just  and  impartial  narrative  of  the  most  material 
occurrences  in  the  trial  of  that  cause.  One  occurrence  more, 
tho'  not  essential  to  the  cause,  I  can't  help  mentioning,  as  a 
striking  instance  of  the  loyalty,  impartiality  and  attachment  of 
the  Bench  to  the  (yhurch  of  England  in  particular,  and  to  re- 
ligion at  large.  \  Mr.  Henry,  mentioned  above  (who  had  been 
called  in  by  the  Defendants,  as  we  suspected,  to  do  what  I  some 
time  ago  told  you  of),  after  Mr.  Lyons  had  opened  the  cause, 
rose  and  harangued  the  jury  for  near  an  hour.  This  harangue 
turned  upon  points  as  much  out  of  his  own  depth,  and  that  of 
the  jury,  as  they  were  foreign  from  the  purpose )  which  it 
would  be  impertinent  to  mention  here.  However,  after  he  had 
discussed  those  points,  he  labored  to  prove  "that  the  act  of 
1758  had  every  characteristic  of  a  good  law;  that  it  was  a 
law  of  general  utility,  and  could  not,  consistently  with  what 
he  called  the  original  compact  between  King  and  people,  stip- 
ulating protection  on  the  one  hand  and  obedience  on  the  other, 
be  annulled."  Hence,  he  inferred,  "  that  a  King,  by  disallowing 
Acts  of  this  salutary  nature,  from  being  the  father  of  his 
people,  degenerated  into  a  Tyrant,  and  forfeits  all  right  to  his 
subjects'  obedience."  He  further  urged,  "that  the  only  u&e 
of  an  Established  Church  and  Clergy  in  society,  is  to  enforce 


422  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

obedience  to  civil  sanctions,  and  the  observance  of  those  which 
are  called  duties  of  imperfect  obligation  ;  that,  when  a  Clergy 
ceases  to  answer  these  ends,  the  community  have  no  further 
need  of  their  ministry,  and  may  justly  strip  them  of  their  ap- 
pointments ;  that  the  Clergy  of  Virginia,  in  this  particular 
instance  of  their  refusing  to  acquiesce  in  the  law  in  question, 
had  been  so  far  from  answering,  that  they  had  most  notoriously 
counteracted,  those  great  ends  of  their  institution ;  that, 
therefore,  instead  of  useful  members  of  the  state,  they  ought 
to  be  considered  as  enemies  of  the  community ;  and  that,  in 
the  case  now  before  them,  Mr.  Maury,  instead  of  countenance, 
and  protection  and  damages,  very  justly  deserved  to  be  pun- 
ished with  signal  severity."  And  then  he  perorates  to  the  fol- 
lowing purpose,  "that  excepting  they  (the  jury)  were  disposed 
to  rivet  the  chains  of  bondage  on  their  own  necks,  he  hoped  they 
would  not  let  slip  the  opportunity  which  now  offered,  of  making 
such  an  example  of  him  as  might,  hereafter,  be  a  warning  to 
himself  and  his  brethren,  not  to  have  the  temerity,  for  the 
future,  to  dispute  the  validity  of  such  laws,  authenticated  by 
the  only  authority,  which,  in  his  conception,  could  give  force  to 
laws  for  the  government  of  this  Colony,  the  authority  of  a 
legal  representative  of  a  Council,  and  of  a  kind  and  benevo- 
lent and  patriot  Governor."  '  You'll  observe  I  do  not  pretend 
to  remember  his  words,  but  take  this  to  have  been  the  sum 
and  substance  of  this  part  of  his  labored  oration.  When  he 
came  to  that  part  of  it  where  he  undertook  to  assert,  u  that  a 
King,  by  annulling  or  disallowing  acts  of  so  salutary  a  nature, 
from  being  the  Father  of  his  people  degenerated  into  a  Tyrant, 
and  forfeits  all  right  to  his  subjects'  obedience  ;"  the  more  sober 
part  of  the  audience  were  struck  with  horror.  Mr.  Lyons 
called  out  aloud,  and  with  an  honest  warmth,  to  the  Bench. 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  423 

u  That  the  gentleman  had  spoken  treason,"  and  expressed  his 
astonishment  u  that  their  worships  could  hear  it  without  emo- 
tion, or  any  mark  of  dissatisfaction."  At  the  same  instant, 
too,  amongst  some  gentlemen  in  the  crowd  behind  me,  was  a 
confused  murmur  of  Treason,  Treason  !  Yet  Mr.  Henry  went 
on  in  the  same  treasonable  and  licentious  strain,  without  in- 
terruption from  the  Bench,  nay,  even  without  receiving  the 
leasb  exterior  notice  of  their  disapprobation.  One  of  the  jury, 
too,  was  so  highly  pleased  with  these  doctrines,  that,  as  I  was 
afterwards  told,  he  every  now  and  then  gave  the  traitorous  de- 
claimer  a  nod  of  approbation.  After  the  Court  was  adjourned 
he  apologised  to  me  for  what  he  had  said,  alleging  that  his  sole 
view  in  engaging  in  the  cause,  and  in  saying  what  he  had,  was 
to  render  himself  popular.  /"5&m  see,  then,  it  is  so  clear  a  point 
in  this  person's  opinion,  that  the  r^ekdy  road  to  popularity  here, 
is,  to  trample  under  foot  the  interests  of  religion,  the  rights 
of  the  church,  and  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown.  If  this  be 
not  pleading  for  the  "  assumption  of  a  power  to  bind  the  King's 
hands,"  if  it  be  not  asserting  u  such  supremacy  in  provincial 
Legislatures"  as  is  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  manifestly  tends  to  draw  the  people  of  these 
plantations  from  their  allegiance  to  the  King,  tell  me,  my  dear 
sir,  what  is  so,  if  you  can. '  Mr.  Cootes,  merchant  on  James 
River,  after  Court,  said  "he  would  have  given  a  considerable 
sum  out  of  his  own  pocket,  rather  than  his  friend  Patrick 
should  have  been  guilty  of  a  crime,  but  little,  if  any  thing 
inferior  to  that  which  brought  Simon  Lord  Lovatt  to  the 
block ;"  and  justly  observed  that  he  exceeded  the  most  se- 
ditious and  inflammatory  harangues  of  the  Tribunes  of  old 
Rome. 


My  warmest  wishes  and  prayers  ever  attend  you.     And 


•  llM  MKMOIRS   OF    A    BUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

besides  these  there  is  little   else   in  the  power  of,  my  dear 

Camm, 

Your  affectionate 

J.  Maury. 


r 

coh 


To  Mr.  John  Fontaine. 

December  31,  1765. 

But  what  hath  given  a  most  general  alarm  to  all  the 

colonists  on  this  continent,  and  most  of  those  in  the  islands, 
and  struck  us  with  the  most  universal  consternation  that  ever 
seized  a  people  so  widely  diffused,  is  a  late  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament,  subjecting  us  to  a  heavy  tax,  by  the  imposition  of 
stamp  duties  on  all  manner  of  papers  required  in  trade,  law, 
or  private  dealings ;  on  pamphlets,  newspapers,  almanacs,  cal- 
endars, and  even  advertisements ;  and  ordaining  that  the 
causes  of  delinquents  against  the  Act,  wheresoever  such  de- 
linquents may  reside,  shall  be  cognizable,  and  finally  determin- 
able by  any  Court  of  Admiralty  upon  the  continent,  to  which 
either  plaintiff  or  defendant  shall  think  proper  to  appeal  from 
the  sentence  either  of  the  inferior  Courts  of  Justice  or  the  su- 
perior. The  execution  of  this  Act  was  to  have  commenced 
on  the  first  of  the  last  month  all  over  British  America,  but 
hath  been,  with  an  unprecedented  unanimity,  opposed  and  pre- 
vented by  every  province  on  the  continent,  and  by  all  the 
islands,  whence  we  have  had  any  advices  since  that  date.  For 
this  'tis  probable  some  may  brand  us  with  the  odious  name  of 
rebels,  and  others  may  applaud  us  for  that  generous  love  of 
liberty  which  we  inherit  from  our  glorious  forefathers,  while 
some  few  may  prudently  suspend  their  judgment  till  they  shall 
have  heard  what  may  be  said  on  either  side  of  the  question. 
If  the  Parliament  indeed  have  a  right  to  impose  taxes  on 


LETTERS   OF   JA3IES   MAURY.  425 

the  colonies,  we  are  as  absolute  slaves  as  any  in  Asia,  and 
consequently  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  If  they  have  no  such 
right,  we  are  acting  the  noble  and  virtuous  part  which  every 
freeman  and  community  of  freemen  hath  a  right,  and  is  in 
duty  bound  to  act.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  not  acquainted 
with  all  that  may  be  said  on  the  one  part  or  the  other,  and 
therefore  am  in  some  sort  obliged  to  suspend  my  judgment. 
But  no  arguments  that  have  yet  come  in  my  way,  have  con- 
vinced me  that  the  Parliament  hath  any  such  right.  The  ad- 
vocates for  the  Act,  I  observe,  have  alleged  both  precedents 
and  arguments  in  support  of  the  Parliament's  right  of  taxa- 
tion over  the  colonies.  The  precedents  alleged  are  two  Acts 
of  Parliament;  one  establishing  a  Post- Office  in  America; 
the  other,  making  some  regulations  with  regard  to  the  British 
troops  sent  hither  in  the  late  war  ;  which  are  so  very  dissimi- 
lar from  what  they  have  been  alleged. to  support,  and  there- 
fore so  foreign  from  the  point,  that  instead  of  producing  con- 
viction, they  really  excite  laughter.  And  of  the  arguments 
I  have  seen  urged  in  behalf  of  this,  till  now  unheard-of  claim, 
the  chief  seems  to  be  but  a  bare  ipse  dixit,  an  unsupported 
assertion  that  we,  as  British  subjects,  are  virtually  represented 
in  the  British  Parliament,  and  consequently  obliged  by  all  its 
Acts.  But,  how  some  millions  of  people  here  (not  a  man  of 
whom  can,  in  consequence  of  his  property  here,  either  give  a 
vote  for  sending  a  member  to,  or  himself  obtain  a  seat  in, 
your  House  of  Commons)  can,  in  any  sense,  be  said  to  be  rep- 
resented by  that  House,  is  utterly  incomprehensible  to  an 
American  understanding,  or  to  any  European  understanding 
I  have  yet  met  with,  which  hath  breathed  American  air. 
That  we  are  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Parliament  in  mat- 
ters of  government  that  are  of  a  nature  purely  external ;  sub- 


426  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

ject,  too,  to  such  of  its  statutes  as  are  of  a  date  prior  to  the 
first  migration  of  our  ancestors  hither,  and  to  the  first  founda- 
tion of  our  government,  is  what  seems  to  be  generally  granted 
amongst  those   I  have   conversed  with.     But  taxation  is  an 
act  of  government  purely  internal,  in  which  (allowing  us  to  be 
freemen)  we  conceive  a  British  House  of  Commons  and  a  Par- 
liament of  Paris  have  an  equal  right  to  intermeddle.     We 
flatter  ourselves  with  a  notion,  that  though  we  be  subjects  of 
Great  Britain,  and,  we  hope,  as  loyal  as  any  others  (and  per- 
haps not  less  useful),  we  yet  are  freemen.     All  our  charters 
declare  (which  we  are  not  conscious  of  having  ever  forfeited) 
that  all  British  subjects  dwelling  and  their  children  born 
here,  shall  have  and  enjoy  all  liberties,  franchises  and  immu- 
nities to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding 
and  born  within  the  realm  of  England     And  if  these  char- 
ters have  not  been  legally  forfeited,  as  we  trust  they  have  not, 
are  we  not  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  liberties  of  Britons  ? 
If  we  be,  we  cannot,  one  would  think,  consistently  with  the 
principles  of  the  British  government,  as  ascertained  in  Magna 
Charta,  be  taxable  without  our  own  consent.     We  also  con- 
ceive that  the  consent  of  no  freeholder  in  America  hath  been 
given,  or  can  possibly  be  given,  in  any  constitutional  mode, 
either  personally  or  vicariously,  to  the  Act  in  question,  or  to 
any  other  Act  of  taxation ;  because,  not  a  man  of  us,  as  pos- 
sessor of  American  property,  can,  as  was  before  observed,  vote 
for  a  member,  or  himself  become  a  member,  in  that  august 
House,  whence  all  money  bills,  as  far  as  their  jurisdiction  ex- 
tends, must  take  their  rise.     We,  moreover,  consider  ouselves. 
if  you  will  allow  me  the  expression  for  want  of  a  better,  as  a 
peculium  of  the  Crown.     By  charters  from  the  Crown,  that 
company  was  incorporated  which   first  planted  us.     By  the 


LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MATJEY.  427 

Crown  were  those  charters  afterwards  revoked.  By  the 
Crown,  too,  we  are  told,  all  the  grants  of  liberties,  all  the 
charters  which  had  passed  from  the  company  during  its  exist- 
ence, to  the  colony,  were,  upon  the  revocation  of  the  com- 
pany's charters  and  its  dissolution,  confirmed  and  ratified  to 
us.  Under  the  immediate  protection,  direction,  and  govern- 
ment of  the  Crown  have  we  been  from  that  time  to  this.  In 
short,  thenceforward  all  the  Acts  of  our  Legislature  either 
have,  or  constitutionally  ought  to  have  been,  transmitted  to 
Great  Britain  and  subjected  to  the  royal  government,  either 
to  be  disallowed,  or  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the  ultimate 
sanction  of  the  royal  assent,  previously  to  their  having  the 
force  and  validity  of  laws,  without  any  parliamentary  interpo- 
sition whatever.  So  that  the  King,  not  as  a  branch  of  the 
British  Legislature,  but  as  a  sovereign  lord  and  absolute  pro- 
prietor of  the  colony,  in  conjunction  with  his  commissioner  the 
Governor,  his  Council  of  State,  and  the  people's  representatives 
here,  we  suppose,  form  that  aggregate  Legislature,  to  the  Acts 
of  which  alone,  in  all  articles  of  internal  government  (of  which 
taxation  is  a  most  important  one)  we  owe  obedience.  To  such 
alone,  and  to  no  other,  have  we  paid  obedience  quite  from  our 
first  establishment  to  this  present  day.  And  to  such  alone, 
in  all  such  articles,  particularly  that  of  taxes,  if  I  mistake  not 
the  sentiments  of  my  countrymen,  will  they  ever  be  disposed 
or  prevailed  on  to  pay  obedience  by  any  other  argument  than 
what  some  have  called  the  ultima  ratio  regum,  which  may, 
for  aught  I  know,  be  as  convincing  in  matters  of  policy,  as 
fire  and  faggot  have  been  in  those  of  religion.  Besides  all 
this,  whenever  the  colony  hath  labored  under  any  grievance 
which  the  branches  of  the  Legislature  here  resident  could  not 
redress,  or  hath  found  it  necessary  to  crave  any  indulgence  or 


428  MEMOIRS   OF   A   IIUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

enlargement  of  privileges  and  immunities,  their  application  has 
been  always  made  to  the  King.  And  it  doth  not  appear  to 
me,  that  ever  they  have  made  any  application  to  Parliament 
since  King  James  I.  took  them  out  of  the  company's  hands 
in  1624,  on  any  occasion  whatever,  except  once  or  twice  when 
it  was  apprehended  some  bills,  depending  in  Parliament,  would 
pass  into  Acts,  which  would  be  prejudicial  to  their  trade 
abroad,  till  they  remonstrated  against  the  Stamp  Act.  And, 
indeed,  they  have  had  very  little  encouragement  to  do  so 
again,  if  what  their  agent  hath  told  them  be  true ;  that  their 
remonstrances  against  that  bill  (though  modest  as  could  be 
expected  from  men  not  sunk  into  the  most  abject  slavery) 
were  not  so  much  as  permitted  to  be  heard.  Such  hath  been 
the  form  of  government  under  which  we  have  lived  from  the 
year  1621,  when  our  government  was  thoroughly  established 
by  charter  from  the  company,  to  this  present  date.  This  we 
think  a  succession  of  years  sufficient  to  establish  that  argu- 
ment in  support  of  our  rights,  had  we  no  other,  which  is  called 
prescription ;  for,  during  this  whole  period,  no  archives,  rec- 
ords, or  histories,  that  any  here  are  acquainted  with,  or  that 
any  with  you  have  cited,  as  far  as  I  know,  show,  that  ever  the 
British  Parliament  attempted  to  tax  us,  or  intermeddle  in  any 
matters  relative  to  our  interior  government,  till  the  date  of 
this  unhappy  Stamp  Act.  All  these  rather  prove  the  con- 
trary. Nay,  it  appears  that  some  Acts,  even  under  an  arbi- 
trary Stewartine  reign  sent  over  hither  with  Lord  Culpepper, 
when  he  came  as  Governor,  were,  by  his  Lordship's  instruc- 
tions, previously  to  their  execution,  to  be  subjected  to  the 
consideration  of  our  General  Assembly,  in  order  to  obtain  their 
consent.  It  further  appears,  that  they  were  so  subjected  and 
consented  to  by  the  Assembly,  after  the  addition  of  two  pro- 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  429 

visoes  to  one  of  them.  In  a  word,  it  is  indisputable  that, 
whenever  the  kings  of  Great  Britain  have  wanted  any  aids 
either  of  men  or  money  from  this  colony,  the  method  of  obtain- 
ing them  hath  been  by  letters  requisitory,  in  the  royal  name, 
from  a  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Governors,  by  whom  those 
letters  have  been  laid  before  the  Assembly,  who  have  levied 
the  aids  asked  in  such  mode  and  by  such  ways  and  means  as 
they  thought  most  effectual  and  least  oppressive,  of  which 
they  surely  are  the  best  judges ;  from  all  which  premises  the 
people  of  Virginia  conclude,  the  Parliament  hath  no  right  to 
tax  them.  But  if  they  had,  it  is  as  steadfastly  believed  by 
most  men  here,  as  any  article  of  their  creed,  that  they  have 
no  right  to  deprive  us  of  the  inestimable  privilege  of  being  tried 
by  juries.  This  unconstitutional  stretch  of  authority  they  are 
certain  it  is  not  their  duty  to  obey.  The  transition  from  sub- 
jecting us  to  be  tried  by  Courts  of  Admiralty  in  civil  matters 
to  military  government  is  so  easy,  that  the  thoughts  of  it  almost 
reduce  us  to  despair.  For  these  reasons,  amongst  many  others, 
the  people  of  this  colony  would  not  allow  the  stamped  papers 
to  be  distributed,  and  forced  the  stamp-master  to  resign  imme- 
diately on  his  arrival.  These  reasons  convince  them  that  the 
moment  they  acquiesce  under  the  Stamp  Act,  they  commence 
slaves  ;  and  the  blood  of  their  generous  ancestors  which  flows 
in  their  veins,  or  some  other  cause,  seems  to  have  given  them 
such  an  instinctive  abhorrence  of  slavery  that,  were  we  to 
judge  from  appearances,  they  think  any  evil  whatever  more 
eligible  than  that.  How  the  affair  will  end,  God  only  knows  ! 
May  his  wise  Providence  prevent  those  tragedies,  which  my 
very  heart  even  bleeds  at  the  thoughts  of ! 

But,  put  the  case  (which  is  the  most  favorable  supposition 
that  can  be  put)  that  the  Colonies  at  last  submit  to  the  gall- 


430  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

ing  yoke,  every  friend  to  Great  Britain  must  even  then  find 
cause  to  detest  and  execrate  the  Act.     For  the  execution  of 
it,  or  of  any  other  Act  of  Taxation,  will  affect  her  in  the  ten- 
derest  points, — her   manufactures,  trade,   and   naval   power. 
The   Colonies  were  poor  before  the   war.     They  are   much 
more  so  since.     Additional  taxes  must  increase  their  poverty. 
The  poorer  they  are,  the  less  of  your  manufactures  can  they 
pay  for  and  consume.     The  less  demand  there  is  for  those 
manufactures,  the  more   of  your   manufacturers  must  want 
bread.     When  we  can  no  longer  pay  for  your  manufactures, 
we  cannot  go  naked.     Necessity  will  set  us  upon  improving 
the  natural  advantages  of  our  soil  and  climate,  and  manufac- 
turing the  products  of  it,  flax,  hemp,  wool,  and  cotton,  which  are 
to  be  had  here  in  great  plenty,  as  well  as  perfection.    Besides, 
it  is  said,  some  eminent  merchants  in  London  have  computed 
that  one-third,  others  one-fourth,  of  your  exports  are  brought 
to  the  Colonies ;  and  have  observed  that  those  exports  have 
greatly  diminished  since  this  Act  hath  been  on  the  carpet. 
How  just  that  computation  or  remark  may  be,  I  do  not  know. 
But  this  I  know,  that  the   orders  for  goods  from  Great  Bri- 
tain have  greatly  decreased,  wherever  I  am  acquainted,  as 
well  as  the  consumption  of  them,  within  these  few  months ; 
that  the  number  of  wheels,  looms,  &c,  have  increased  to  an 
amazing  degree,  and  that  only  at  one  meeting  in  a  neighbor- 
ing Colony,  upwards  of  two  hundred  merchants  are  said  to 
have  bound  themselves  under  most  solemn  engagements,  not 
to  order  any  goods  from  Great  Britain  till  that  Act  should 
be  repealed.     In  short,  necessity  will  force  every  man  of  us  to 
employ  his  own  labor  and  that  of  his  slaves,  so  as  may  best  sup- 
ply his  needs  ;  from  which,  I  believe,  nothing  but  some  dragoons 
at  each  man's  door  will  prevent  us.     More  need  not  be  said  to 


LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MAURY.  431 

prove  this  detestable  Act  productive  of  the  most  direful  mischief, 

not  only  to  the  children,  but  to  the  mother  island.     For  my 

own  part,  whatever  the  event  may  be,  I  comfort  myself  with 

the  reflection,  that  every  thing  here  below  is  subject  to  the 

control  of  irresistible  power,  directed  by  unerring  wisdom  and 

infinite  goodness,  &c.  &c. 

J.  Maury. 


To  the  Honorable  Philij)  Ludwell. 

Honorable  Sir  : — However  misbecoming  it  may  in  ge- 
neral be  thought,  in  such  as  act  only  in  a  private  station,  to 
intermeddle  in  affairs  of  a  public  nature ;  yet  when  our  coun- 
try is  in  danger,  to  ward  that  danger  off  seems  to  be  an  ob- 
ject of  common  concern.  Hence,  I  trust,  any  member  of  the 
community  will  be  deemed  pardonable,  at  least,  in  showing  a 
readiness  to  forward  the  accomplishment  of  that  desirable 
end.  With  this  view  then,  I  am  about  to  take  the  freedom 
to  offer  to  your  Honor's  consideration  some  few  particulars 
with  which,  peradventure,  the  great  distance  between  Wil- 
liamsburg and  those  parts  of  the  country  which  are  most  im- 
mediately affected  by  them,  may  have  prevented  some  gentle- 
men, who  share  in  the  administration,  from  being  so  tho- 
roughly acquainted,  as,  it  is  conceived,  public  utility,  re- 
quires they  should. 

Not  to  mention-  the  repeated  acts  of  hostility  and  vio- 
lence committed,  on  our  fellow-subjects  in  the  remoter  parts 
of  the  Colony,  by  those  bloody  instruments  of  French  policy, 
the  Indians  ;  nor  the  great  extent  of  country  on  both  sides 
the  Alleghanies,  now  almost  totally  depopulated  by  them, 
which  are  facts  long  since  notorious  to  all ;  I  beg  leave  to  in- 


432  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

form  you,  that  such  numbers  of  people  have  lately  trans- 
planted themselves  hence  into  the  more  southerly  govern- 
ments, as  must  appear  almost  incredible  to  any,  except  such 
as  have  had  an  opportunity  of  knowing  it,  either  from  their 
own  observation,  or  the  credible  information  of  others. 

From  the  waters  of  Potomac,  James  River,  and  Roanoke, 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  above-mentioned  ridge  of  mountains, 
nay.  from  the  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  hundreds  of  families 
have,  within  these  few  months  past,  removed,  deserted  their 
habitations,  and  conveyed  themselves  and  their  most  valuable 
movables  into  other  governments. 

By  Bedford  Court  House,  in  one  week,  it  is  said,  and  I 
believe  truly  said,  near  three  hundred  persons,  inhabitants  of 
this  colony,  passed  on  their  way  to  Carolina.  And  I  have  it 
from  good  authors,  that  no  later  in  autumn  than  October, 
five  thousand  more  had  crossed  James  River,  only  at  one 
ferry,  that  at  Goochland  Court  House,  and  journeying  towards 
the  same  place ;  and  doubtless  great  numbers  have  passed 
that  way  since.  And,  although  all  these  had  not  been  settled 
in  "Virginia,  yet  a  large  proportion  of  them  had.  From  all 
the  upper  counties,  even  those  on  this  side  the  Blue  Hills, 
great  numbers  are  daily  following,  and  others  preparing  to 
follow  in  the  spring.  Scarce  do  I  know  a  neighborhood  but 
has  lost  some  families,  and  expects  quickly  to  lose  more. 
What  aggravates  the  misfortune,  is,  that  many  of  these  are 
not  the  idler  and  the  vagrant,  pests  of  society,  whom  it  is  ever 
salutary  to  a  body  politic  to  purge  off,  but  the  honest  and  in- 
dustrious, men  of  worth  and  property,  whom  it  is  an  evil  at 
any  time  to  a  community  to  lose,  but  is  most  eminently  so  to 
our  own  in  the  present  critical  juncture. 

Now,  sir,  as  many  have  thus  quitted  fertile  lands  and 


LETTEES    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  433 

comfortable  habitations,  left  behind  them  their  friends,  rela- 
tions, and  country,  to  all  which  they  were  attached  by  many 
powerful  and  endearing  ties,  we  may  conclude  that  weighty 
have  been  the  reasons,  at  least  these  people  have  thought 
them  such,  which  have  already  determined  so  many  to  act  as 
these  have  done,  and  will  determine  others  to  follow  their  ex- 
ample. But,  whether  they  be  weighty  in  themselves  or  not, 
it  is  certain  they  are  such  as  reduce  the  numbers  of  our  inha- 
bitants very  fast,  to  the  great  detriment  and  loss  of  the 
public. 

As  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  conversing  with  some  of 
them  upon  the  subject,  and  have  thence  discovered  what  con- 
siderations have  influenced  their  conduct  in  this  point,  I  shall 
take  the  liberty  briefly  and  candidly  to  represent  them  to 
your  Honor ;  after  which,  you  may  judge  whether  they  have 
any  weight  or  not ;  that,  if  they  have,  the  gentlemen  whose 
province  it  is  to  direct  public  affairs,  may,  if  upon  inquiry 
they  find  this  information  founded  on  truth,  consider  what 
will  be  the  properest  remedies  for  a  timely  prevention  of  the 
further  progress  of  this  consumption  in  our  political  consti- 
tution. 

Although  it  be  natural  to  suspect  that  the  heavy  taxes 
which  the  pressing  exigencies  of  our  country  have  rendered 
necessary,  possibly  may,  and  perhaps  actually  have,  deter- 
mined some  to  remove,  yet,  I  know  none  who  have  been  pre- 
vailed on  to  do  so,  purely  and  simply  from  that  consideration. 
But,  sir,  an  unhappy  concurrence  of  various  sinister  events 
and  untoward  circumstances,  preventing  the  Colony  from 
reaping  advantages  from  the  sums  levied  and  expended,  ade- 
quate to  those  sums,  together  with  a  suspicion  and  dread  that 
their  persons    and    possessions  are   not    sufficiently   insured 

19 


434  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

against  the  cruelties  and  depredations  of  the  savages,  have 
been  the  prevailing  and  principal  inducements  to  these  peo- 
ple, thus,  to  their  own  private,  as  well  as  to  the  public  detri- 
ment and  loss,  to  become  voluntary  exiles. 

Gentlemen  in  the  administration  may  think,  and  I  do  be- 
lieve they  do  think,  that  abundant  provision  has  been  already 
made  for  their  protection  and  defence,  as  well  by  the  several 
companies  of  Rangers  sent  out  in  the  fall,  as  by  the  present 
expedition  against  the  Shawanese.  Whether  the  former  of 
these  measures  has  answered  all  the  good  ends,  which,  I  pre- 
sume, the  Government  had  in  view  when  it  was  resolved  on,  I 
undertake  not  to  affirm  or  deny.  And,  whether  the  latter 
will,  no  man  not  endowed  with  the  prophetic  gift  can  foretell. 
However,  I  hope  it  will. 

But  this  is  foreign  to  my  purpose,  which  is  to  inform  your 
Honor  of  the  sentiments  and  reasonings  of  those  people  who 
are  daily  seeking  new  habitations  out  of  this  Government. 
And  they,  sir,  notwithstanding  those  measures,  and  all  others 
which  have  yet  been  pursued  with  the  same  views,  look  upon 
our  frontiers  to  be  in  so  insecure  and  defenceless  a  state  as  to 
justify  their  apprehensions  that  the  same  bloody  tragedies 
which  were  acted  at  the  expense  of  their  neighbors  last  sum- 
mer, will,  if  they  stay,  be  re-acted  the  ensuing  at  their  own. 

If  only  fifty  Indians,  which  they  believe  to  be  as  many 
as  were  upon  our  borders  in  the  south-west  last  year,  made 
such  havoc  and  desolation,  drove  off  upwards  of  2,000  head 
of  cattle  and  horses  to  support  themselves  and  the  enemy 
at  Fort  Duquesne,  besides  what  they  wantonly  destroyed ; 
if  so  contemptible  a  band  depopulated  and  ravaged  so  large  a 
tract  of  country,  they  suspect,  much  greater  numbers,  animated 
and  tempted  by  the  extraordinary  success  of  those  few,  will, 


LETTERS    OF   JAMES    MAURY.  435 

ere  long,  renew  the  same  hostilities,  and  consequently,  much 
greater  and  more  extensive  mischief  will  ensue.  And,  certain 
it  is,  should  that  be  attempted  and  no  effectual  methods  pur- 
sued to  defeat  the  attempt,  many  parts  of  this  Colony,  now 
several  miles  within  the  frontier,  will  shortly  become  frontier 
in  their  turn. 

As  to  the  expedition  under  the  command  of  Major  Lewis, 
they  regard  it  as  a  mark  of  the  government's  concern  for  their 
particular  security,  and  of  its  attention  to  the  welfare  of  the 
community  at  large.  But  yet,  the  success  of  it  being  uncer- 
tain, they  think  it  not  prudent  to  risk  all  that  is  dear  in  life, 
nay,  life  itself,  upon  such  an  uncertainty.  They  steadfastly 
believe,  because  it  has  been  confidently  affirmed  by  persons 
whom  they  judge  worthy  of  credit,  that  the  Shawanese  have 
long  since  received  intelligence  of  the  march  and  destination 
of  that  party  of  Cherokees  who  are  now  to  act  in  concert  with 
the  forces  of  this  Colony,  that  are  under  the  command  of 
Major  Lewis.  And,  hence,  it  is  concluded,  they  have  time 
either  to  augment  their  strength  sufficiently  to  face  us  in  the 
field,  or  else  to  retreat  beyond  the  reach  of  our  forces  for 
awhile,  in  order,  either  when  they  shall  be  withdrawn  thence, 
or  even  while  they  continue  there  in  one  body,  to  return  on  our 
back  settlements  by  some  one  or  other  of  those  various  passes 
through  the  Alleghany  mountains,  all  which  it  will  be  utterly 
impossible  for  those  forces  in  that  united  state  to  command  or 
guard.  And  should  this  expedition,  for  these  or  any  other 
reasons,  succeed  no  better  than  some  others  have,  what  our  re- 
mote inhabitants  have  heretofore  suffered  is  judged  but  trifling, 
compared  with  what  they  would  suffer  in  consequence  of  so 
disastrous  an  event ;  a  dread  of  which,  it  is  generally  feared, 
would  determine  all  the  people  beyond  the  Blue  Bidge  instant- 


436  MKMOLRS   OF   A    IIUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

ly  to  abandon  their  habitations,  and  retreat  to  a  place  of  greater 
security  ;  which  they,  as  well  as  those  who  have  already  removed 
thither,  expect  to  find  in  the  western  parts  of  the  Carolinas, 
in  the  neighborhood  and  under  the  shelter  of  the  Catawbas 
and  Cherokees ;  whither,  it  is  supposed,  the  French  Indians 
will,  at  present,  scarce  think  proper  to  make  any  inroads ;  for, 
sir,  in  the  present  state  of  our  frontiers,  they  must  be  sensible, 
if  they  judge  of  the  future  from  the  past,  that  they  may  with 
less  trouble  and  hazard,  get  both  scalps  and  plunder  in  Vir- 
ginia, as  valuable,  nay,  more  valuable  than  they  can  well  ex- 
pect in  the  neighborhood  of  those  two  nations,  our  friends, 
who  are  truly  formidable  to  them,  one  for  its  martial  and  en- 
terprising genius,  the  other  for  its  numbers. 

It  is  generally  believed  by  the  most  prudent  and  discern- 
ing in  this  part  of  the  country,  that  during  the  present  trou- 
bles, nothing  will  put  a  stop  to  this  prevailing  humor  of  re- 
moving southerly,  because  nothing  will  convince  the  people 
they  are  safe,  but  a  line  of  forts  extended  quite  across  the  Co- 
lony, as  a  barrier  against  incursions  of  the  barbarians ;  and 
that  this  would,  is  quite  probable,  because  a  trifling  fort  on 
Jackson  River,  a  little  below  the  mouth  of  Carpenter's  Creek, 
and  another  more  trifling  at  the  Drunkard's  Bottom,  on  New 
River,  have,  notwithstanding  surrounding  dangers,  kept  their 
neighboring  settlements  tolerably  well  together,  as  yet.  Sir, 
if  this  be  the  case,  it  is  submitted  to  superior  judgments  to 
decide,  whether  or  not  it  will  be  a  prudent  and  necessary  mea- 
sure to  have  a  chain  of  forts  thrown  across  the  Colony  with 
all  convenient  speed. 

Should  such  a  scheme  be  resolved  on,  the  following  line 
might,  perhaps,  upon  being  viewed  by  proper  persons,  be 
found  to  be  not  altogether  inconvenient  to  build  them  on,  to 


LETTEES    OF   JAMES   MAEBY.  437 

wit :  beginning  near  the  head  of  Patterson's  Creek  on  Poto- 
mac (for  there  is  a  fort  already  thirteen  miles  above  its  mouth), 
continued  up  the  western  branch  of  Woppocomo,  and  down 
Jackson  River,  and  up  Craig's  Creek,  crossing  the  Alleghany 
Mountains  to  the  Horse  Shoe  Bottom  on  New  River,  thence 
up  to  the  head  of  Reedy  Creek,  and  extended  down  Holston, 
quite  to  the  latitude  of  our  southern  boundary.  Each  of 
these  forts  might  be  built  from  other  about  thirty  miles  dis- 
tant, more  or  less,  as  the  natural  situation  of  the  grounds, 
and  some  other  requisite  conveniences,  would  admit.  Each, 
too,  might  be  garrisoned  by  a  company  of  about  fifty  men,  ex- 
clusive of  officers,  part  whites  and  part  Indians.  As  the 
whole  distance  is  somewhat  upwards  of  300  miles  only,  and 
some  few  forts  are  already  erected  on  or  near  this  line,  ten  or 
twelve  at  most,  might  be  sufficient  to  serve  our  whole  fron- 
tier, and  six  hundred  men  at  most,  Indians  and  whites  toge- 
ther, to  garrison  the  whole  chain. 

Should  it  be  further  determined  that  no  person  bear  any 
commission  in  these  garrisons,  except  such  as  besides  some 
little  fortune  and  a  good  character,  are  expert  woodsmen,  it 
would  still  further  insure  the  success  of  this  matter. 

As  his  Honor,  the  Governor,  cannot  be  so  well  acquainted 
with  persons  who  may  be  best  qualified  to  command  these  com- 
panies, as  several  gentlemen  in  the  upper  counties  are,  who 
are  themselves  experienced  woodsmen,  and  personally  know 
such  as  are  most  proper  for  such  an  office ;  both  on  this  and 
the  other  accounts  just  mentioned,  would  it  be  amiss,  should 
directions  be  given  to  the  several  courts  of  Augusta,  Frede- 
rick, and  Hampshire,  Halifax,  Lunenburg,  Prince  Edward 
and  Bedford,  Albemarle  and  Louisa,  Orange,  Culpepper, 
Prince  William  and  Fairfax,  each  to  recommend  three  or 


438  MEMOIRS   OF  A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

four  persons,  the  best  qualified  in  their  respective  counties  for 
that  business ;  out  of  whom  his  Honor  might  make  choice  of 
such  as  he  should  think  fit?  Perhaps,  too,  it  might  be 
thought  necessary  to  appoint  one  general  commander  over  all 
these  garrisons,  who,  upon  any  emergency,  by  drafting  a  cer- 
tain quota  from  each,  would  be  enabled  more  speedily  and 
more  effectually  to  relieve  any  particular  place  in  distress,  as 
well  as  to  harass  and  intercept  any  parties  of  the  enemy,  dar- 
ing enough  to  adventure  within  the  line.  Supposing  these 
fortresses  built  each  from  other  at  the  distances  men- 
tioned above,  the  whole  extent  of  country  from  north  to  south 
might  be  daily  ranged  and  explored,  and  a  constant  communi- 
cation maintained  between  fort  and  fort ;  for  each  garrison 
would  bear  dividing  into  six  parties.  Two  might  in  regular 
rotation  be  constantly  employed  in  scouring  the  woods ;  one 
about  fifteen  miles  to  the  northward,  the  other  about  as  far  to 
the  southward  of  their  own  fort,  while  the  remaining  four  con- 
tinued at  home,  both  for  their  own  refreshment  and  for  the 
necessary  guard  and  defence  of  their  post.  Each  of  the  two 
dividends  upon  duty  might  be  obliged  to  range  from  their 
own  fort  as  above  proposed  to  some  distance,  as  nearly  central 
as  may  be,  between  it  and  that  towards  which  they  respec- 
tively patrol.  The  scouting  parties  of  these  two  forts  might 
there  meet  each  other  in  the  evening,  camp  together  that 
night  for  mutual  security,  and  before  setting  out  for  their  se- 
veral homes  in  the  morning,  make  an  appointment  where  the 
two  next  detachments  from  the  two  same  garrisons  to  be  next 
upon  duty  should  meet  and  encamp  on  the  evening  of  the 
succeeding  day ;  taking  care,  as  frequently  as  may  be,  to 
change  their  places  of  encampment,  in  order  both  to  render 
the  passage  of  the  enemy  by  night  or  by  day  more  precarious, 


LETTERS   OF   JAMES   MAURY.  4:39 

and  more  effectually  to  guard  against  a  surprise  in  the  night, 
which  might  also  be  further  guarded  against  were  each  party 
to  have  some  few  well-tutored  and  mettlesome  dogs,  the  most 
vigilant  of  sentinels,  whose  antipathy  against  Indians  is  as 
strong  as  that  of  Indians  against   them.     And  by  these  par- 
ties thus  frequently  meeting,  any  intelligence  might  be  easily 
transmitted  from  one   extremity  of  this  line  to  the  other,  or 
from  any  of  the  intermediate   stations  to  either  extremity, 
without  any  extraordinary  trouble  or  expense.     As  all  these 
garrisons  might  be  under  the   same  regulations,  and  detach- 
ments from  each  be  daily  ranging  in  the  manner  above-men- 
tioned, the  country  thereabouts  would  be  thoroughly  searched 
and  guarded,  and  yet  the  soldiers,  through  this  alternate  vi- 
cissitude of  exercise  and  repose,  not  obliged  to  undergo  any 
immoderate  fatigue  ;  for  two-thirds  of  their  time  would   be 
spent  at  their  fort,  and  only  one-third  upon  duty  out  of  doors. 
Now,  sir,  do  not  you  think  it  highly  probable  that  a  scheme 
of  this  sort  judiciously  planned  and  faithfully  executed,  of  which 
this  may  be  considered  only  as  an  imperfect  sketch,  would 
render  it  extremely  hazardous  for  the  enemy,  notwithstand- 
ing their  celebrated  activity  and  expertness  in  the  woods, 
and  the  ruggedness  and  unevenness  of  those  grounds,  to  make 
any  inroads  upon  us  with  success  ?  The  diligence  and  activity 
that  may  be  expected  in  officers  thus  cautiously  chosen,  and 
the  garrisons  under  their  command,  having  a  proper  intermix- 
ture of  Indians  no  less  subtle  than  the  enemy,  as  bold,  and 
equally  well  versed  in  all  the  barbarian  arts  and  stratagems 
of  war,  would  be  much  more  formidable  to  those  brutal  rava- 
gers,  and  embarrass  them  much  more  than  many  thousands  of 
the  best  disciplined   troops,  and  would  either  keep  them  at 
due  distance,  or,  should  they  adventure  within  the  barrier,  se- 


440  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

vercly  chastise  their  insolence  and  temerity.  Such  a  measure, 
too,  besides  affording  the  people  in  these  quarters  greater  se- 
curity than  they  have  ever  yet  had,  it  is  supposed  will  be  less 
expensive  to  the  Government  than  any  other  that  seems  to 
promise  equal  success.  Good  judges  of  work  are  of  opinion 
that  each  of  these  forts,  together  with  its  necessary  buildings, 
will  not  cost  more  than  between  £40  and  £50,  provided  the 
several  companies  be  obliged  to  assist  the  undertaker  in  fell- 
ing, hewing,  sawing,  and  conveying  into  place  the  timber,  in 
digging  the  trenches  for  the  stockades,  and  in  other  services 
of  that  nature  ;  and  provided  forts,  built  after  the  model,  in 
the  manner,  and  of  the  dimensions  of  that  of  which  you  here- 
with receive  a  plan,  be  judged  sufficient  to  answer  the  end. 
Men,  too,  may  be  had  to  garrison  them  with  very  little  boun- 
ty ;  many,  perhaps,  without  any,  provided  the  Government 
would  give  them  an  assurance  that  they  should  not  be  obliged 
to  enter  into  any  other  service.  When  enlisted,  they  would 
be  less  apt  to  desert  than  men  are  from  corps  of  a  different 
denomination,  and  destined  for  services  of  a  different  nature. 
Moreover,  the  Indians  in  these  garrisons  will  certainly  re- 
quire less  costly  clothing,  and  perhaps  be  satisfied  with  lower 
wages  than  soldiers  are  commonly  allowed.  The  white  men, 
too,  would  be  clothed  as  cheaply,  perhaps  more  so,  than  sol- 
diers regularly  regimented.  Several  officers  thought  neces- 
sary in  corps  of  this  latter  denomination,  would  here  be  need- 
less ;  such  as  colonel,  lieutenant-colonel,  major,  adjutant, 
quarter-master,  pay-master,  commissary,  and  perhaps  some 
others.  If  I  am  not  mistaken  in  the  pay  these  several  officers 
receive  in  the  Virginia  Regiment,  which,  according  to  my  cal- 
culation amounts  to  £177  10s.  per  month,  the  six  hundred 
men  in  these  forts  will  be  cheaper  to  the  Colony  by  £2,130 


LETTEES    OF   JAMES   MAURY.  441 

per  annum  than  the  same  number  regimented,  out  of  which, 
however,  is  to  be  deducted  the  pay  of  an  officer  to  command 
the  whole,  which,  rated  at  twenty  shillings  per  day,  a  very 
bountiful  and  genteel  allowance,  leaves  an  annual  clear  saving 
to  the  Colony  of  £1,765. 

As  some  of  these  forts  will  be  convenient  to  the  back  in- 
habitants, the  garrisons  may  be  fed  at  much  less  expense  than 
the  Colony's  troops  at  Cumberland  can  be,  because  the  heavy 
charges  of  a  long  land  carriage  will  be  saved,  savings  which 
well  merit  the  attention  of  a  government,  most  especially  when 
its  treasury  is  well-nigh  exhausted,  and  its  subjects  so  little 
able  to  replenish  it  as  our  countrymen  at  present  confessedly 

are. 

But  there  is  another  very  considerable  expense  which  I 
had  like  to  have  forgotten,  which  this  method  of  guarding  our 
frontiers  will  render  needless,  and  which  therefore  may  be 
saved ;  for  draughting  the  militia  will  probably  hence  be  ren- 
dered unnecessary,  which  has  frequently  been  done  last  year, 
and  for  aught  that  is  known  to  the  contrary,  the  Government 
may  be  necessitated  to  do  the  same  the  ensuing.  And,  should 
only  six  hundred  of  them  be  employed  in  defence  of  our  fron- 
tiers, and  stationed  there  only  for  one  campaign,  on  the  pay 
established  by  Act  of  Assembly,  it  would  be  such  an  addition 
to  that  load  of  debt  and  taxes  under  which  the  country  at 
present  labors,  as,  together  with  its  unhappy  circumstances  in 
some  other  respects,  must  infallibly  sink  it  beyond  a  possi- 
bility of  emerging  through  a  course  of  many  years,  how  favor- 
able a  turn  soever  its  present  situation  of  affairs  may  take. 

Such  a  chain  of  fortresses  would  also  bring  back  the  fugi- 
tives to  their  deserted  plantations,  would  encourage  others  to 
prosecute  anew  their  former  schemes  of  seating  the  back  lands, 

19* 


442  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

which  these  unhappy  contests  between  the  courts  of  London 
and  Versailles  have  deterred  them  from  executing,  and  would 
invite  new  settlers  thither  from  several  of  the  neighboring 
colonies,  as  well  as  from  the  crowded  and  interior  parts  of  our 
own  ;  hence,  a  considerable  increase  of  people,  which  has  ever 
been  thought  an  augmentation  of  wealth  and  power.  Indus- 
try, too,  would  revive,  which  in  the  remoter  parts  of  the  Col- 
ony, has  for  some  time  past  been  in  a  stagnant  state,  occa- 
sioned by  the  husbandman's  uncertainty  whether  the  returns 
of  his  labor  were  to  support  the  enemies  of  his  country  or  his 
own  family.  The  people  would  cease  to  remove,  as  they 
would  believe  the  Government  had  fallen  upon  the  [The 
remainder  of  this  letter  lost.] 


Letter  from  John  Fontaine  to  Rev.  James  Maury. 

Jan.  2d,  1764. 

Dear  Nephew  Maury  : — The  last  letter  we  received  from 
you  was  dated  the  18th  June,  1760,  which  was  very  accepta- 
ble to  us,  the  which  we  answered  the  24th  Jan.  1761,  and  have 
received  no  letter  from  you  since.  Our  great  desire  to  hear 
from  you  will  not  permit  us  to  be  any  longer  silent,  as  the 
peace  is  now  concluded  so  much  to  our  advantage,  and  more 
especially  so  to  all  those  who  possess  estates  in  North  America, 
and  that  the  French  and  Spaniards  have  ceded  to  us  and  put 
us  in  actual  and  quiet  possession  of  more  territory  than  the 
most  sanguine  could  have  expected,  and  that  you  are  now  sole 
lords  of  North  America,  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  north 
pole,  on  the  south  by  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  and  the  west  by  the 
great  river  Mississippi.  Nothing  more  can,  we  think,  be 
wished  for  as  to  extent  of  territory,  but  to  be  thankful  for 


LETTER    FROM    JOHN    FOXTAESTE.  443 

this  great  enlargement,  and  the  great  deliverance  from  our 
powerful  enemies  the  French  and  Spaniards,  and  from  popery 
and  idolatry,  which  in  our  opinion  is  as  great,  if  not  a  greater 
blessing  than  any,  or  indeed  all  the  others  put  together. 

Now,  thanks  be  to  our  great  God  for  it,  He  may  and  will 
be  worshipped  without  a  rival  from  the  north  pole  to  the  Gulf 
of  Florida.  It  is  impossible  for  you  and  me,  without  his  espe- 
cial assistance,  to  be  sufficiently  thankful  for  so  many  favors 
conferred  on  us  and  our  posterity.  A  land  flowing  with  milk 
and  honey  to  inhabit,  the  pure  and  unadulterated  doctrine 
brought  down  from  heaven  by  our  blessed  Saviour  and  Re- 
deemer to  lead  us  to  eternal  life ;  these  are  blessings  so  com- 
plete that  no  more  can  be  added  to  them. 

The  poor  natural  inhabitants  still  remain  as  thorns  in  your 
sides,  lest  you  and  we  should  forget  the  past  deliverances. 
We  pray  to  God  to  open  their  understandings,  and  make  them 
one  flock  with  us,  obedient  to  the  same  God  and  Saviour. 
Whilst  those  Indians  continue  uninstructed  in  the  principles 
of  Christ's  true  religion,  they  will  be  cruel  and  treacherous. 
We  are  greatly  concerned  to  hear  of  the  horrible  cruelties 
committed  by  those  infidels  upon  your  out  settlers.  We  hope 
you  will  soon  put  a  stop  to  their  proceedings,  and  by  a  supe- 
rior force  bring  them  to  reason,  and  convince  them  of  the  folly 
of  such  undertakings. 

I  received  the  Timothy  grass  you  were  so  kind  as  to  send 
me.  I  sowed  some  in  my  garden,  and  it  grew  well.  I  tried 
in  the  field,  and  the  grass  killed  it.  It  would  grow  well  in 
well  cultivated  lands  if  well  weeded,  and  I  think  would  pro- 
duce a  great  crop ;  but  I  am  too  old  and  too  feeble  to  under- 
take any  thing,  and  I  am  often  confined  with  the  gout. 

Your  affectionate  uncle, 

John  Fontaine. 


444  ICEMOIBS  OF    A    HUGUENOT    ka.mii, v. 

Letter  from  Colowl  William  Fontaine,  after  the  sur- 

render  at  York. 

Richmond,  Oct.  2G£A,  1781. 

Dear  Sir  : — Major  Perm,  gives  me  an  opportunity,  the  first 
I  have  met  with  since  the  glorious  event,  of  congratulating 
you  on  the  surrender  of  York,  which  I  do  with  all  imaginable 
cordiality.  I  had  the  happiness  to  see  that  British  army, 
which  so  lately  spread  dismay  and  desolation  through  all  our 
country,  march  forth  on  the  20th  instant  at  three  o'clock, 
through  our  whole  army  drawn  up  in  two  lines  at  about 
twenty  yards  distance,  and  return  disrobed  of  all  their  terrors, 
so  humbled  and  so  struck  at  the  appearance  of  our  troops  that 
their  knees  seemed  to  tremble,  and  you  could  not  see  a  pla- 
toon that  marched  in  any  order.  Such  a  noble  figure  did  our 
army  make,  that  I  scarce  know  which  drew  my  attention 
most.  You  could  not  have  heard  a  whisper  or  seen  the  least 
motion  throughout  our  whole  line,  but  every  countenance  was 
erect,  and  expressed  a  serene  cheerfulness.  Cornwallis  pre- 
tended to  be  ill,  and  imposed  the  mortifyiDg  duty  of  leading 
forth  the  captives  on  General  O'Hara.  Their  own  officers  ac- 
knowledge them  to  be  the  flower  of  the  British  troops,  yet  I 
do  not  think  they  at  all  exceeded  in  appearance  our  own  or  the 
French.  The  latter,  you  may  be  assured,  are  very  different 
from  the  ideas  formerly  inculcated  in  us,  of  a  people  living  on 
frogs  and  coarse  vegetables.     Finer  troops  I  never  saw. 

His  Lordship's  defence,  I  think,  was  rather  feeble.  His 
surrender  was  eight  or  ten  days  sooner  than  the  most  sanguine 
expected,  though  his  force  and  resources  were  much  greater 
than  we  conceived.  He  had  at  least  a  fortnight's  provisions, 
and  1000  barrels  of  powder  left,  beside  a  magazine,  that  it  is 


LETTER    FROM    COL.  W.  FONTAINE.  445 

supposed  was  blown  up  with  design  during  the  negotiation  for 
the  surrender.  The  whole  of  the  prisoners  of  war  amount  to 
6,800.  exclusive  of  sailors  and  marines,  which,  with  the  ship- 
ping, belong  to  the  French,  and  the  refugees,  merchants  and 
followers  of  the  army.  The  shipping  of  every  sort  is  about 
seventy  sail,  though  a  great  many  are  sunk.  Of  brass  ord- 
nance we  have  taken  eighty  odd  ;  of  iron,  120  ;  muskets,  7,313 
fit  for  use,  beside  a  great  number  in  unopened  boxes,  and  of 
odd  arms  ;  of  horse,  i.bout  300  accoutred  ;  there  must  be  more 
horse  accoutrements,  but  I  have  not  seen  a  particular  return 
from  Gloucester,  where  the  horse  lay.  The  military  chest 
amounts  to  only  800  guineas.  Merchants'  stores  are  subject 
to  the  pre-emption  of  our  army  at  a  reasonable  price  for  such 
articles  as  suit  them,  the  remainder  they  are  allowed  three 
months  to  effect  the  sale  of,  then  are  to  give  their  parole  and 
clear  out.  Tories  are  subject  to  be  tried  by  our  laws.  The 
20th  of  next  month  is  appointed  for  that  purpose.  A  small 
proportion  of  officers  are  to  remain  with  the  prisoners,  the  rest 
are  to  be  paroled  to  New- York.  A  flag-ship  is  allowed  Corn- 
wallis  to  carry  him  to  New-York ;  thence,  I  believe,  he  goes 
home.  His  flag-ship  is  not  to  be  searched.  The  officers  re- 
tain their  side-arms  and  baggage,  and  the  soldiers  their  knap- 
sacks. They  marched  out  with  drums  muffled,  and  colors 
furled  and  crossed.  All  property  taken  from  inhabitants  by 
the  British  is  liable  to  be  claimed  by  them.  In  consequence, 
Master  Tarleton  met  with  a  most  severe  mortification  the  day 
before  yesterday.  The  hero  was  prancing  through  the  streets 
of  York  on  a  very  fine,  elegant  horse,  and  was  met  by  a  spi- 
rited young  fellow  of  the  country,  who  stopped  him,  challenged 
the  horse,  and  ordered  him  instantly  to  dismount,  Tarleton 
halted  and  paused  awhile  through  confusion,  then  told  the  lad 


llt*»  MKMOIRS    OF    A     HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

if  it  was  his  horse,  he  supposed  he  must  be  given  up,  but  in- 
sisted to  ride  him  some  distance  out  of  town  to  dine  with  a 
French  officer.  This  was  more,  however,  than  Mr.  Giles  was 
disposed  to  indulge  him  in,  having  been  forced,  when  he  and 
his  horse  were  taken,  to  travel  good  part  of  a  night  on  foot  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  he  therefore  refused  to  trust  him  out 
of  sight,  and  made  him  dismount  in  the  midst  of  the  street 
crowded  with  spectators.  Many  such  instances  have  since 
happened  on  the  road.  The  people  who  have  been  insulted, 
abused,  nay,  ruined  by  them,  give  them  no  quarter.  I  have 
not  seen  the  articles  of  capitulation,  but  have  given  you  the 
substance  as  well  as  I  can  recollect  from  such  as  have  read 
them. 

We  are  surely  to  have  a  garrison  at  York  ;  whether  French 
or  American  was  not  known  when  I  left  York,  the  day  before 
yesterday.  Some  troops  are  to  go  to  the  southward.  It  is 
supposed  the  French  fleet  and  most  of  their  troops  will  go  to 
the  West  Indies,  though  all  is  conjecture,  and  will  probably 
remain  so  to  all  but  the  Count  de  Grasse  and  Gen.  Washing- 
ton. The  General  had  been  aboard  the  Admiral  for  some 
days  past  as  I  came  away ;  something  of  consequence,  I  sus- 
pect, was  projecting  between  them.  The  troops  at  Ports- 
mouth are  levelling  to  prevent  the  British  taking  post  there. 
Nothing  certain  of  a  British  fleet,  They  have  lost,  'tis  said, 
Bengal  and  Madras  in  the  East  Indies,  by  the  powerful  exer- 
tions of  Hyder  Ali  in  favor  of  the  French. 

Cornwallis,  I  am  well  assured,  previous  to  his  surrender, 
acknowledged  to  the  Secretary,  that  the  capture  of  his  army 
would  put  an  end  to  the  war.  The  same  sentiment  was  ex- 
pressed to  me  by  two  of  his  officers,  and,  I  learn  from  an  in- 
telligent inhabitant  of  York,  generally  prevailed  among  them. 


LETTER    FROM    COL.  W.  FONTAINE.  447 

That  General  Lesly,  with  all  the  crew,  perished  in  the 
passage  from  Wilmington  to  Charles  Town  in  the  Blonde 
Frigate  in  ore  est  omnium. 

I  certainly  embark  for  Europe  the  soonest  a  passage  can 
be  had,  perhaps  three  or  four  weeks  hence,  though  I  believe 
I  shall  be  forced  to  take  the  West  Indies  in  the  way,  and 
probably  may  winter  there.  My  love  to  my  good  sisters  and 
families.  My  best  respects  to  Mr.  Armistead,  and  all  my  re- 
lations and  friends  in  your  country.  Farewell !  farewell ! 
the  good  Doctor,  Parson  Cole,  and  all. 

I  have  commissioned  a  gentleman  to  get  Mr.  Holmes  a 
hat  from  York.  Mrs.  Walker  has  recovered  her  two  negroes, 
and  my  mother  her  one.  The  French  fleet  and  all  our  troops 
were  under  sailing  and  marching  orders.  If  Major  Halston 
is  with  you,  let  him  know  Mr.  Burrows,  from  his  State,  has  his 
servant  that  he  wrote  about. 

I  enclose  two  yards  of  ribbon  for  my  sister  Sarah,  and  two 
for  sister  Mary,  or  in  her  absence,  little  Bess — trophies  from 
York.  Had  the  stores  been  opened,  I  would  have  dealt  more 
largely,  though  they  are  strictly  guarded,  and  general  orders 
against  any  thing  being  sold  till  the  army  is  supplied.  All 
health  and  happiness  to  you  and  yours,  and  all  with  you. 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

W.  Fontaine. 


44S  MEMOIRS  OF   A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 


CONCLUSION. 


-•-•-♦- 


I  have  been  at  considerable  pains  to  ascertain  the  present 
condition  of  the  descendants  of  the  sons  and  daughter  of 
James  Fontaine,  who  settled  in  Virginia ;  and  the  result  of 
my  inquiry  is,  that,  in  regard  to  temporal  circumstances,  they 
are  chiefly  in  the  condition  so  touchingly  prayed  for  by  Agur, 
when  he  says  : — "  Give  me  neither  poverty  nor  riches  ;  feed 
me  with  food  convenient  for  me  :  lest  I  be  full  and  deny  thee, 
and  say,  Who  is  the  Lord  ?  or  lest  I  be  poor  and  steal,  and 
take  the  name  of  my  God  in  vain."  I  find  scarcely  any  of  the 
family  who  are  not  earning  a  comfortable  subsistence  for 
themselves  and  those  who  depend  upon  them,  and  at  the  same 
time  there  are  very  few  who  can  be  called  actually  wealthy. 

I  am  the  more  disposed  to  dwell  upon  this  fact,  from  ob- 
serving the  very  different  condition  of  the  descendants  of 
another  Huguenot  refugee,  who,  like  our  ancestor,  left  a  writ- 
ten memoir  for  the  use  of  his  children.  From  this  record  I 
learn  that  he  had  been  a  notary,  and  had  been  deprived  of  his 
employment  on  account  of  his  being  of  the  Reformed  religion. 
He  was  a  husband  and  a  father.  During  the  persecution 
which  preceded  the  actual  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
the  dragoons  visited  his  house,  and  behaved  with  their  usual 


CONCLUSION.  449 

brutality  and  insolence.  They  sent  him  away  soon  after  their 
arrival,  to  procure  for  them,  from  the  neighbouring  village, 
some  delicacies  with  which  to  pamper  their  appetites.  While 
on  the  road,  he  was  intimidated  by  hearing  of  the  cruelty 
with  which  the  dragoons  had  said  they  would  treat  him  on 
his  return  home  ;  and  his  informant,  a  kind  neighbor,  per- 
suaded him  to  conceal  himself  in  his  house. 

I  think,  that,  whatever  might  have  been  his  anticipations 
of  suffering,  it  was  most  unmanly  to  desert  his  wife,  and  leave 
her  alone  with  the  dragoons,  particularly  from  her  state  at 
the  time,  being  in  bed  with  an  infant  only  three  days  old. 
As  might  have  been  expected,  the  dragoons  vented  all  their 
malice  upon  the  poor  woman.  When  they  found  that  her 
husband  did  not  return,  they  dragged  her  out  of  bed,  and 
threatened  to  roast  her  alive :  they  took  it  in  turns  to  hold 
her  close  to  a  fire,  which  was  so  hot  that  each  one  could  only 
bear  to  hold  her  for  a  short  time.  Death  must  soon  have  fol- 
lowed if  she  had  not  been  rescued  by  the  timely  intervention 
of  the  village  Cure,  who  accidentally  heard  what  was  going  on, 
and  persuaded  them  to  desist,  promising  that  he  would  make 
her  recant.     This  was  in  the  year  1681. 

He  went  through  various  trials  and  vicissitudes  during 
the  four  years  following.  His  wife  died,  and  her  young  in- 
fant also,  and  he  was  hunted  from  place  to  place  ;  and  at  last 
in  1685,  the  memorable  year  of  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  he  proceeded  to  Rochelle,  for  the  purpose  of  embark- 
ing for  England.  He  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  there,  and 
after  much  threatening,  insult  and  abuse,  he  was  induced  to 
sign  an  act  of  abjuration.  He  was  liberated  immediately,  but 
was  more  miserable  than  ever,  full  of  remorse  for  the  act  he 
had  committed  when  under  the  influence  of  fear.     He  still 


i:»l)  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

hoped  to  escape  from  France,  but  it  was  more  difficult  to  ac- 
complish now  that  lie  had  publicly  abjured  the  Protestant 
faith.     In  the  course  of  two  or  three  years,  however,  he  suc- 

led  in  getting  away,  but  he  left  behind  him  a  daughter, 
eighteen  years  of  age,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  trying  to  collect. 
and  turn  into  money,  their  few  scattered  resources,  to  bring 
after  him  to  England.  She  was  able  to  accomplish  this  end, 
and  to  join  him  in  about  a  year  ;  which  I  think  was  more 
than  he  had  a  right  to  expect ;  but  we  shall  see  that  his 
family  were  not  much  enriched  eventually. 

Observe ;  the  memoir  he  wrote  for  his  children  has  been 
preserved  and  published  ;  but  how  ?  His  descendants  could 
not  read  the  manuscript,  for  it  was  in  the  French  language, 
and  they,  like  ourselves,  had  become  blended  with  another 
nation.  English  was  with  them,  as  with  us,  the  mother 
tongue,  and  they  could  read  no  other,  for  they  were  unedu- 
cated. The  manuscript  might  have  lain  till  now  upon  the 
shelf  of  a  miserable  lodging-house  in  the  heart  of  London, 
had  it  not  been  brought  to  light  by  accident.  The  owners 
of  it  were  in  poverty,  and  applied  for  relief  to  a  benevolent 
Society,  and  one  of  the  visitors,  upon  his  charitable  errand  to 
them,  became  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  the  manu- 
script. He  took  it  home  to  peruse,  and  undertook  to  have 
it  translated  and  printed,  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the 
writer's  descendants. 

Now  we  come  to  the  practical  lesson  which  I  draw  from 
contrasting  the  different  condition  of  the  descendants  of  these 
two  Huguenot  refugees,  and  I  desire  to  impress  it  upon  our 
minds,  with  the  view  of  inducing  us  to  aim  at  obtaining  the 
strong  faith  of  our  ancestor. 

He  believed  that  God  would  take  care  of  him  and  his,  if 


CONCLUSION.  451 

he  trusted  in  him  :  he  knew  his  promise,  and  that  if  he  left 
house  or  parents,  or  brethren,  or  wife  or  children,  for  the 
kingdom  of  God's  sake,  he  should  receive  manifold  more  in 
this  present  time,  and  in  the  world  to  come  life  everlasting. 
He  therefore  left  all  his  worldly  substance  behind  him,  and 
fled  to  a  land  where  he  could  worship  God  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  his  conscience.  He  waited  not  to  sell  houses  and  lands, 
and  collect  money  for  his  support  in  a  foreign  country.  He 
firmly  believed  the  promises  of  God,  he  saw  distinctly  the  path 
pointed  out  by  duty  to  Him,  he  hesitated  not,  but  followed  on. 

"We  know  that  he  experienced  many  privations  and  hard- 
ships, but  in  the  end  he  was  able  to  maintain  his  family,  and 
to  give  good  educations  to  his  children.  His  descendants 
have  generally  been  able  to  do  the  same. 

His  manuscript  record  of  his  interesting  and  instructive 
life,  instead  of  being  a  dead  letter  to  his  descendants  like  the 
one  named  above,  has  been  perused  and  valued  by  each  suc- 
cessive generation,  as  it  has  been  handed  down  from  father  to 
son,  as  a  precious  and  sacred  inheritance. 

In  the  other  narrative  we  cannot  but  observe  weakness  of 
faith  throughout.  In  his  unmanly  desertion  of  his  wife,  we 
first  notice  it,  then  in  his  signing  the  act  of  abjuration,  and 
lastly  in  leaving  his  daughter  in  France  to  collect  money  for 
the  support  of  the  family. 

My  own  mind  is  forcibly  impressed  with  the  conviction 
that  ive  have  reason  to  hope  for  the  especial  blessing  which 
God  has  promised  to  the  seed  of  the  righteous.  May  we  all 
strive  to  obtain  the  faith  of  our  forefathers,  and  so  to  walk  as 
not  to  prove  degenerate  scions  from  a  worthy  stock. 


APPENDIX. 


-•-••- 


THE    KING'S    EDICT. 

Given  at  Nantes,  April,  1598,  and  published  in  Parliament,  15 

February,  1599. 

Henry,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and  Navarre. 
To  all  that  are  and  shall  be,  greeting : 

The  most  signal  and  remarkable  mercy,  among  the  infinite  ones 
which  it  has  pleased  God  to  vouchsafe  to  us,  is  the  having  given 
us  virtue  and  firmness  sufficient  to  prevent  our  granting  any  thing 
under  the  influence  of  the  dreadful  trouble,  discord  and  confusion 
which  prevailed  at  the  period  of  our  accession  to  the  throne.  The 
kingdom  was  divided  into  many  parts  and  factions,  so  many  that 
the  orderly  portion  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  smallest.  We  have 
been  supported  so  as  to  withstand  this  great  storm,  we  have  over- 
come it,  and  now  at  last  have  reached  the  haven  of  safety  and  re- 
pose. Wherefore,  to  God's  holy  name  be  all  the  glory,  and  to  us 
thankfulness  of  heart,  in  that  he  has  been  pleased  to  make  use  of 
our  efforts,  as  his  instrument  for  accomplishing  the  good  work.  It 
is  plainly  to  be  seen,  that  in  view  of  so  desirable  an  end,  we  have 
gone  beyond  what  duty  required  of  us,  and  have  exposed  ourselves 
with  a  freedom  that  at  another  time  would  scarcely  have  been  con- 
sistent with  the  dignity  of  our  position. 

In  the  conflicting  claims  for  pre-eminence  amongst  the  various 
important  and  perilous  affairs  which  pressed  upon  us,  and  which 
could  not  all  receive  attention  at  once,  we  resolved  upon  the  follow- 
ing course.     In  the  first  place  to  deal  with  such  as  required  to  be 


454  MEMOIBS   OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

Led  by  main  force,  delaying  for  a  while  such  as  could  be  regu- 
lated  by  principles  of  reason  and  justice;  as,  for  example,  the 
general  differences  amongst  our  good  subjects,  and  some  particular 
hardships,  complained  of  by  the  more  healthy  portions  of  the  State, 
which  we  believe  may  be  the  more  effectually  relieved  by  our  having 
first  put  an  end  to  the  civil  war,  which  was  one  chief  cause. 

By  the  grace  of  God,  we  have  happily  bo  far  succeeded  that 
hostilities  have  ceased  throughout  the  kingdom.     We  hope  for  equal 
success  in  composing  those  differences  that  yet  remain  to  be  adjust- 
ed, and  then  will  be  accomplished  the  great  object  of  our  prayers, 
and  we  shall  be  rewarded  for  all  our  labors,  by  once  more  behold- 
ing peace  and  tranquillity  within  our  borders.     Amongst  the  most 
important  of  said  affairs,  the  consideration  of  which  we  were  obliged 
to  postpone,  were  the  complaints  of  various  Catholic  towns  and 
provinces  that  the  Catholic  Religion  had  not  been  universally  re-es- 
tablished, in  conformity  with  the  Edicts  formerly  passed  for  the  pa- 
cification of  religious  troubles ;  also,  the  petitions  and  remonstrances 
of  our  subjects  of  the  pretended  Reformed  Religion,  complaining  of 
the  non-performance  of  what  had  been  promised  to  them  by  the 
said  Edicts,  and  begging  for  further  enactments  to  secure  to  them 
that  liberty  of  conscience,  personal  safety  and  security  of  property 
which  the  late  disturbances  have  made  them  believe  to  be  in  jeop- 
ardy, giving  them  reason  to  fear  that  plans  were  laid  for  their  ruin. 
We  have  put  off  from  time  to  time  the  providing  a  remedy  for  these 
grievances,  partly,  because  we  would  avoid  the  burden  of  too  much 
business  at  once,  and  partly  because  the  enactment  of  laws,  be  they 
ever  so  desirable  in  themselves,  can  scarcely  be  compatible  with  the 
din  of  arms.     But,  it  having  now  pleased  God  to  grant  us  the  en- 
joyment of  more  tranquillity,  we  think  we  can  make  no  better  use 
of  it  than  in  giving  our  attention  to  that  which  concerns  the  glory 
of  His  Holy  Name  and  service,  and  endeavoring  to  provide  for  the 
religious  worship  of  all  our  subjects,  who,  if  they  cannot  yet  join 
in  one  form,  we  may  at  least  hope,  are  actuated  by  one  and  the 
same  purpose,  and  therefore  that  by  wise  regulations  all  tumult  and 
strife  may  be  put  an  end  to,  and  that  we  and  this  kingdom  may  for- 
ever continue  to  deserve  the  glorious  title  of  uMost  Christian,"  that 
title  which  was  originally  acquired  by  great  merit  and  has  been  so 
long  possessed.     We  hope  to  be  able  so  to  regulate  matters  that 
future  trouble  shall  be  avoided,  on  that  subject  which  is  of  all  others 
the  most  delicate  and  searching,  the  subject  of  religion. 


EDICT   OF   NAJSTTES.  455 

Being  fully  sensible  of  the  great  importance  of  this  subject,  and 
the  necessity  of  bestowing  deep  consideration  upon  it,  we  have  care- 
fully looked  over  the  folios  of  complaints  from  our  Catholic  sub- 
jects, and  we  have  permitted  our  subjects  of  the  aforesaid  pretend- 
ed Reformed  Religion  to  assemble  by  deputy  to  prepare  their  list 
of  grievances.  We  have  conferred  with  both  parties  various  times, 
and  carefully  examined  all  former  Edicts,  and  now  we  have  con- 
cluded that  one  general,  clear,  plain  and  absolute  law  must  be  en- 
acted, for  the  government  of  all  our  subjects,  and  by  which  they 
shall  be  regulated  in  the  settlement  of  all  differences  which  have 
already  arisen,  or  which  may  in  future  arise.  With  this,  all  must  rest 
satisfied,  as  the  best  that  the  state  of  the  times  allows,  we  having,  in 
our  deliberations,  had  no  other  end  in  view  than  zeal  for  the  service 
of  God  and  a  desire  to  see  it  manifested  by  our  said  subjects,  amongst 
whom  we  hope  to  establish  a  firm  and  durable  peace.  "We  implore 
and  look  for  the  same  blessing  upon  this,  our  effort,  from  the  mercy 
of  God  that  he  has  heretofore  showered  upon  this  kingdom  from 
its  earliest  foundation  to  this  day.  We  entreat  him  to  send  his  grace 
upon  our  subjects,  and  to  make  them  understand  that  in  the  observ- 
ing of  this  our  Ordinance,  is  laid  the  great  foundation  (after  their 
duty  to  God  and  one  another)  of  their  union  and  tranquillity  and 
the  best  prospect  of  a  restoration  of  this  State  to  its  former  splen- 
dor, opulence  and  strength.  On  our  part,  we  promise  to  have  it 
rigidly  enforced,  without  any  infringement. 

Accordingly,  with  the  advice  and  assistance  of  the  Princes  of 
the  Blood,  the  Princes  and  Officers  of  the  Crown,  and  other  great 
and  important  personages  of  our  Council  of  State,  we  have  duly 
weighed  and  considered  all  this  matter ;  and  we  have,  by  this  perpet- 
ual and  irrevocable  Edict,  said,  declared  and  ordered,  and  we  do 
say,  declare  and  order, 

1st. — That  the  memory  of  the  past,  on  both  sides,  from  the  be- 
ginning of  March,  1585,  to  the  date  of  our  accession  to  the  throne, 
shall  be  buried  in  oblivion  ;  and  it  shall  be  unlawful  for  our  Attor- 
ney General,  or  any  other  person,  public  or  private,  at  any  time, 
or  for  any  purpose  whatsoever,  to  make  mention  of  the  former 
troubles  in  any  process  or  law  suit,  in  any  Court  or  Jurisdiction 
whatever. 

2d. — We  forbid  all  our  subjects,  whatever  may  be  their  rank  or 
condition,  to  revive  the  recollection  of  the  past,  or  to  attack,  resent, 
injure  or  provoke  by  reproaches,  under  any  pretext  whatever ;  and 


456  MEMOIRS   OF   A    J 1 1  <- 1  KNOT   FAMILY. 

they  must  not  dispute,  quarrel,  outrage  or  offend  one  another,  by 
word  or  deed,  but  must  restrain  themselves,  and  live  in  peace  as 
brothers,  friends  and  fellow  citizens,  upon  penalty  to  the  disobedient 
of  being  punished  as  disturbers  of  the  peace. 

3(7. — -\\'e  command  that  in  all  places  of  this  our  Kingdom  and 
country  of  our  obedience,  where  the  exercise  of  the  Apostolic  Ro- 
man  Catholic  religion  has  been  interrupted,  it  shall  be  re-established, 
to  be  there  freely  exercised  without  trouble  or  hindrance.  We  for- 
bid expressly,  all  persons,  of  whatsoever  rank,  degree  or  condition, 
upon  the  above  named  penalty,  to  molest  or  disturb  the  clergymen 
in  the  celebration  of  Divine  Service,  the  enjoyment  and  collection 
of  tithes,  first  fruits  and  revenues  from  their  benefices,  or  any  other 
rights  and  duties  appertaining  thereto.  All  persons,  who,  during 
the  troubles,  became  possessed  of  churches,  houses,  property  and 
revenues  belonging  to  the  said  clergymen,  and  who  retain  and  oc- 
cupy them,  shall  give  up  the  same  to  the  clergy,  with  the  entire 
possession  and  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all  rights,  privileges  and  se- 
curities which  they  had  before  they  were  seized  upon.  It  is  ex- 
pressly forbidden,  to  those  of  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  to 
preach  or  perform  any  service  according  to  said  religion  in  the 
churches,  houses,  or  places  of  abode  of  said  clergymen. 

teh. — It  shall  be  optional  with  the  said  clergymen  to  buy  the 
houses  and  buildings  erected  upon  unconsecrated  ground  occupied 
by  them  before  the  troubles,  or  to  oblige  the  present  possessor  of 
the  buildings  to  buy  the  ground ;  in  either  case  the  property  to  be 
valued  by  skilful  persons,  whom  the  parties  shall  agree  to  appoint. 
In  default  thereof,  provision  shall  be  made  by  the  Judges  of  the 
places,  reserving  to  the  occupant  a  right  of  appeal.  And  wherever 
the  said  clergy  shall  constrain  the  occupant  to  purchase  the  ground, 
the  estimated  value  shall  not  be  paid  to  the  former,  but  shall  re- 
main in  the  hands  of  the  occupant,  he  being  required  to  pay  inter- 
est upon  it  at  the  rate  of  5  per  cent.,  until  it  shall  be  applied  to  the 
use  of  the  church,  which  will  be  done  at  the  expiration  of  one  year. 
And  when  said  time  shall  have  expired,  and  the  purchaser  is  un- 
willing to  continue  said  rent,  he  shall  be  discharged  therefrom,  upon 
depositing  the  purchase  money  in  the  hands  of  a  solvent  person, 
authorized  by  the  justice  to  receive  it.  Commissioners  appointed 
without  fail  by  us  to  see  to  the  execution  of  the  present  Edict,  shall 
give  information  as  to  the  sacred  places. 

5th. — Notwithstanding,  the  ground,  places  and  materials  used 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  457 

for  repairing  and  fortifying  the  cities  and  places  of  our  kingdom 
shall  not  he  sold  by  the  clergy  or  other  individuals  public  or  private, 
until  the  said  fortifications  shall  be  demolished  by  our  Decree. 

6th. — And  in  order  to  leave  no  opening  for  discord  and  divisions 
amongst  our  subjects,  we  have  permitted  and  do  permit  those  of 
the  pretended  Reformed  religion  to  live  and  remain  in  all  cities  and 
places  within  this  our  kingdom  and  country  of  our  obedience  with- 
out being  disturbed,  vexed,  molested  or  forced  to  do  any  thing 
against  their  conscience  on  the  subject  of  religion,  neither  can  their 
houses  or  places  of  abode  be  searched  on  that  score  ;  provided  that 
in  all  things  they  conform  to  what  is  contained  in  our  present  Edict. 

yth. — ^Ve  have  also  permitted  all  lords,  nobles,  and  other  per- 
sons, as  well  natives  and  others,  professing  the  pretended  reformed 
religion,  in  this  our  kingdom,  having  *"  Haute  Justice,"  or  upleint 
fief  de  Haubert,"  as  in  Normandy,  whether  in  full  ownership  or 
merely  usufruct,  the  whole,  one-half,  or  the  third,  to  have  the  exer- 
cise of  the  said  religion  in  such  of  the  houses  of  the  said  "Haute 
Justice  n  or  fiefs  as  they  shall  name  as  the  principal  domicile,  in  the 
presence  of  our  Bailiffs  and  Seneschals,  each  in  his  district ;  and  in 
the  absence  of  the  heads  of  the  family,  their  wives  and  families,  and 
parts  of  them,  may  have  religious  exercises.  Though  the  right  of 
"Justice"  or  "fief  de  Haubert"  be  disputed,  yet  the  exercise  of 
the  said  religion  shall  be  allowed,  provided  that  the  above  men- 
tioned be  in  actual  possession  of  the  said  "Haute  Justice,"  even  if 
our  Attorney  General  be  opposed.  "We  permit  also  said  religious 
exercises  in  their  other  houses  of  "  Haute  Justice  "  or  "  fief  de 
Haubert  "  when  themselves  are  present,  but  not  otherwise.  Such 
services  may  be  not  only  for  their  own  benefit,  but  their  families, 
subjects,  and  all  who  shall  wish  to  attend. 

8th. — In  the  houses  of  the  fiefs,  where  those  of  the  said  religion 
shall  not  have  the  said  "Haute  Justice"  or  "fief  de  Haubert,"  they 
may  have  religious  exercises  for  their  own  families  only,  neverthe- 
less, if  other  persons  should  be  present,  not  exceeding  thirty  in  num- 
ber, on  Baptismal  occasions,  friendly  visits,  or  by  invitation,  they 
may  attend  said  worship  ;  provided  always  that  said  fiefs  are  not 

*  Haute  Justice.  The  jurisdictiorr  of  manorial  courts  where  the  judge  takes  cogni- 
zance of  both  civil  and  criminal  suits,  not  affecting  the  Crown. 

t  Fief  de  Haubert  A  tenure  by  Knight's  service  whose  owner  was  bound  to  serve 
on  horseback  in  complete  armor.  This  tenure  existed  longer  in  Normandy,  than  any 
other  part  of  France. 

20 


458  MEMOIRS   OF  A  HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Within  Cities,  Towns,  or  Villages,  belonging  to  Catholic  Noblemen, 
and  where  they  have  houses.     In  the  latter  case,  the  permission 

of  said  Noblemen  must  be  given  before  religious  worship  can  be 
had. 

$th. — We  also  permit  those  of  the  said  religion  to  continue  the 
exercise  of  it  in  all  cities  and  places  under  our  government,  where 
it  was  established  and  publicly  practised  at  different  times  in  the 
year  1596,  and  before  the  end  of  August  1597,  notwithstanding  any 
decrees  or  decisions  to  the  contrary. 

10th. — The  said  exercise  shall  likewise  be  established  and  re- 
stored in  all  cities  and  places  where  it  was  established,  or  had  the 
right  to  be  so,  by  the  Edict  of  Pacification,  passed  in  the  year  1577, 
or  by  the  secret  articles  and  conferences  of  Nerac  and  Fleix,  with- 
out the  said  establishment  being  prevented  in  places  of  the  domain 
given  in  the  said  Edict,  though  they  may  since  have  been  made 
over  to  Catholic  persons.  Let  it  then  be  understood  that  the  said 
exercise  may  be  always  re-established  in  places  of  the  said  domain 
which  have  formerly  been  in  the  possession  of  those  who  professed 
the  pretended  Reformed  Religion,  in  which  it  would  have  been 
placed  in  consideration  of  their  persons,  or  because  of  their  feudal 
rights,  even  if  the  said  fiefs  should  now  be  possessed  by  persons  of 
the  said  Apostolical  Roman  Catholic  Religion. 

11th. — Moreover,  in  each  of  the  ancient  Bailiwicks,  Seneschal's 
jurisdictions,  and  governments  taking  the  place  of  Bailiwicks  and 
having  jurisdiction  independent  of  the  Courts  of  Parliament,  we  or- 
dain that  in  the  faubourgs  of  a  city  besides  those  which  have  been 
granted  to  them  by  the  said  Edict,  Articles,  and  Conferences,  and 
where  there  are  no  cities,  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion  may  be 
publicly  performed  in  any  town  or  village,  by  all  those  who  wish ; 
though  in  the  said  Bailiwicks,  Seneschal's  jurisdictions  and  govern- 
ments, there  may  be  several  places  where  the  said  exercise  is  now 
established,  saving  and  excepting  the  towns  in  which  there  is  an 
Archbishopric  or  Bishopric  newly  granted  by  present  Edict ;  with- 
out for  that  reason  depriving  those  of  said  pretended  Reformed 
Religion  of  the  privilege  of  demanding  and  naming  as  places  for  the 
said  exercise,  small  towns  and  villages  near  to  the  said  cities ;  ex- 
cept also  the  places  and  manors  belonging  to  the  Clergy,  where  we 
only  mean  that  the  said  second  place  in  the  Bailiwick  may  be 
established,  having  them  by  special  favor  excepted  and  reserved. 
It  is  our  intention,  under  the  name  of  ancient  Bailiwicks  to  desig- 


EDICT    OF   NANTES.  459 

nate  those  which,  in  the  time  of  the  late  King  Henry,  our  much 
honored  Lord  and  Father-in-Law,  existed  as  Bailiwicks,  Seneschal's 
jurisdictions  and  independent  governments. 

l^th. — We  do  not  mean  by  the  present  Edict  to  take  any  thing 
from  the  Edicts  and  Agreements  heretofore  made  for  the  reduction 
to  submission  of  any  Princes,  Lords,  Xobles,  or  Catholic  Towns 
within  our  jurisdiction,  in  what  concerns  the  exercise  of  said  reli- 
gion, which  Edicts  and  Agreements  shall  be  kept  and  observed.  In- 
structions to  that  effect  will  be  given  to  the  Commissioners  who 
shall  be  appointed  to  execute  the  present  Edict. 

13th. — We  expressly  forbid  any  of  the  said  religion  having  any 
religious  exercise  whatever,  either  ministerial,  or  for  discipline  or 
public  instruction  of  children  and  others  in  this  our  kingdom; 
except  in  those  places  permitted  and  granted  by  the  present  Edict. 

14-th. — As  also  having  any  exercises  of  said  religion  within  our 
Court  and  Suite,  nor  likewise  in  our  lands  and  territories  beyond 
the  Alps,  nor  in  our  city  of  Paris,  neither  within  five  leagues  of  the 
said  city  :  nevertheless,  those  of  the  said  religion  living  in  the  said 
country  beyond  the  Alps,  and  in  our  said  city,  and  within  five 
leagues  around  it,  shallnot  be  subject  to  espionage  in  their  houses, 
nor  compelled  to  do  any  thing  on  account  of  their  religion  against 
their  consciences,  if  they  in  all  things  act  in  conformity  with  the 
provisions  of  the  present  Edict. 

loth. — The  public  exercise  of  the  said  religion  cannot  be  per- 
mitted in  the  army,  except  at  the  Quarters  of  those  Generals  who 
profess  it,  always  excepting  fchat  occupied  by  our  own  person. 

16th.— In  conformity  with  the  second  article  of  the  Conference 
of  ISTerac,  we  allow  those  of  the  aforesaid  religion  to  build  places 
for  the  exercise  of  the  aforesaid,  in  the  towns  and  places  where  it 
is  allowed.  Those  places  built  by  them  formerly  or  the  foundations 
of  them,  will  be  restored  in  their  present  condition,  even  in  those 
places  where  said  exercise  is  not  allowed,  if  they  have  not  been 
converted  into  other  kinds  of  edifices.  In  which  case,  the  present 
possessors  of  the  said  edifices  shall  give  property  equal  to  the  former 
value,  in  the  estimation  thereof  by  skilful  appraisers  ;  reserving  to 
the  said  proprietors  and  possessors  the  right  of  appeal. 

17th. — We  forbid  all  Preachers,  Eeaders,  and  others  who  speak 
in  public,  using  any  words  or  discourse  tending  to  excite  sedition 
among  the  people,  but  on  the  contrary  we  enjoin  upon  them  the 
practice  of  forbearance   and  meekness,  saying  nothing  but  what 


460  MKMOIBfl    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

is  for  the  instruction  and  edification  of  their  hearers,  and  suited  to 
the  maintenance  of  that  peace  and  tranquillity  which  we  have  es- 
tablished  in  our  said  kingdom,  under  penalties  prescribed  m  former 
Edicts.  We  expressly  enjoin  our  Attorneys  General  and  their  sub- 
stitutes  to  give  ollicial  information  against  those  who  violate  it, 
under  the  penalty  of  being  answerable  for  the  same  in  their  own 
names  and  persons,  and  being  ejected  from  office. 

18th. — We  also  forbid  all  our  subjects,  of  whatsoever  rank  or 
condition,  carrying  off  children  by  force,  or  persuasion,  against  the 
will  of  their  parents  of  the  said  religion,  in  order  to  have  them 
baptized  or  confirmed  in  the  Apostolical  Roman  Catholic  Church  : 
the  same  prohibition  extends  to  those  of  the  said  pretended  Reform- 
ed religion,  all  being  subject  to  exemplary  punishment  for  such 
offences. 

l$th. — Those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  shall  not 
remain  bound  by  any  abjuration,  promise  or  oath  which  they  may 
formerly  have  made,  or  any  security  given  by  them  about  matters 
concerning  the  said  religion ;  and  they  shall  be  free  from  all  dis- 
turbances or  molestation  on  that  account. 

20th. — They  shall  be  obliged  also  to  observe  all  the  appointed 
Festivals  of  the  Apostolical  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  they  may 
not  on  those  days  labor,  sell,  nor  display  in  open  shops  their  goods, 
and  upon  Festivals  and  other  forbidden  days,  no  artisan  may  work 
either  out  of  his  shop  or  within  closed  doors,  at  any  trade  the  noise 
of  which  may  be  heard  by  passers  by  or  neighbours.  Nevertheless 
search  shall  not  be  made  but  by  the  officers  of  Justice. 

21  st. — Books  relating  to  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  may 
only  be  publicly  printed  and  sold  in  those  cities  and  places  where 
the  public  exercise  of  the  said  religion  is  permitted.  And  for  the 
other  books,  which  shall  be  printed  in  other  towns,  they  shall  be 
seen  and  inspected,  as  well  by  our  officers  as  by  Theologians,  in  the 
manner  decreed  by  our  Ordinances.  The  printing,  publishing  or 
selling  any  books  or  writings  of  an  abusive,  scandalous  nature  is 
forbidden  under  the  penalties  contained  in  our  Ordinances.  "We 
enjoin  it  upon  all  our  Judges  and  officers  to  attend  to  this. 

22d. — We  command  that  no  difference  or  distinction  shall  be 
made  on  account  of  said  religion  in  receiving  pupils  to  be  instructed 
in  the  Universities,  Colleges  and  schools ;  or  receiving  the  sick  and 
poor  into  Hospitals,  Infirmaries  and  Alms-houses. 

23tZ. — Those  of  said  pretended  Reformed  Religion,  shall   be 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  461 

obliged  to  obey  the  laws  of  tbe  Apostolical  Roman  Catholic  Chnrch, 
received  in  this  kingdom,  with  respect  to  the  Consanguinity  and 
Relationship  of  parties  making  marriage  contracts. 

24th. — Likewise,  those  o£  the  said  religion  shall  pay  all  custom- 
ary dues  for  the  offices  and  employments  conferred  upon  them, 
without  being  obliged  to  take  part  in  any  ceremony  contrary  to 
their  said  religion :  and  being  called  upon  to  take  an  oath  they  shall 
not  be  required  to  do  more  than  hold  up  the  hand,  swear,  and 
promise  before  God  to  speak  the  truth :  shall  not  be  obliged  also  to 
take  a  dispensation  from  the  oath  given  by  them,  in  making  con- 
tracts and  agreements. 

25th. — We  desire  and  command  that  all  of  the  said  pretended 
Reformed  Religion,  and  others  who  have  joined  their  party,  of 
whatsoever  rank  or  condition,  shall  be  obliged  and  compelled  in 
all  proper  and  reasonable  ways,  and  under  the  penalties  contained 
in  this  edict,  to  pay  tithes  to  the  pastors  and  other  clergy,  and  to 
all  others  entitled  to  them  according  to  established  usage. 

26th. — Disinheriting  or  depriving  of  property,  whether  during 
life,  or  by  will,  solely  from  hatred  or  religious  animosity,  shall  be 
null  and  void,  for  the  past  as  well  as  the  future. 

27th. — In  order  the  better  to  promote  that  union  which  we  wish 
to  see  prevail  amongst  our  subjects,  and  to  take  away  all  cause  of 
complaint,  we  declare  that  all  those  who  have  made  or  shall  make 
profession  of  the  pretended  Reformed  Religion  shall  be  eligible  for 
all  public  offices  or  employments,  whether  Royal,  Manorial,  or 
Civic,  in  all  parts  of  our  dominions,  and  shall  be  impartially  ap- 
pointed thereto,  our  Courts  of  Parliament  confining  themselves  in 
the  matter  to  inquiries  as  to  the  piety,  morality,  and  integrity  of 
those  nominated  for  offices,  as  much  those  of  one  religion  as  the 
other,  without  requiring  from  them  any  other  oath  than  that  they 
will  faithfully  serve  the  King  and  obey  the  laws.  In  case  of  vacan- 
cies occurring  in  any  of  said  offices  in  our  disposal,  we  shall  with- 
out partiality  appoint  capable  persons  to  such  offices.  Let  it  also 
be  understood,  that  those  of  said  pretended  Reformed  Religion  can 
be  admitted  and  received  into  all  Councils,  Assemblies,  and  Meet- 
ings, which  follow  from  the  aforesaid  offices,  without  rejection  on 
account  of  said  religion. 

28th. — TVe  command  our  Officers  and  Magistrates,  and  the  Com- 
missioners appointed  for  the  execution  of  the  present  Edict,  in  all 
the  towns,  &c,  of  the  kingdom,  to  provide  promptly  convenient 


1-62  MEMOIRS   01     A    BUGUKWOT    FAMILY. 

plaoea  for  the  burial  of  the  dead  for  those  professing  said  religion. 
And  the  oemeteries  they  formerly  possessed,  of  which  they  were 
deprived  during  the  troubles,  shall  be  restored  to  them,  unless 
occupied  by  ;tny  kind  of  edifices  or  buildings,  in  which  case,  others 
shall  be  provided  gratuitously. 

29^ — \ve  enjoin  it  expressly  upon  our  officers,  to  sec  to  it  that 
no  scandal  occur-  at  said  funerals:  and  in  fifteen  days,  at  farthest, 
alter  a  requisition  has  been  made,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  provide 
a  convenient  place  for  the  said  interments,  without  any  delay  or 
procrastination,  under  a  personal  penalty  of  a  fine  of  five  hundred 
crowns.  All  said  officers  and  others  are  forbidden  to  require  any 
thing  for  conducting  said  dead  bodies,  under  penalty  of  extortion. 

30^. — In  order  that  justice  may  be  administered  to  our  subjects 
without  suspicion,  hatred  or  favor,  as  a  principal  means  of  main- 
taining peace  and  good  order,  we  have  commanded  and  do  com- 
mand, that,  in  our  Court  of  Parliament  in  Paris,  a  Chamber  shall  be 
established,  consisting  of  a  President  and  sixteen  Councillors  from 
the  said  Parliament,  which  shall  be  entitled  the  Chamber  of  the  Edict, 
and  shall  take  cognizance  not  only  of  the  causes  and  lawsuits  of 
those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  who  shall  be  within  the 
limits  of  said  Court,  but  also  within  the  districts  of  our  Parliaments 
of  iSTormandie  and  Bretagne,  according  to  the  jurisdiction  which 
shall  be  hereafter  given  to  it  by  the  present  Edict,  till  similar  Cham- 
bers shall  have  been  established  in  each  of  said  Parliaments  to  ad- 
minister justice  in  those  places.  "We  command  also  that  for  the 
four  offices  of  Councillors,  in  our  said  Parliament,  remaining  from 
the  last  establishment  made  by  us,  four  discreet  and  competent  per- 
sons of  the  said  pretended  Pteformed  religion  shall  be  provided  and 
received  in  said  Parliament,  namely,  the  first  to  be  received  in  the 
Chamber  of  the  Edict,  and  the  other  three,  as  soon  as  they  can  be 
received,  in  three  of  the  Chamhres  des  JEnquetes,  and  besides  that, 
the  two  first  offices  of  the  Secular  Councillors  that  shall  become 
vacant  by  death,  shall  also  be  filled  by  two  of  the  said  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  and  these  received,  shall  be  distributed  also  in 
the  two  other  Chamhres  des  Enquetes. 

2>\st. — Besides  the  Chamber  formerly  established  at  Castres,  for 
the  district  of  our  Court  of  Parliament  of  Toulouse,  which  shall  be 
continued  as  at  present,  we  have  for  the  same  consideration  com- 
manded and  do  command  that,  in  each  of  our  Courts  of  Parliament 
of  Grenoble  and  Bourdeaux,  a  Chamber  shall  likewise  be  establish- 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  463 

ed,  consisting  of  two  Presidents,  one  Catholic  and  the  other  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion,  and  of  twelve  Councillors,  of  whom 
six  shall  be  Catholic  and  the  other  six  of  the  said  religion,  which 
Catholic  President  and  Councillors  shall  by  us  be  taken  from  and 
chosen  out  of  the  bodies  of  our  said  Courts.  And  as  for  those  of 
said  religion,  there  shall  be  a  new  President  and  six  Councillors  cre- 
ated for  the  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  and  one  President  and  three 
Councillors  for  that  of  Grenoble,  which,  with  the  three  Councillors 
of  said  religion  now  in  said  Parliament,  shall  be  employed  in  the 
said  Chamber  of  Dauphiny.  The  newly  created  Officers  shall  be 
entitled  to  the  same  emoluments,  honors,  rewards  and  dignities  as 
the  others  of  the  said  Courts.  And  the  said  sitting  of  said  Cham- 
ber of  Bourdeaux  shall  be  held  at  Bourdeaux  or  at  Xerac,  and  that 
of  Dauphiny  at  Grenoble. 

32d. — The  said  Chamber  of  Dauphiny  shall  have  cognizance  of 
the  causes  of  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  our  Parliament  of  Provence,  without  requiring  let- 
ters of  appeal  as  in  the  Chancery  Court  of  Dauphiny,  in  like  man- 
ner those  of  said  religion  in  Normandy  and  Bretagne  shall  not  be 
required  to  take  out  letters  of  appeal  or  other  preparation  as  in 
our  Chancery  Court  of  Paris. 

33d. — Our  subjects  of  the  religion,  of  the  Parliament  of  Bur- 
gundy, shall  have  the  choice  of  pleading  before  the  Chamber  order- 
ed in  the  Parliament  of  Paris  or  in  that  of  Dauphiny.  And  they 
shall  not  be  obliged  to  take  out  letters  of  appeal  or  other  prepara- 
tion as  in  the  said  Chancery  Courts  of  Paris  or  Dauphiny,  accord- 
ing to  the  choice  they  shall  make. 

34=th. — All  the  said  Chambers,  composed  as  aforesaid,  shall  take 
cognizance  and  pronounce  sentence  definitively,  without  appeal, 
making  decisions,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  upon  suits  and 
causes  commenced  and  intended  to  be  commenced,  in  which  those 
of  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  shall  be  principal  or  security,  ■ 
as  plaintiff  or  defendant,  in  matters  civil  or  criminal,  whether  the 
said  complaint  be  made  in  writing  or  verbally,  if  it  seems  good  to 
the  said  parties,  and  one  of  them  shall  demand  it,  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  trial :  excepting,  always,  all  matters  connected  with 
Church  Benefices,  the  possession  of  tithes  not  impropriated,  clerical 
patronage  and  causes  where  the  question  turns  upon  the  rights, 
duties  or  domains  of  the  church,  which  shall  all  be  treated  and 
judged  in  the  Courts  of  Parliament,  without  the  said  Chambers  of 


464  MEMOIRS  OF   A    HTJGUEUOT   FAMILY. 

the  Edict  having  any  cognizanco  thereof.  It  is  also  our  will,  that 
in  deciding  suite  which  may  arise  between  the  said  Clergy  and  those 
of  the  Baid  pretended  Reformed  religion,  if  the  clergyman  be  de- 
fendant, the  cognizance  and  judgment  of  the  criminal  suit  shall 
belong  to  our  Sovereign  Courts,  to  the  exclusion  of  said  Chambers; 
and  if  the  clergyman  be  plaintiff,  and  he  of  said  religion  defendant, 
tho  cognizance  and  judgment  of  the  criminal  suit  shall  belong 
to  the  said  Chambers  established,  which  shall  give  final  decision, 
•without  appeal.  During  vacation,  the  said.  Chambers  shall  also  have 
cognizance  of  matters  referred,  by  the  Edicts  and  Ordinances,  to  tho 
Chambers  established  for  tho  time  of  vacation,  each  within  its  dis- 
trict. 

B5th. — The  said  Chamber  of  Grenoble  shall  from  this  time  for- 
ward be  united  and  incorporated  with  the  body  of  the  said  Court 
of  Parliament,  and  the  President  and  Councillors  of  the  said  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion  shall  be  nominated  Presidents  and  Coun- 
cillors of  the  said  Court,  and  considered  as  of  their  number  and  of 
equal  rank.  And  for  these  ends  they  shall  first  be  distributed  in 
the  other  Chambers  ;  then  selected  and  drawn  from  them  to  be  em- 
ployed and  to  serve  in  that  which  we  shall  order  anew;  always 
with  the  understanding  that  they  shall  attend,  have  a  seat  and  vote 
in  all  the  deliberations  of  the  assembled  Chambers,  and  shall  enjoy 
the  same  emoluments,  authority  and  dignities  as  the  other  Presidents 
and  Councillors  of  said  Court. 

36^. — It  is  our  will,  and  it  must  be  understood,  that  the  said 
Chambers  of  Castres  and  Bourdeaux  shall  be  re-united  and  incor- 
porated with  those  Parliaments,  in  the  same  way  as  the  others, 
when  required,  and  when  the  cause  which  has  induced  us  to  establish 
them  shall  cease  and  no  longer  be  known  amongst  our  subjects ; 
and  for  these  ends  the  Presidents  and  Councillors  of  those  of  the 
said  religion,  shall  be  named  and  appointed  Presidents  and  Coun- 
cillors of  said  Courts. 

S7th. — There  shall  also  be  newly  appointed,  in  the  Chamber 
ordered  for  the  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  two  Substitutes  for  our 
Attorney  and  our  Solicitor-General,  one  of  whom  shall  be  Catholic 
and  the  other  of  the  said  religion,  for  whom  shall  be  provided  ready 
money  salaries  from  said  offices. 

38th. — The  said  substitutes  shall  be  considered  as  substitutes  only, 
and  when  the  Chambers  ordered  for  the  Parliaments  of  Toulouse 
and  Bourdeaux  shall  be  united  and  incorporated  with  the  said  Par- 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  465 

liaments,  the  said  substitutes  shall  be  famished  with  the  office  of 
Councillors  in  them. 

B9th. — The  copies  of  documents  from  the  Court  of  Chancery 
of  Bourdeaux,  shall  be  made  out  in  the  presence  of  two  Councillors 
of  this  Chamber,  one  of  whom  shall  be  Catholic,  and  the  other  of 
the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  in  the  absence  of  one  of  the 
Masters  of  Requests  of  our  Hotel.  And  one  of  the  Notaries  and 
Secretaries  of  the  said  Court  of  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux  shall  re- 
side in  the  place  where  the  said  Chamber  shall  be  established,  or 
else  one  of  the  ordinary  Secretaries  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  for 
the  purpose  of  signing  documents  from  said  Court. 

40th. — We  desire  and  command  that  in  the  said  Chamber  of 
Bonrdeaux  there  be  two  Clerks  to  the  Registrar  of  the  said  Parlia- 
ment, one  civil  and  the  other  criminal,  who  shall  discharge  their 
duties  under  our  Commission,  and  shall  be  called  Clerks  to  the 
Court  of  Records,  Civil  and  Criminal.  The  Registrars  of  the  Par- 
liament shall  not  have  power  to  dismiss  or  recall  them.  The  Clerks 
shall  pay  over  to  the  Registrars  all  the  fees  of  the  said  Registry, 
and  they  shall  be  paid  by  the  Registrars  as  shall  be  deliberately  re- 
solved upon  by  the  said  Chamber.  Moreover,  Catholic  doorkeepers 
shall  be  appointed,  who  shall  be  taken  from  said  Court,  or  else- 
where, according  to  our  pleasure :  besides  which  there  shall  be  two 
newly  appointed  of  said  religion,  provided  gratuitously,  and  the 
said  doorkeepers  shall  all  be  regulated  by  the  said  Chamber,  as  well 
in  regard  to  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties  as  in  the  allowance  of 
perquisites  Lo  them.  There  shall  also  be  a  prompt  appointment  of 
a  person  to  pay  salaries  and  receive  fines  in  said  Chamber,  if  it  be 
established  elsewhere  than  in  said  city,  to  be  approved  of  by  us. 
The  appointment  formerly  made,  of  a  Paymaster  to  the  Chamber 
of  Castres  shall  take  effect,  and  the  duty  of  receiving  fines  in  the 
said  Chamber,  shall  be  added  thereto. 

4:1st. — Good  and  sufficient  assignments  shall  be  made  for  paying 
salaries  to  the  Officers  of  the  Chambers  ordered  by  this  Edict. 

42d. — The  Presidents,  Councillors  and  other  Catholic  Officers  of 
the  said  Chambers  shall  be  continued  so  long  as  shall  seem  to  be 
for  our  benefit  and  the  good  of  our  subjects ;  and  when  some  are 
removed,  others  must  be  provided  beforehand  to  take  their  places ; 
and  during  the  time  of  service  they  must  not  be  absent  without  the 
permission  of  those  who  shall  have  suits  pending  in  conformity 
with  the  Ordinance. 

20* 


1'IG  MEMOIRS   <>K   A    ill  (.1  ENOT   FAMILY. 

43d. — The  said  Chambers  shall  be  established  within  six  months, 
during  which  time  (if  it  be  bo  long  before  the  establishment  bo 
made)  the  suits  commenced  and  intended  to  be  commenced,  in 
which  those  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  parties,  within  the  ju- 
risdiction of  our  Parliaments  of  Paris,  Rouen,  Dijon  and  Rem 
ahal]  be  brought  forward  in  the  Chamber  established  for  the  present 
in  Paris,  in  virtue  of  the  Ediet  of  the  year  1677,  or  else  in  the  Great 
Council,  at  the  choice  and  option  of  those  of  the  said  religion  if 
they  require  it :  those  who  shall  be  of  the  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux, 
at  their  option,  either  in  the  Chamber  established  at  Castres  or  a1 
the  said  Great  Council;  and  those  who  shall  be  of  Provence  in  the 
Parliament  of  Grenoble.  And  if  the  said  Chambers  are  not  estab- 
lished within  three  months  after  our  present  Edict  shall  have  been 
presented  to  them,  those  of  our  Parliaments  which  have  refused, 
shall  be  deprived  of  all  cognizance  over  and  all  right  of  judging  the 
causes  of  those  of  the  said  religion. 

4Ath. — The  suits  not  yet  tried  j»f  the  above  mentioned  descrip- 
tion, pending  in  the  said  Courts  of  Parliament  and  Great  Council, 
shall  be  referred,  in  whatsoever  state  they  may  be,  to  the  said 
Chambers,  each  in  its  proper  district,  if  one  of  the  parties  of  the 
said  religion  demand  it  within  four  months  after  the  establishment 
thereof;  and  as  for  those  which  are  suspended  and  not  in  a  state 
for  trial,  the  said  persons  of  said  religion  shall  be  obliged  to  make 
their  declaration  on  the  first  intimation  and  notice  they  shall  have 
of  the  taking  up  of  the  suits ;  and  the  said  time  passed,  it  shall  no 
longer  be  open  to  them  to  demand  the  reference. 

4:5th. — The  said  Chambers  of  Grenoble  and  Bourdeaux,  and  the 
Chamber  of  Castres  shall  retain  the  forms  and  style  of  Parliaments, 
within  the  jurisdiction  in  which  they  shall  be  established,  and  those 
.vho  sit  in  judgment  shall  be  of  equal  numbers  of  each  religion, 
unless  the  parties  agree  to  the  contrary. 

4:0th. — All  the  judges  to  whom  application  shall  be  made  for  the 
execution  of  writs  and  orders  from  the  said  Chambers,  and  of  Chan- 
cery letters,  together  with  all  constables  and  sergeants,  shall  be 
obliged  to  execute  them ;  and  the  said  constables  and  sergeants 
shall  serve  all  subpoenas  throughout  the  kingdom  without  asking 
Placet,  visa  ne  Pareatis,  under  pain  of  suspension  from  their  offices, 
and  the  risk  of  all  costs  and  injuries  to  the  parties,  the  cognizance 
of  which  shall  belong  to  the  said  parties. 

4:7th. — There  shall  be  no  removing  of  suits,  the  cognizance  of 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  467 

which  belongs  to  said  Chambers,  save  in  the  case  of  the  Ordinances, 
which  shall  be  referred  to  the  nearest  Chamber  established  in  con- 
formity with  our  Edict.  And  the  distribution  of  the  suits  of  said 
Chambers  shall  be  decided  in  the  nearest,  observing  the  orders  and 
forms  of  said  Chambers  in  which  the  suits  shall  be  prosecuted; 
except  for  the  Chamber  of  the  Edict  in  our  Parliament  of  Paris, 
where  the  suits  commenced  shall  be  distributed  in  the  same  Cham- 
ber by  Judges  who  shall  be  nominated  by  us,  in  special  letters  to 
that  effect,  if  the  parties  shall  not  prefer  waiting  the  renewal  of 
said  Chamber.  And  if  it  happen  that  a  similar  suit  be  given  to  all 
the  Mixed  Chambers,  the  distribution  shall  be  referred  to  the  said 
Chamber  of  Paris. 

4:8th. — The  objecting  to  or  challenging  of  the  President  and 
Councillors  of  the  Mixed  Chambers  shall  be  allowed,  to  the  number 
of  six ;  to  which  number  the  parties  must  be  limited,  otherwise  all 
shall  proceed  without  regard  to  said  objections. 

4:9  th. — The  examination  of  the  Presidents  and  Councillors  new- 
ly appointed  for  the  Mixed  Chambers,  shall  be  made  in  our  Privy 
Council,  or  in  the  said  Chambers,  each  in  its  own  district  when 
they  shall  be  numerous  enough ;  and  nevertheless  the  usual  oath 
shall  be  taken  by  them  in  the  courts  where  the  said  Chambers  shall 
be  established,  and  on  their  refusal,  in  our  Privy  Council,  excepting 
those  of  the  Chamber  of  Languedoc,  who  shall  take  the  oath  before 
our  Chancellor  or  in  that  Chamber. 

50th. — ~We  desire  and  command  that  the  acceptance  of  our  Of- 
ficers of  the  said  religion  shall  be  decided  in  the  Mixed  Chambers 
by  the  plurality  of  votes,  as  is  usual  in  other  tribunals,  without  re- 
quiring a  majority  of  two-thirds,  according  to  the  Ordinance,  which 
in  this  respect  is  null  and  void. 

51st. — And  to  these  Mixed  Chambers  shall  be  referred  all  prop- 
ositions, deliberations  and  resolutions  appertaining  to  the  main- 
tenance of  public  tranquillity,  and  the  private  concerns  and  Police 
of  those  towns  in  which  the  Chambers  shall  be  established. 

52d. — The  article  upon  the  jurisdiction  of  the  said  Chambers, 
ordered  by  the  present  Edict,  shall  be  followed  and  observed  accord- 
ing to  its  form  and  tenor,  equally  in  all  that  concerns  the  execution 
or  non-execution,  or  infraction  of  our  Edicts  when  those  of  said 
religion  shall  be  parties. 

53d. —  The  subaltern  officers,  Koyal  or  otherwise,  whose  ac- 
ceptance appertains  to  our  Courts  of  Parliament,  if  they   be  of  the 


468  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUG1  KNOT    FAMILY. 

Baidpr  B  f<»rraed  religion,  may  be  examined  and  received 

in  the  Baid  Chambers:  that  is  to  Bay,  those  within  the  jariadictiona 
of  the  Parliaments  of  Paris,  Normandy  and  Bretagne,  iD  the  said 
Chamber  of  Paris;  those  ofDanphiny  and  Provence,  in  the  Cham- 
ber of  Grenoble;  those  of  Burgundy,  in  the  said  Chamber  of  Paris 
or  of  Dauphiny,  at  their  option ;  those  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Toulouse,  in  the  Chamber  of  Cast  res ;  and  those  of  the  Parliament 
of  Bourdeaux,  in  the  Chamber  of  Guyenne;  without  any  one  being 
allowed  to  raise  objection  but  our  Attorneys-General  and  their  sub- 
stitutes, and  those  in  said  offices.  Nevertheless,  the  usual  oath 
shall  be  taken  by  them  in  the  Courts  of  Parliament,  which  shall 
not  be  able  to  take  any  action  as  to  their  admission ;  and  if  the 
said  Parliament  refuse,  the  said  Officers  shall  take  the  oath  in  the 
I  Chambers,  after  which  ceremony,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  pre- 
sent the  proof  of  their  admission  to  the  Registrars  of  the  said 
Courts  of  Parliament,  through  a  doorkeeper  or  notary,  and  also  to 
leave  a  collated  copy  with  the  said  Registrars:  upon  whom  it  is  en- 
joined to  record  the  said  acts,  upon  pain  of  all  costs  and  losses  to 
I  parlies;  and  where  the  said  Registrars  shall  refuse  to  do  this, 
it  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  said  Officers  to  report  the  fact  of  the 
said  summons,  dispatched  by  the  said  doorkeeper  or  notary,  and 
the  Registrar  of  the  said  district  shall  be  obliged  to  make  a  record 
of  it,  for  future  reference,  as  occasion  may  require,  under  pain  of 
prosecution  and  trial.  And  as  for  those  Officers  whose  admission 
lias  not  usually  been  granted  through  our  said  Parliaments,  in  case 
that  those,  who  ought  to  examine  and  admit  them,  refuse  to  do  so, 
the  said  Officers  shall  apply  for  redress  to  the  said  Chambers,  as  they 
have  a  right  to  do. 

54$A, — The  Officers  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion 
who  shall  be  appointed  hereafter,  to  serve  in  our  Courts  of  Parlia- 
ment, Great  Council,  Court  of  Exchequer,  Court  of  Excise  or  Treas- 
ury Bureau,  and  other  financial  Offices,  shall  be  examined  and  ad- 
mittedin  the  accustomed  places;  and  in  case  of  refusal  or  denial 
of  justice,  the  matter  shall  be  inquired  into  by  our  Privy  Council. 

55^,. — The  admission  of  Officers  through  the  Chamber  former- 
ly established  at  Castres,  shall  be  valid  in  spite  of  any  Decree  or 
Ordinance  to  the  contrary.  We  also  declare  to  be  valid,  the  ad- 
mission of  Judges,  Councillors,  Assessors  and  other  Officers  of  said 
religion,  by  our  Privy  Council  or  by  Commissioners  appointed  by 
us  to  act  in  case  of  the  refusal  of  our  Courts  of  Parliament,  Excise  and 


EDICT   OF   NAKTES.  469 

Exchequer,  all  to  be  as  valid  as  if  they  were  admitted  by  the  said 
Courts  and  Chambers,  or  by  the  other  Judges,  to  whom  the  right 
of  admission  belongs.  And  their  salary  shall  be  paid  without  ob- 
jection by  the  Court  of  Exchequer;  and  if  any  have  been  struck 
off  the  list,  they  shall  be  reinstated  without  requiring  further  or- 
ders than  those  contained  in  the  present  Edict,  and  without  obliging 
any  Officer  to  bring  fresh  proof  of  admission,  notwithstanding  De- 
crees to  the  contrary,  which  shall  be  null  and  void. 

5Qth. — Until  means  arise  from  the  payment  of  fines,  for  the  ex- 
penses of  justice  in  the  said  Chambers,  a  sufficient  assignment  shall 
be  made  to  meet  the  expenses,  without  prejudice  to  the  recovery 
of  interest  upon  the  property  of  condemned  persons. 

57^. — The  President  and  Councillors  of  the  said  pretended  Re- 
formed religion  formerly  received  in  our  Court  of  Parliament  of 
Dauphiny,  and  in  the  Chamber  of  the  Edict,  incorporated  with  it, 
shall  continue  to  have  their  seats  and  rank  therein ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  Presidents,  as  they  have  enjoyed  and  do  enjoy  them,  and  the 
Councillors,  in  conformity  with  the  decrees  and  orders  obtained 
from  our  Privy  Council. 

5Qth. — We  declare  to  be  null  and  void,  from  this  time  forth,  all 
sentences,  judgments,  arrests,  prosecutions,  seizures,  sales  and  de- 
crees made  and  given  against  persons,  dead  or  alive  of  the  said  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion,  since  the  death  of  the  late  King,  Henry 
II.,  our  much  honored  Lord  and  Father-in-law,  on  account  of  the 
said  religion,  the  tumults  and  troubles  thence  arising,  together  with 
the  execution  of  those  sentences  and  decrees.     "We  command  all  of 
them  to  be  erased  and  taken  away  from  the  Records  of  the  Registrars 
of  all  Courts,  superior  and  inferior.     It  is  also  our  will  that  all 
marks,  vestiges  and  monuments  of  said  executions  shall  be  entirely 
effaced  and  removed,  as  well  as  all  defamatory  books  or  acts  injuri- 
ous to  their  persons,  their  memory  or  their  posterity ;  and  that 
wherever  injury  or  destruction  of  property  took  place  from  that 
cause,  the  same  shall  be  restored  in  its  present  condition  to  the  for- 
mer proprietors,  to  enjoy  and  dispose  of  as  they  please.     And  gen- 
erally, we  declare  null  and  void  all  prosecutions  and  informations 
laid  for  pretended  High  Treason  and  other  crimes.     In  spite  of  any 
prosecutions,  decrees  and  judgments  implying  resumption,  incorpo- 
ration and  confiscation  that  may  have  passed,  we  command   the 
restoration  in  full,  of  all  property  to  those  of  the  said  religion, 
others  who  belonged  to  their  party  and  their  heirs,  and  that  they 
be  put  in  real  and  actual  possession  of  the  same. 


470  ICEBCOEEBS   01    a    HUG1  ENOT    FAMILY. 

50th. — All  legal  proceedings  carried  on,  and  all  sentences  and 
decrees  passed,  during  the  troubles,  against  those  of  said  religion 
who  bore  arms,  or  who  withdrew  from  our  Kingdom,  or  entered 
within  cities  or  countries  of  which  they  had  the  possession,  on  ac- 
count of  other  a  flairs  besides  religion  and  the  troubles;  together -with 
all  non-suits,  claims  from  right  of  prescription,  as  well  conventional 
as  OUStomary,  all  manorial  seizures  made  from  having  lapsed  during 
t  he  troubles,  or  gained  by  means  of  legal  impediments  caused  by 
them,  and  of  which  the  cognizance  belongs  to  our  judg<  s,  shall  be 
considered  as  never  having  been  made,  given  or  occurred.  And 
such  we  have  declared  and  do  declare  them,  and  we  make  them 
void  aud  of  none  effect,  without  appeal ;  but  every  thing  shall  be 
restored  and  reinstated,  in  spite  of  said  sentences,  and  all  shall  be 
replaced  on  the  same  footing  as  before.  The  same  course  shall  be 
pursued  with  respect  to  persons  who  were  attached  to  the  party  of 
those  of  said  religion,  or  who  absented  themselves  from  our  King- 
dom on  account  of  the  troubles.  And,  with  regard  to  minor  chil- 
dren whose  parents,  under  the  above  named  circumstances,  died 
during  the  troubles,  all  shall  be  restored  to  them,  free  of  expense, 
and  without  being  obliged  to  pay  any  fines;  it  is,  however,  not  to 
be  understood  that  the  decisions  given  by  the  Presidial  or  Inferior 
Judges  against  those  of  the  said  religion  or  their  party  should  be 
null,  if  given  by  Judges  holding  their  sittings  in  towns  possessed  by 
them,  and  to  which  they  had  free  access. 

60t7i. — The  decisions  shall  be  of  none  effect,  which  have  been 
given  by  our  Courts  of  Parliament,  in  matters  whose  cognizance 
belongs  to  the  Chambers  ordered  by  the  Edict  of  the  year  1577, 
and  Articles  of  Nerac  and  Fleix,  when  the  parties  did  not  proceed 
voluntarily  in  said  courts,  that  is  to  say,  when  they  protested  against 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  in  the  case,  or  where  causes  have  gone 
by  default  or  foreclosure,  as  well  in  civil  as  in  criminal  suits,  where, 
in  spite  of  protest,  the  said  parties  have  been  compelled  to  go  on. 
Such  decisions  shall  be  of  no  value.  But  with  regard  to  decisions 
given  against  those  of  said  religion  who  have  not  protested,  but 
who  have  proceeded  voluntarily,  those  shall  stand.  Nevertheless, 
without  prejudice  to  the  execution  thereof,  the  parties  may,  if  it 
seem  good  to  them,  ask  for  a  revision  before  the  Chambers  ordered 
by  this  Edict,  unless  the  time  allowed  by  the  present  Edict  shall 
have  expired  ;  and  until  the  said  Chambers  and  Courts  of  Chancery 
be  established,  a  verbal  or  written  appeal  from  those  of  said  reli- 


ED7  rr   OF   NAHTBS.  471 

gion  presented  to  the  Judges,  Registrars  or  Clerks,  executors  of  the 
sentences  and  judgments  shall  have  the  same  force  as  if  presented 
by  Royal  Letter-. 

61st. — In  all  inquiries  which  shall  be  made  for  any  cause  in  civil 
suits,  if  the  Examiner  or  Commissioner  be  a  Catholic,  the  parties 
shall  be  required  to  agree  upon  an  associate,  and  where  they  cannot 
agree  upon  one,  the  aid  Examiner  or  Commissioner  shall  select  one 
himself  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion:  and  the  same 
practice  shall  be  pur  fued,  when  the  Examiner  or  Commissioner  is  of 
the  said  religion,  i  .th  regard  to  the  selection  of  an  associate,  who 
shall  then  be  a  Catholic. 

62d  —It  is  our  will  and  command  that  our  Judges  take  cogni- 
zance of  the  validity  of  Wills,  in  which  those  of  the  said  religion  are 
interested,  if  they  require  it,  and  appeals  from  said  judgments  may 
be  made,  notwithstanding  all  custom  to  the  contrary,  even  in  Bre- 
tagne. 

63c?. — To  obviate  all  differences  which  might  arise  between  our 
Courts  of  Parliament  and  the  Chambers  of  those  Courts  ordered  by 
our  present  Edict,  good  and  sufficient  regulations  shall  be  made  by 
us  for  the  government  of  said  Courts  and  Chambers,  such  as  shall 
secure  to  those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  the  full 
benefit  of  said  Edict :  which  regulations  shall  be  recorded  in  our 
Courts  of  Parliament,  and  kept  and  observed  without  regard  to 
precedent-. 

6±th. — "SVe  prohibit  and  forbid  all  our  sovereign  and  other 
Courts  of  this  kingdom  to  take  cognizance  and  try  any  civil  or 
criminal  causes  of  those  of  said  religion,  the  cognizance  of  which  by 
this  our  Edict  belongs  to  the  said  Chambers,  provided  that  the 
reference  be  demanded  as  is  said  in  XL.*  article  aforesaid. 

65 th. — "VVe  desire  also  in  the  meanwhile  and  until  otherwise 
ordered,  that  in  all  suits  commenced  and  intended  to  be  commenced 
in  which  any  of  said  religion  shall  be  plaintiff  or  defendant,  princi- 
pal or  security,  in  civil  matters  in  which  our  officers  and  Presidial 
Courts  have  the  power  of  final  judgment,  the  privilege  shall  be 
granted  to  them  of  requiring  that  two  of  the  Chamber  where  the 
suit  is  tried  shall  refrain  from  judging,  which,  without  giving  any 
reason,  shall  restrain  said  two  from  judging,  the  Ordinance  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding,  which  provides  that  judges  shall  not  be 

*  It  must  be  a  misprint  and  intended  for  Article  LX. — Teanslatoe's  Note. 


172  MEMOIRS    OF    A    IHOUENOT    FAMILY. 

challenged  without  cause:  and  in  addition  to-this,  the  right  of  chal- 
lenging others  remains  to  them  unimpaired.  And  in  criminal  suits, 
in  which  also  the  said  Presidial  and  other  Royal  Subaltern 
Judges  give  final  judgment,  the  arraigned  parties,  being  of  the  said 
religion,  may  require  three  of  the  Judges  to  retrain  from  trying  the 
cause,  without  assigning  any  reason.  And  the  Provosts  Marshal 
of  France,  the  Vice-Bailiffs,  Vice-Seneschals,  Lieutenants  of  the 
Short  Robe,  and  other  officers  of  the  same  rank,  shall  judge  in  con- 
formity with  the  ordinances  and  regulations  heretofore  given  in  tht 
case  of  non-residents  (vagabons).  And  as  for  residents  accused 
and  arraigned  within  the  Provosts' jurisdiction,  if  they  are  of  tho 
said  religion,  they  may  require  that  three  of  the  said  Judges  who 
have  cognizance  therein  refrain  from  judging  in  their  suits,  and 
they  shall  refrain  accordingly,  without  any  reason  being  assigned ; 
saving  when,  in  the  body  where  the  suit  is  tried,  there  shall  be  found 
the  number  of  two  in  civil  suits,  and  three  in  criminal  suits,  of  the 
said  religion,  in  which  case  none  shall  be  challenged  without  giving 
a  reason  :  which  practice  shall  be  mutually  and  commonly  followed 
with  regard  to  Catholics,  in  the  same  form  as  given  above  for  chal- 
lenging the  Judges,  where  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  reli- 
gion shall  be  most  in  number  ;  not  having  it  understood,  however, 
from  what  is  here  said,  that  the  said  Presidial  Courts,  Provosts 
Marshal,  Vice-Bailiffs,  Vice-Seneschals  and  others  who  give  final 
judgment,  shall  take  any  cognizance  of  past  difficulties.  And  as 
for  crimes  and  excesses  arising  from  other  causes  than  the  troubles, 
since  the  commencement  of  the  month  of  March  in  the  year  1585, 
until  the  end  of  the  year  1597,  in  cases  of  which  they  have  cogni- 
zance, it  is  our  will  that  appeals  may  be  lawfully  made  from  their 
judgment  to  the  Chambers  ordered  by  the  present  Edict;  the  prac- 
tice shall  be  similar  for  the  Catholic  participants  and  where  those 
of  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  shall  be  parties. 

66^7*. — We  desire  and  command  that  henceforth  in  all  prepara- 
tions other  than  informations  for  criminal  suits  in  the  Seneschal's 
Courts  of  Toulouse,  Carcassonne,  Rouergue,  Loragais,  Beziers,  Mont- 
pellier  and  Nimes,  the  Magistrate  or  Commissioner  deputed  to  make 
said  preparations,  if  he  be  a  Catholic,  shall  be  obliged  to  take  an 
Associate  who  shall  be  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion, 
upon  whom  the  parties  can  agree,  but  if  they  shall  be  unable  to 
agree  upon  one,  the  aforesaid  Magistrate  or  Commissioner  shall  select 
for  the  office  one  of  the  said  religion.     In  like  manner,  if  the  said 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  473 

Magistrate  or  Commissioner  be  of  said  religion,  he  shall  be  obliged 
to  have  a  Catholic  Associate. 

67th. — Where  the  question  shall  be  upon  criminal  i>rosecution 
by  the  Provosts  and  their  Lieutenants,  of  any  one  who  is  a  resident 
and  is  of  the  said  religion,  who  is  accused  of  crime  within  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Provosts'  Court,  if  the  said  Provosts  or  their  Lieu- 
tenants be  Catholics,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  summon  an  Associate 
of  said  religion,  for  the  preparation  of  the  suit,  which  Associate 
shall  be  present,  as  well  at  the  decision  upon  competency  of  juris- 
diction, as  at  the  final  trial  of  the  said  suit.  The  question  of  com- 
petency can  only  be  decided  at  the  nearest  Presidial  Court,  to  which 
all  the  principal  officers  of  said  Court,  who  can  be  found  in  the 
neighborhood  must  be  convened,  under  the  penalty  of  the  proceed- 
ings being  null ;  unless  the  accused  party  should  require  the  com- 
petency to  be  decided  in  the  said  Chambers,  ordered  by  the  present 
Edict.  In  which  case,  with  regard  to  those  residing  in  the  Provin- 
ces of  Guyenne,  Languedoc,  Provence  or  Dauphiny,  the  substitutes 
of  our  Attorneys-General  in  the  said  Chambers  shall  bring  forward, 
at  the  request  of  said  residents,  the  charges  and  accusations  laid 
against  them,  for  inquiry  and  decision  as  to  whether  the  causes  be- 
long of  right  to  the  Provosts'  Court  or  not,  and  afterwards,  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  crime,  to  be  referred  by  the  Chambers  for 
trial  in  the  accustomed  mode,  or  transferred  to  the  Provosts'  Court. 
In  either  case  the  Chambers  shall  see  that  all  is  equitably  done,  in 
conformity  with  our  present  Edict.  The  Presidial  Judges,  Provosts, 
Vice-Bailiff's,  Yice-Seneschals,  and  others  who  pronounce  final 
judgment,  shall  be  respectively  bound  to  obey  implicitly  all  com- 
mands they  shall  receive  from  said  Chambers,  in  like  manner  as 
they  have  heretofore  obeyed  our  said  Parliaments,  under  penalty 
of  being  deprived  of  their  estates. 

68 th. — The  proclamations,  placards  and  public  sale  of  estates, 
under  order  from  the  Courts,  shall  take  place  in  the  customary 
places  and  at  the  usual  hours,  so  far  as  may  be  practicable,  and  con- 
sistent with  our  Ordinances ;  otherwise  to  be  in  the  public  market 
place.  If  there  be  no  market  in  the  place  where  the  property  is 
situated,  the  sale  shall  take  place  at  the  nearest  market  within  the 
district  where  the  adjudication  was  made,  and  placards  shall  be  af- 
fixed to  the  post  of  the  said  market-place,  and  at  the  entrance  of 
the  Session  House  of  the  said  place,  and  by  this  means  the  said 
notices  shall  be  deemed  valid  and  sufficient,  and  the  sale  carried  on 


474  MIMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

without  delay  from  any  plea  of  invalidity  which  might  be  raised 
on  this  account. 

$9th. — All  title-deeds,  papers,  vouchers  and  documents  which 
have  been  taken  away,  shall  be  returned  and  delivered  up,  equally 
by  both  sides  to  the  rightful  owners;  even  if  the  said  papers  or  the 
castles  and  houses  in  which  they  were  preserved  have  been  taken 
and  seized  either  by  special  Commission  from  the  lately  deceased 
King,  our  much  honored  Lord  and  brother-in-law,  or  others,  or  by 
command  of  the  Governors  and  Lieutenant  Generals  of  our  Prov- 
inces, or  on  the  other  hand  by  authority  of  the  Chiefs  of  the 
other  party,  or  under  any  pretext  whatsoever. 

70th. — The  children  of  those  who  quitted  the  Kingdom  on  ac- 
count of  religion  and  the  troubles,  after  the  death  of  our  much 
honored  Lord  and  Father-in  law  Henry  II.,  even  though  the  afore- 
said children  may  have  been  born  out  of  the  Kingdom  of  France, 
shall  enjoy  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  true  native  Frenchmen, 
and  such  we  have  declared  and  do  declare  them  to  be,  and  they 
shall  not  be  obliged  to  take  out  letters  of  naturalization,  or  take 
any  steps  beyond  the  provisions  of  this  Edict;  notwithstanding 
all  Ordinances  to  the  contrary,  which  we  have  hereby  annulled 
and  do  annul ;  only  requiring  that  the  said  children,  born  abroad, 
shall  take  up  their  residence  in  this  Kingdom  within  ten  years 
after  the  publication  of  this  Edict. 

71st. — Those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  who  shall 
have  farmed  any  crown  lands,  fiefs,  gabels,  customs,  or  any  other 
taxes  belonging  to  us,  from  which  they  could  not  draw  the  income 
on  account  of  the  troubles,  shall  be  discharged,  and  we  do  hereby 
discharge  them  from  paying  that  which  they  did  not  receive  from 
said  taxes,  or  which  they  paid,  without  fraud,  elsewhere  than  into 
our  Exchequer,  notwithstanding  the  obligations  by  which,  they 
were  bound. 

72d. — All  places,  cities  and  provinces  of  our  Kingdom,  all  coun- 
tries, territories  and  manors  owing  obedience  to  us,  shall  have  full 
benefit  and  enjoyment  of  all  privileges,  immunities,  liberties,  fran- 
chises, fairs,  markets,  jurisdictions  and  Courts  of  justice  of  which 
they  were  possessed  previous  to  the  troubles,  dating  from  the  month 
of  March,  1585,  and  preceeding,  notwithstanding  all  Letters  to  the 
contrary.  If  any  Courts  were  removed  solely  on  account  of  the 
troubles,  the  said  Courts  shall  be  restored  and  re-established  in  the 
cities  and  places  where  they  formerly  existed. 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  475 

12>d. — If  any  prisoners  are  still  in  confinement  or  at  the  galleys, 
by  judicial  authority  or  otherwise,  on  account  of  the  troubles, 
they  shall  be  enlarged  and  set  fully  at  liberty. 

7±tk. — Those  of  said  religion  shall  not,  hereafter,  be  over-taxed 
or  oppressed  by  the  imposition  of  any  tax,  ordinary  or  extraordi- 
nary, beyond  what  is  imposed  upon  Catholics,  in  proportion  to  their 
property  and  ability.  The  parties  who  complain  of  surcharge  may 
apply  for  relief  to  the  Judges  who  have  cognizance  thereof,  and  all 
our  subjects,  Catholics,  and  those  of  said  pretended  Reformed  reli- 
gion, shall  receive  equal  justice,  and  shall  be  discharged  from  all 
impositions  illegally  laid  on  them  by  either  party,  together,  with  all 
unpaid  obligations,  expenses  incurred  without  consent  of  the  parties, 
without,  however,  being  able  to  recover  the  income  which  shall 
have  been  used  for  the  payment  of  said  charges. 

75th. — It  is  intended  that  neither  those  of  said  religion,  others 
of  their  party,  nor  the  Catholics  who  remained  in  the  towns  and 
places  occupied  and  retained  by  them,  and  who  were  laid  under  con- 
tribution, shall  be  prosecuted  for  the  payment  of  subsidies,  excise, 
city  tolls,  levies,  land  tax,  quarters  for  soldiers,  indemnities  or  other 
impositions  and  taxes  laid  during  the  troubles,  before  our  accession 
to  the  Throne,  whether  by  the  Edicts  and  Mandates  of  the  deceas- 
ed Monarchs,  our  predecessors,  or  by  the  advice  and  legislation  of 
Governors  of  Provinces,  Courts  of  Parliament  and  others.  We 
have  discharged  and  do  hereby  discharge  them  from  the  pay- 
ment of  all  such,  in  forbidding  our  Royal  Treasurers,  Receivers, 
General  and  Particular,  their  Clerks  and  Agents,  and  other  Comp- 
trollers and  Commissioners  of  the  Exchequer  to  inquire  after,  mo- 
lest or  disturb  them,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  any  way  whatever. 

76th. — There  shall  be  no  claim  upon  the  Chiefs,  Lords,  Knights, 
Nobles,  Officers,  Corporations,  Societies,  persons  assisting  them,  or 
widows,  heirs  and  successors  of  such  as  themselves  took  and  col- 
lected, or  by  their  decrees  obtained  money  of  any  amount,  whether 
belonging  to  the  King's  Revenues  or  to  private  individuals ;  rents, 
revenues,  plate  and  sales  of  furniture  belonging  to  clergy  or  laity ; 
forest  trees,  royal  or  otherwise ;  fines,  pillage,  ransoms  or  any  other 
kind  of  property,  seized  on  account  of  the  troubles  beginning  in 
March,  1585,  and  other  previous  troubles,  up  to  our  accession  to  the 
Throne.  Those  persons  appointed  to  collect  said  funds,  or  who 
leased  them,  or  procured  them  by  their  Ordinances,  cannot  be  called 
to  account  for  their  proceedings  now  or  at  any  future  time,  but  shall 


476        MEM0EB8  OF  A  HUGUENOT  FAMILY. 

forever  remain  free,  they  and  their  agents  alike,  from  all  inquiry 
about  the  management  and  administration  of  the  said  funds,  on 
condition  that  they  produce,  before  our  Court  of  Parliament  of  Pa- 
ris, within  four  months  after  the  publication  of  the  present  Edict, 
receipts  duly  executed  by  the  Chiefs  of  the  said  religion  or  by  per- 
sons empowered  by  them  to  audit  and  close  the  accounts,  or  by 
the  City  Corporations  who  held  power  during  the  troubles.  They 
shall  remain  equally  free  from  disturbance  on  account  of  any  acts 
of  hostility,  levying  and  leading  troops,  coining  and  valuing  money, 
according  to  the  orders  of  said  Chiefs,  casting  or  seizing  upon  artil- 
lery and  ammunition,  manufacturing  gunpowder,  seizing,  fortifying, 
dismantling  and  destroying  cities,  castles,  towns,  &c,  making  at- 
tempts upon  them,  burning  and  otherwise  destroying  churches, 
houses,  &c. ;  creating  courts  of  justice,  carrying  out  their  sentences 
whether  in  matters  civil  or  criminal,  police  regulations  under  them, 
journeys  made,  correspondence,  negotiations  entered  upon,  treaties 
and  contracts  concluded  with  foreign  Princes  and  Governments,  the 
introduction  of  foreigners  within  cities  and  other  places  in  our 
Kingdom.  In  short,  every  thing  is  to  be  included  within  this  gen- 
eral amnesty,  that  has  been  negotiated,  arranged  or  completed,  dur- 
ing the  said  troubles,  by  those  of  the  said  religion  and  their  party, 
since  the  death  of  the  late  King,  Henry  II. 

77^ —There  shall  no  accusation  be  brought  against  any  per- 
son of  the  said  religion  for  holding  General  or  Provincial  Assem- 
blies, as  well  that  at  Mantes  as  elsewhere,  and  since,  up  to  this 
present  time,  together  with  Councils  established  and  ordered  through 
the  Provinces,  Deliberations,  Ordinances  and  Regulations,  made  by 
said  Assemblies  and  Councils ;  establishing  and  increasing  garrisons, 
assembling  troops,  levying  taxes,  taking  them  out  of  the  hands  of 
our  Receivers,  Parish  Collectors  or  others,  in  any  way  whatever, 
seizing  salt,  continuing  or  erecting  new  stage  stations,  toll  houses, 
and  receiving  the  tolls  from  them,  even  at  Royan,  and  on  the  rivers 
Charente,  Garonne,  the  Rhone  and  Dordonne ;  fitting  out  vessels 
and  fighting  with  the  same,  together  with  any  accidents  or  excesses 
arising  from  enforcing  the  payment  of  said  tolls  and  other  rates, 
fortifying  cities,  castles  and  other  places,  imposing  taxes  and 
forced  labor  (correes)  receipts  from  the  same,  deposing  our  Receiv- 
ers, Farmers  and  other  Officers,  appointing  others  in  their  places; 
all  combinations  formed,  dispatches  sent  and  negotiations  carried  on 
within  or  without  the  Kingdom:  in  short,  nothing  done,  discussed, 


EDICT   OF   NANTES.  477 

mitten  and  ordered  by  said  Assemblies,  shall  be  inquired  into, 
and  those  persons  who  advised,  signed,  executed,  caused  to  be  sign- 
ed and  executed  the  said  Ordinances,  Regulations  and  Resolutions, 
shall  remain  undisturbed,  as  also  their  widows,  children  and  heirs, 
now  and  forever,  even  if  the  particulars  of' the  case  be  not  specially 
provided  for  herein.  We  impose  perpetual  silence  on  these  subjects 
upon  our  Attorneys-General,  their  substitutes,  and  any  others  who 
may  be  interested  therein,  in  any  way  whatsoever,  notwithstand- 
ing all  decrees,  sentences,  judgments,  prosecutions  or  proceedings 
to  the  contrary. 

78th. — We  fully  approve,  authorize  and  pronounce  to  be  valid, 
the  accounts  which  have  been  audited,  closed  and  examined  by  the 
deputies  of  the  said  Assembly.  We  desire  that  these,  together  with 
the  receipts  and  papers  which,  have  been  presented  by  the  respon- 
sible parties,  shall  be  taken  to  the  Court  of  Exchequer  in  Paris,  three 
months  after  the  publication  of  the  present  Edict,  and  placed  in 
charge  of  our  Attorney -General,  to  be  delivered  to  the  keeper  of 
the  books  and  registers  of  our  Chamber,  to  be  ready  when  wanted 
for  reference,  at  all  times,  without  requiring  said  accounts  to  be  re- 
vised, nor  the  parties  responsible  for  them  being  obliged  to  appear 
or  make  correction,  unless  in  the  case  of  any  thing  received  having 
been  omitted,  or  in  that  of  false  receipts  having  been  given.  Our 
said  Attorney-General  must  not  raise  any  question  with  regard  to 
deficient  surplus,  or  formalities  not  carefully  attended  to.  Officers 
of  the  Treasury,  as  well  in  Paris  as  in  the  Provinces  where  they  are 
settled,  are  not  to  take  cognizance  of  any  such  matters,  in  any  way 
whatever. 

79  th. — With  regard  to  accounts  not  yet  given  in,  we  wish  them 
to  be  audited  and  closed  by  Commissioners  who  will  be  appointed 
by  us  for  the  purpose,  who  will  make  no  difficulty  in  passing  and 
allowing  all  items,  paid  by  the  said  responsible  parties,  in  virtue  of 
the  Ordinances  of  the  said  Assembly,  or  others  possessing  power. 

80th. — All  Collectors,  Receivers,  Farmers  and  all  others,  shall  be 
fully  and  legally  discharged  from  the  payment  of  all  funds  of  what 
nature  soever,  which  they  paid  to  the  said  Clerks  of  the  said  Assem- 
bly, up  to  the  last  day  of  this  month.  We  wish  to  have  every  thing 
passed  and  allowed  in  the  accounts  presented  to  our  Exchequer, 
purely  and  simply  in  virtue  of  the  receipts  which  shall  be  borne 
upon  them.  If  any  shall  be  afterwards  executed  and  delivered  in, 
they  shall  be  declared  null,  and  persons  who  shall  accept  them  or 


478  MEM0EB8   OF   A    ni'UUENOT   FAMILY. 

deliver  them  in,  shall  bo  oondemned  to  the  penalty,  for  presenting 
false  accounts.  And  where  there  Bhal]  appear  in  accounts  formerly 
given  in  to  have  been  erasures  made  or  entries  introduced,  the  said 
parts  shall  be  entirely  restored  as  before,  in  virtue  of  these  presents, 
without  requiring  special  letters  or  any  thing  more  than  the  pro- 
duction of  an  extract  from  the  present  article. 

Slst. — There  shall  be  no  claim  upon  Governors,  Captains,  Con- 
suls, or  persons  appointed  to  collect  funds  for  paying  the  garrisons 
of  places  held  by  those  of  the  said  religion,  which  our  Parochial 
Receivers  and  Collectors,  either  by  constraint  or  in  obedience  to 
command  of  the  Paymasters,  furnished,  by  loan  upon  their  notes  or 
bonds,  for  the  support  of  the  said  garrisons ;  as  much  as  comes  to 
what  we  concluded  to  place  on  the  roll  at  the  commencement  of  the 
year  1596,  and  the  increase  since  granted  by  us.  The  said  parties 
shall  be  free  from  all  claim  for  wThat  was  paid  for  the  above  pur- 
pose, even  if  not  expressly  specified  upon  the  notes  and  bonds, 
which  shall  be  returned  to  them  as  null.  And,  in  order  to  accom- 
plish this  discharge,  the  paymasters  in  each  district  shall  make  the 
individual  Receivers  of  our  taxes  give  receipts  to  the  said  Collectors, 
and  the  Receivers-general  shall  give  receipts  to  the  individual  Re- 
ceivers :  for  the  release  of  the  Receivers-general  there  will  be  the 
sums  of  which  they  will  have  kept  account,  as  much  as  it  is  said  to 
be,  endorsed  upon  the  orders  issued  by  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exche- 
quer, under  the  names  of  the  Paymasters-General  for  the  payment 
of  the  said  garrisons,  and  where  the  said  orders  do  not  amount  to  as 
much  as  our  said  establishment  of  the  year  1596,  and  the  subse- 
quent addition  to  it,  we  command  that  fresh  orders  shall  be  given 
for  the  amount  necessary  to  release  those  responsible  for  it,  and  to 
recover  said  promissory  notes  and  bonds,  so  that  there  may  not  here- 
after be  any  claim  upon  those  who  gave  them.  All  papers  requisite 
for  confirming  the  discharge  of  the  accountable  parties  shall  be  ex- 
ecuted in  virtue  of  the  present  article. 

S2d. — Likewise,  those  of  said  religion  must  forbear  and  desist 
from  all  devices,  negotiations  and  correspondence,  as  well  within  as 
without  our  kingdom;  and  the  assemblies  formed  in  the  provinces 
must  be  dissolved  immediately  ;  all  leagues  and  associations  formed, 
or  to  be  formed,  under  any  pretext  whatsoever,  contrary  to  our 
present  Edict,  shall  be  broken  and  annulled,  as  we  do  break  and  an- 
nul such  ;  we  expressly  forbid  all  our  subjects  from  this  day  forth, 
holding  clubs,  raising  money  without  permission,  making  fortifica- 


EDICT    OF   NANTES.  479 

tions,  enlisting  men,  congregating  and  assembling  otherwise  than 
permitted  by  this  Edict,  and  without  arms,  all  of  -which  we  prohibit 
and  forbid  under  pain  of  being  severely  punished,  as  despisers  and 
breakers  of  our  commands  and  ordinances. 

83^. — All  captures  at  sea,  during  the  troubles,  made  in  virtue 
of  licenses,  and  those  by  land  also,  upon  those  of  the  opposite  party, 
and  which  have  been  judged  by  judges  and  Commissioners  of  the 
Admiralty,  or  by  the  Chiefs  of  those  of  the  said  religion  or  their 
Council,  shall  be  hushed  under  the  provisions  of  our  present  Edict, 
without  allowing  any  prosecution  :  neither  the  Captains  nor  others 
who  have  made  the  said  captures,  their  securities,  the  said  judges, 
officers,  their  widows  or  heirs,  can  ever  be  called  to  account  or  mo- 
lested in  any  way  whatever,  notwithstanding  any  decrees  of  our 
Privy  Council  or  letters  of  marque,  and  distraint,  pending  and  not 
judged,  of  which  we  desire  there  to  be  full  and  entire  replevin. 

S±th. — Likewise,  there  can  be  no  inquiry  made  about  those  of 
said  religion  who,  during,  and  even  since  the  troubles,  have  hindered 
and  opposed  the  execution  of  decrees  and  judgments  obtained  for 
the  re-establishment  of  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  Religion,  in 
divers  places  within  this  kingdom. 

85  th. — And  as  for  those  who  committed  acts  of  hostility  contrary 
to  the  regulations  public  or  private,  of  Chiefs  or  Communities  who 
held  power  in  the  Provinces,  they  may  be  prosecuted  as  the  law 
directs. 

86 th. — Inasmuch,  however,  as  if  what  was  done  contrary  to  the 
regulations  on  both  sides,  is  indiscriminately  excepted  and  reserved, 
from  the  general  indemnity  granted  by  our  Edict,  and  allowed  to  be 
inquired  into,  there  would  be  no  military  man  exempt  from  distur- 
bance, which  would  probably  produce  fresh  troubles :  on  this  ac- 
count we  wish  and  command  that  none  but  criminal  cases  shall  be 
excepted  from  said  indemnity,  such  as  rape,  burning,  murder,  theft 
committed  by  treachery,  ambuscade  out  of  the  line  of  regular  war- 
fare to  gratify  private  revenge,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  war,  dis- 
regarding passports  and  safe  conducts,  murdering  and  pillaging 
without  orders.  Such  to  be  the  rule  with  regard  to  those  of  said 
religion,  and  others  who  have  followed  the  party  of  their  Chiefs, 
acting  from  private  motives. 

87th. — We  command  likewise,  that  punishment  be  inflicted  for 
crimes  and  offences  committed  amongst  persons  of  the  same  party, 
provided  they  were  not  acts  ordered  by  the  Chiefs  of  either  party, 


480  MLMOIRS    OV    A    HUi  »T    FAMILY. 

in  conformity  with  the  necessities,  usages  and  laws  of  war.  For 
raising  and  exacting  money,  bearing  anna  and  other  warlike  opera- 
tions on  private  account,  without  authority,  they  shall  be  liable  to 
prosecution  according  to  law. 

88th. — The  cities,  dismantled  during  the  troubles,  maybe  rebuilt 
and  repaired  from  the  ruins,  at  the  expense  of  the  inhabitants  and 
the  (octroi)  toll  formerly  levied  upon  provisions  for  this  purpose 
may  be  continued. 

89 th. — It  is  our  order,  desire  and  pleasure,  that  all  Lords, 
Knights,  Nobles,  and  others  of  whatsoever  rank  and  condition  of  the 
said  pretended  Reformed  Religion  and  their  parly,  be  restored  to, 
and  effectually  replaced  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  every  and  all  their 
properly,  privileges,  names,  rights,  and  offices,  notwithstanding 
judgments  to  the  contrary  procured  during  the  troubles.  We  do 
declare  all  such  decrees,  seizures  and  judgments  null  and  void. 

90th. — Where  those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  Religion, 
have  become  possessed  of  real  estate  belonging  to  the  Church,  in  any 
other  way  than  by  grants  from  the  deceased  Kings  our  Predecessors, 
the  title  shall  not  stand  good,  but  the  Clergy  shall  be  reinstated 
immediately  and  without  delay,  and  be  protected  in  the  possession 
and  actual  enjoyment  of  the  property  alienated,  without  being 
obliged  to  defray  the  amount  for  which  it  was  sold ;  and  this  not- 
withstanding deeds  of  sale,  which  we  break  and  declare  void ;  with- 
out however  depriving  the  purchasers  of  the  right  to  look  for  re- 
dress from  the  Chiefs,  under  whose  authority  the  said  property  was 
sold.  Nevertheless  for  the  reimbursement  of  that  which  was  truly 
and  honestly  paid,  we  shall  execute  Letters  Patent  giving  permision 
to  those  of  said  religion,  to  claim  upon  them  the  amount  of  said 
sales,  without  allowing  said  purchasers  to  make  any  claim  for 
damages  from  the  loss  of  possession,  but  merely  to  content  them- 
selves with  being  repaid  the  sum  actually  paid  by  them  for  the 
property.  If  the  property  should  have  been  bought  at  some  unjust 
price  below  its  value,  a  deduction  of  profits  made  from  it  must  be 
allowed. 

91st. — To  the  end  that  all  Magistrates,  Officers,  and  the  rest  of 
our  subjects  may  perfectly  understand  our  wishes  and  intentions, 
and  that  no  ambiguity  may  arise  from  conflicting  articles  contained 
in  former  Edicts,  we  have  declared,  and  we  do  now  declare,  to  be 
null  and  void  all  former  Edicts,  Secret  Articles,  Letters,  Declara- 
tions, Modifications,  Restrictions,  Explanations,  Decrees  and  Re- 


EDICT    OF   NANTES.  481 

cords,  as  well  as  all  Secret  and  other  Resolutions  formerly  issued  by 
us,  or  the  Kings  our  predecessors,  registered  in  our  Courts  of  Par- 
liament or  elsewhere,  upon  subjects  connected  with  the  said  religion, 
and  the  troubles  arising  therefrom  in  our  KiDgdom.  To  the  abro- 
gation herein  contained,  we  add  our  declaration  that  by  this  our 
Edict  we  have  broken,  revoked,  and  cancelled  all  others ;  and  we 
declare  expressly,  that  we  wish  this  our  Edict  to  be  steadfastly  and 
inviolably  kept  and  observed,  by  all  Magistrates  and  Officers,  as  well 
as  all  our  other  subjects,  eschewing  every  thing  contrary  to  its 
provisions. 

92d.— And  for  still  further  assurance,  that  this  Edict  be  observed 
and  carried  out  as  we  wish,  it  is  our  Eoyal  will  and  pleasure  that, 
immediately  upon  its  reception,  all  Governors,  and  Lieutenant- 
Governors  of  our  Provinces,  all  Bailiffs,  Seneschals,  and  other 
Magistrates  in  our  cities,  shall  swear  to  have  it  kept  and  observed, 
each  within  his  District;  as  also  the  Mayors,  Sheriffs,  Capitouls, 
Consuls  and  Aldermen,  annual  or  permanent,  in  our  cities  and 
towns.  We  also  enjoin  upon  our  said  Bailiffs,  Seneschals,  or 
their  Lieutenants,  and  other  judges,  that  they  call  upon  the  princi- 
pal inhabitants,  indifferently  of  either  religion,  to  swear  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  present  Edict  immediately  after  its  publication. 
We  take  all  alike  under  our  protection  and  safe-keeping,  and  desire 
all  mutually  to  protect  each  other ;  and  we  make  our  officers  liable 
to  answer  themselves  in  Court  for  any  infraction  of  the  present 
Edict  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  cities,  if  they  do  not  lodge  a 
complaint  against  such  offenders,  and  hand  them  over  to  the  law. 

We  command  our  right  entirely  and  well-beloved  people,  com- 
prising our  Courts  of  Parliament,  our  Courts  of  Exchequer,  and  Courts 
of  Aids,  under  the  penalty  for  causing  Acts,  that  would  otherwise 
pass,  to  be  null  and  void,  to  let  nothing  intervene,  but,  immediately 
after  receiving  the  present  Edict,  take  the  above  oath  and  have  the 
Edict  published  and  registered  in  our  said  Courts,  purely  and  simply 
according  to  the  form  and  tenor  of  its  contents,  without  modifica- 
tion, restriction,  protest,  or  secret  record,  not  waiting  for  any  fur- 
ther order  or  command  from  us ;  and  we  require  our  Attorneys- 
General  to  exact  and  enforce  the  publication  immediately  without 
delay. 

Therefore  we  lay  our  commands  upon  the  members  of  our  said 
Courts  of  Parliament,  Court  of  Exchequer,  Courts  of  Aids,  onr  Bai- 
liffs, Seneschals,  Provosts,  and  all  other  Magistrates,  whose  duty  it 

21 


482  MEMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

may  be,  together  with  their  Lieutenants,  that  they  cause  oar  present 
Edict  and  Ordinance  to  be  read,  published,  and  registered  within 
their  respective  Courts  and  jurisdiction,  and  that  they  do  all  in 
their  power  to  have  it  maintained  and  carried  out  in  every  point, 
giving  the  full  and  peaceable  benefit  thereof  to  all,  putting  a  stop  to 
every  thing  that  could  hinder  or  interfere  with  it.  For,  such  is  our 
Royal  pleasure,  in  witness  whereto,  we  have  signed  these  presents 
with  our  own  hand ;  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  an  established  and 
settled  thing  for  ever,  we  have  affixed  our  seal. 

Given  at  Nantes,  in  the  month  of  April,  year  of  Grace,  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-eight ;  and  the  ninth  year  of  our 
reign. 

Signed,  HENRI. 

and  below,  the  King  being  in  his  Council, 

.  Forget. 
And  at  the  side.  Visa. 

And  sealed  with  the  great  seal,  with  green  wax  upon  cords  of 
red  and  green  silk. 

Read,  published  and  registered,  the  King's  Attorney- General  hearing 
and  consenting  thereto,  at  Paris,  in  Parliament,  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 
February,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-nine. 

Signed,  Voysin. 

Read,  published  and  registered,  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  the  King's 
Attorney- General  hearing  and  consenting  thereto,  the  last  day  of  March, 
one  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-nine. 

Signed,  De  la  Fontaine. 

Read,  published  and  registered,  the  King's  Attorney- General  hearing 
and  consenting  thereto,  at  Paris,  in  the  Coicrt  of  Aids,  the  thirtieth  and 
last  day  of  April,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-nine. 

Signed,  Bernard. 


SECRET   ARTICLES.  483 

Secret  articles,  taken  from  the  General  ones,  that  the  King  granted  to  those 
of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  :  which  his  Majesty  did  not  wish  to 
embody  in  the  general  articles,  nor  yet  in  the  Edict  made  and  drawn  up 
from  them,  given  at  Nantes  in  the  month  of  April  last :  and  neverthe- 
less it  is  the  will  of  His  said  Majesty  that  they  shall  be  as  fully  ob- 
served as  those  contained  in  the  said  Edict.  And  for  this  purpose  they 
shall  be  registered  in  his  Courts  of  Parliament  and  elsewhere  as  re- 
quired, and  all  Declarations,  Provisions  and  Letters,  that  be  needed 
shall  be  dispatched. 

Article  1st. — The  sixth  article  of  the  said  Edict  relating  to  liberty 
of  conscience,  and  permission  to  reside  within  this  kingdom,  granted 
to  all  his  Majesty's  subjects,  shall  be  extended  to,  and  include 
within  it,  all  Ministers,  Schoolmasters  and  others,  who  are  or  may 
be  in  future  of  the  said  religion,  whether  natives  or  foreigners, 
acting  iu  all  things  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  said  Edict. 

2d. — Those  of  the  said  religion  shall  not  be  obliged  to  contribute 
towards  the  building  or  repairs  of  Churches  or  Chapels,  nor  to  the 
purchase  of  Sacerdotal  ornaments,  Lights,  casting  of  Bells,  con- 
secrated bread,  hiring  houses  for  Priests  or  Monks,  nor  any  similar 
thing;  except  in  cases  where  they  themselves  or  their  ancestors 
have  made  endowments. 

3d. — They  shall  not  be  obliged  to  decorate  their  houses  on  Festi- 
vals when  it  is  so  ordered,  they  shall  merely  allow  the  official  per- 
sons to  do  it,  without  contributing  any  thing  towards  it. 

A:th. — Those  of  the  said  religion  shall  not,  when  sick  or  dying,  be 
obliged  to  receive  exhortations  from  persons  not  of  their  own  faith, 
and  their  own  Ministers  shall  be  permitted  to  visit  and  comfort  them 
without  hindrance.  As  for  those  who  shall  be  under  judicial  con- 
demnation, the  said  Ministers  may  visit  and  comfort  them,  but  can 
only  offer  up  public  prayers  in  those  places  where  the  said  religion 
is  allowed  free  exercise. 

5th. — The  public  exercise  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  lawful  at 
Pimpoul :  and  in  the  faubourg  of  Paulet  for  Dieppe  ;  and  the  said 
places  of  Pimpoul  and  Paulet  shall  be  places  for  bailiwicks.  As  for 
Sancerre,  the  said  exercise  shall  be  continued  as  at  present,  save 
that  for  the  establishment  of  it  in  the  said  town,  the  inhabitants 
must  make  it  appear  that  they  have  the  consent  of  the  Lord  of  the 
Manor.  Commissioners  appointed  by  His  Majesty  for  the  execution 
of  the  Edict  will  attend  to  this.     The  free  exercise  of  the  said 


4S4  MEMOLLIS   OF   A   IIUGENOT   FAMILY. 

religion  shall  bo  re-established  in  tho  town  of  Montagnac  in  Lan- 
gaedoo. 

6th. — The  following  plan  has  been  decided  upon,  fur  the  execu- 
tion of  the  article  upon  bailiwicks.     Firstly,  for  the  establishment 

of  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion,  in  the  two  places  granted  in  each 
Bailiwick,  Presidency  or  Government,  those  of  the  said  religion 
shall  name  two  cities,  in  the  faubourgs  of  which,  the  said  exercise 
shall  be  established  by  the  Commissioners,  his  Majesty  shall  appoint 
for  the  execution  of  the  Edict.  And  in  cases  where  the  Commis- 
sioners shall  not  approve,  those  of  the  said  religion  shall  name  two 
or  three  villages  near  to  the  said  cities,  from  which  the  Commis- 
sioners shall  make  choice  of  one.  And  if  from  war  or  pestilence,  or 
other  actual  impediment,  the  religious  exercise  cannot  be  carried  on 
in  the  appointed  places,  others  may  be  named  for  use  during  the 
continuance  of  the  impediment.  Secondly,  there  shall  only  be  two 
cities  named  within  the  government  of  Picardy,  in  the  faubourgs  of 
which  the  exercise  of  said  religion  may  be  allowed,  for  the  Baili- 
wicks, Presidencies,  and  Governments  dependent  upon  it :  and 
where  it  may  not  be  convenient  to  allow  it  in  the  faubourgs  of  the 
cities,  two  villages  may  be  selected.  Thirdly,  in  consideration  of 
the  great  extent  of  the  Presidency  of  Provence,  and  the  Bailiwick 
of  Viennois,  His  Majesty  grants  permission  for  the  exercise  of  said 
religion  in  a  third  place,  which  shall  be  selected  according  to  the 
above  provisions,  and  shall  be  in  addition  to  the  places  where  the 
exercise  already  exists. 

*lth. — That  which  is  granted  by  the  said  article,  for  the  exercise 
of  the  said  religion  within  the  Bailiwicks,  shall  extend  to  the  lands 
owned  by  the  late  Queen,  the  mother-in-law  of  His  Majesty,  and  to 
the  Bailiwick  of  Beaujolois. 

8th. — In  addition  to  the  two  places  granted  for  the  exercise  of 
the  said  religion,  by  the  private  articles  of  the  year  1577,  in  the 
Isles  of  Marennes  and  Oleron,  two  others  shall  be  granted,  for  the 
convenience  of  the  inhabitants  :  that  is  to  say,  one  for  all  the  Isles 
of  Marennes,  and  one  for  Oleron. 

<dth. — The  octroi  or  toll  upon  provisions  granted  by  His  Majesty, 
for  the  exercise  of  said  religion  in  the  city  of  Mets,  shall  take  full 
effect. 

10th. — It  is  the  will  and  pleasure  of  Tlis  Majesty,  that  the  27th 
article  of  his  Edict,  relating  to  the  eligibility  for  official  Dignity  of 
persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  shall  be  understood 


SECRET   ARTICLES.  485 

and  fully  observed  according  to  its  form  and  tenor  ;  notwithstanding 
edicts  and  grants  formerly  made  for  the  reduction  of  any  Princes, 
Nobles,  or  Catholic  cities  to  obedience,'  which  grants  shall  have  no 
prejudicial  bearing  upon  those  of  said  religion,  except  in  the  matter 
of  the  public  exercise  thereof,  which  shall  be  regulated  by  the  fol- 
lowing articles ;  from  which,  instructions  shall  be  drawn  up  for  the 
Commissioners,  whom  His  Majesty  will  appoint  to  put  in  execution 
the  provisions  of  his  Edict. 

11th. — According  to  the  Edict  given  by  His  Majesty,  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  the  exercise  of  the  said  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  shall  not  be  allowed  within  the  cities  or  fau- 
bourgs of  Eheims,  Eocroy,  Saint  Disier,  Guise,  Joinville,  Fiines,  and 
Moncornet  in  the  Ardennes. 

12th. — It  shall  not  be  allowed  in  the  environs  of  the  said  cities, 
and  places  in  which  it  was  forbidden  by  the  Edict  of  the  year  1577. 

13th. — And  in  order  to  take  away  all  ambiguity  that  might  pos- 
sibly attach  to  the  word  environs,  His  Majesty  declares  that  it  is 
understood  to  apply  to  all  places  within  the  liberties,  or  the  juris- 
diction of  the  said  cities,  in  which  places  the  said  religion  shall  not 
be  established,  except  it  should  have  been  permitted  by  the  Edict 

of  1577. 

14th. — And  inasmuch  as  by  that,  the  said  exercise  was  granted 
generally  in  the  Eiefs  belonging  to  those  of  the  said  religion,  with- 
out excepting  the  said  environs :  His  Majesty  declares  the  same 
privilege  shall  still  be  possessed  by  those  of  the  said  religion  holding 
such  Fiefs,  as  is  declared  in  the  Edict  given  at  Nantes. 

15th. — According  to  the  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of  the 
Marshal  de  la  Chatre,  there  shall  be  only  one  place  granted  for  the 
exercise  of  the  said  religion,  in  each  of  the  Bailiwicks  of  Orleans  and 
Bourges,  nevertheless  the  exercise  may  be  continued  where  it  is 
permitted  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

16^. — The  privilege  of  preaching  in  the  Fiefs,  shall  be  extended 
to  the  said  Bailiwicks,  in  the  way  directed  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

l^th. — The  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of  the  Marshal  de  Bois 
Dauphin  shall  be  observed ;  and  the  said  exercise  shall  not  be  per- 
mitted within  any  towns,  faubourgs,  or  places  brought  by  him  into 
subjection  to  His  Majesty.  As  for  the  environs  of  such,  the  Edict 
of  1577  shall  be  observed,  even  in  the  houses  of  the  Fiefs,  as  di- 
rected by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

18th. — There  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  within  the 


4S6  MEMOIRS   OF   A   IIUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

cities,  faubourgs  and  castlo  of  Morlais,  in  conformity  with  the  Edict 
given  on  the  reduction  of  the  said  city.  The  Edict  of  1577  shall  bo 
observed  within  the  district,  even  in  the  Fiefs,  according  to  the 
Edict  of  Nantes, 

19t7i. — In  consequenco  of  the  Edict  for  the  reduction  of  Quin- 
percorantin,  there  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  within 
the  Bishopric  of  Cornouaille. 

20th. — According  also  to  the  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of 
Beauvais,  there  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  at  Beauvais, 
nor  within  the  distance  of  three  leagues  around  it.  Nevertheless, 
it  may  be  established  in  the  places  permitted  by  the  Edict  of  1577, 
even  in  the  houses  of  the  fiefs,  in  conformity  with  the  Edict  of 
Nantes. 

2\st. — Inasmuch  as  the  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of  Ad- 
miral Villars  was  only  provisional,  and  to  be  in  force  until  the 
King  decreed  otherwise,  it  is  the  will  and  pleasure  of  His  Majesty, 
that  henceforth  his  Edict  of  Nantes  shall  regulate  all  cities  and  ju- 
risdictions brought  into  subjoction  to  His  Majesty  by  the  said  Ad- 
miral. 

22d. — According  to  the  Edict  for  the  reduction  of  the  Duke  de 
Joyeuse,  the  exercise  of  said  religion  shall  not  be  allowed  in  the 
city  of  Toulouse  or  its  faubourgs,  or  within  four  leagues  around 
it,  nor  any  nearer  than  the  cities  of  Villemur,  Carmain  and  the 
Isle  in  Jourdan. 

23d. — It  shall  not  be  restored  in  the  towns  of  Alet,  Auriac  and 
Montesquieu ;  with  the  understanding,  at  the  same  time,  that  if 
persons  of  the  said  religion  within  the  said  towns,  shall  petition  for 
a  place  where  they  can  have  the  exercise  of  said  religion,  the  Com- 
missioners of  His  Majesty,  or  the  officers  of  the  place,  shall  assign 
for  each  town  6ome  place  of  convenient  and  safe  access  for  the  said 
exercise,  to  be  not  further  than  one  league  distant  from  the  town. 

24th. — The  said  exercise  may  be  established  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Court  of  Parliament  of  Toulouse ;  excepting,  always,  in  the  Baili- 
wicks, Presidencies  &c.  the  chief  towrn  of  which  was  brought  into 
subjection  to  the  King  by  the  said  Duke  de  Joyeuse,  where  the 
Edict  of  1577  must  be  observed.  It  is  to  be  understood  that  the 
said  exercise  may  be  continued  in  the  places  where  it  existed  at  the 
time  of  the  reduction ;  and  in  the  houses  of  fiefs  as  set  forth  in  the 
Edict  of  Nantes. 


SECRET   ARTICLES.  487 

25th. — The  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of  Dijon  shall  be  ob- 
served, and  according  to  it,  there  shall  be  no  religious  exercises 
whatever  but  those  of  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  Church,  with- 
in the  City  or  for  four  leagues  around  it. 

26th. — The  Edict  given  for  the  reduction  of  the  Duke  De  May- 
enne  shall  be  likewise  observed,  and,  in  conformity  with  it,  there 
shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  within  the 
towns  of  Chalons,  and  for  two  leagues  around  Soissons,  for  the 
space  of  six  years,  commencing  from  the  month  of  January,  1596; 
after  the  expiration  of  which  period,  the  Edict  of  Nantes  shall  ex- 
tend there  and  be  observed  as  through  the  rest  of  the  Kingdom. 

27th. — Persons  of  all  ranks  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  permit- 
ted to  reside  within  the  City  of  Lyons,  and  freely  to  go  and  come ; 
and  the  same  as  regards  other  places  within  the  Government  of 
Lyonnois,  notwithstanding  prohibitions  formerly  made  by  the  Syn- 
dics and  Sheriffs  of  the  said  City  of  Lyons,  and  confirmed  by  His 
Majesty. 

28th. — There  shall  be  only  one  place  in  a  Bailiwick  for  the  ex- 
ercise of  said  religion,  within  the  whole  Presidency  of  Poitiers, 
besides  those  in  which  it  is  now  established.  The  fiefs  to  be  regu- 
lated by  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  The  said  exercise  shall  be  continued 
in  the  town  of  Chauvigny :  the  said  exercise  shall  not  be  re-estab- 
lished in  the  towns  of  Agen,  and  Perigueux,  although  by  the  Edict 
of  1577  it  might  be. 

29th.— There  shall  be  only  two  places  in  the  Bailiwick  for  the 
exercise  of  the  said  religion,  in  the  Government  of  Picardy,  as  has 
been  said  before ;  and  the  said  two  places  may  be  given  in  the  dis- 
tricts reserved  by  the  Edict  given  on  the  reduction  of  Amiens, 
Peronne  and  Abbeville.  The  said  exercise  may  be  permitted  in  the 
houses  of  the  fiefs,  throughout  the  Government  of  Picardy,  accord- 
ing to  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

30th, — There  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  in  the 
town  and  faubourg  of  Sens,  and  only  one  place  in  the  Bailiwick 
shall  be  allowed  within  the  district ;  without  prejudice,  however, 
to  the  privileges  granted  to  the  owners  of  fiefs,  which  shall  be  in 
accordance  with  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Slst. — The  said  exercise  shall  not  be  allowed  within  the  city  or 
faubourgs  of  Nantes,  nor  in  any  place  within  three  leagues  around. 
The  houses  of  owners  of  fiefs  excepted,  according  to  the  Edict  of 
Nantes. 


488  MEMOIRS    OF    A    III  «.l  KNOT    FAMILY. 

32<1. — It  is  the  will  and  pleasure  of  His  Majesty,  that  his  said 
Edict  of  Nantes  be  observed  from  this  time  forth,  In  all  that  con- 
cerns the  exercise  of  the  said  religion,  in  all  places  where  it  was 
prohibited,  until  further  orders,  by  the  Edicts  and  grants  given  upon 
the  submission  of  certain  Princes,  Nobles  and  Catholic  cities. 
And  where  the  prohibition  was  for  a  limited  number  of  years, 
the  Edict  must  be  observed  after  that  time  is  over. 

33d. — A  place  shall  be  given  to  those  of  said  religion  for  the 
city  and  precincts  of  Paris,  within  five  leagues  at  the  utmost,  where 
the  public  exercise  of  said  religion  may  be  allowed. 

34th. — In  all  places  where  the  public  exercise  of  the  said  reli- 
gion is  permitted,  the  people  may  be  called  together,  even  by  the 
ringing  of  bells,  and  they  may  perform  all  acts  and  functions  ap- 
pertaining to  said  religion  or  its  discipline,  such  as  holding  Consis- 
tories, Conferences  and  Synods,  Provincial  and  National,  with  the 
permission  of  His  Majesty. 

35tJi. — Ministers,  Elders  and  Deacons  of  the  said  religion  shall 
not  be  compelled  to  appear  as  witnesses  in  a  Court  of  Justice,  with 
regard  to  matters  made  known  in  Consistory  as  questions  for  church 
censure,  except  it  be  in  a  matter  bearing  upon  the  safety  of  the 
State  or  the  person  of  the  King. 

SQth. — Persons  of  said  religion  who  reside  in  the  country,  may 
lawfully  go  to  towns  or  other  places  for  the  exercise  of  said  religion, 
where  it  is  publicly  established. 

S7t?i. — It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  persons  of  said  religion  to  keep 
public  schools  any  where  but  in  places  where  the  said  religion  is 
publicly  established :  the  provision  heretofore  granted  for  the  erec- 
tion and  maintenance  of  Colleges  shall  be  made  good  when  required, 
and  shall  go  into  full  operation. 

38t7i. — It  shall  be  lawful  for  persons  making  profession  of  the 
said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  to  appoint  such  preceptors  as 
shall  seem  good  to  them  for  the  education  of  their  children,  and  to 
substitute  one  or  several,  by  will  or  codicil,  or  declaration  made 
before  a  notary,  or  written  and  signed  with  their  own  hands.  For 
the  rest,  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  Kingdom,  as  usually  re- 
ceived, will  be  of  full  force  in  the  giving  and  providing  of  guar- 
dians and  protectors. 

Sdt7i. — With  regard  to  the  marriages  of  Priests  and  Nuns  which 
have  already  been  contracted,  it  is,  for  various  good  reasons,  the 
will  of  His  Majesty  that  they  shall  not  be  disturbed  or  sought  after, 


SECRET    ARTICLES.  489 

and  he  imposes  silence  upon  his  Attorney-General  and  other  Offi- 
cers in  this  matter.  Nevertheless,  His  said  Majesty  declares  that 
children,  the  issue  of  such  marriages,  shall  only  inherit  the  house- 
hold goods  and  the  earnings  or  acquisitions  of  their  parents,  and 
in  default  of  such  children  the  nearest  relations  are  to  inherit :  and 
the  "wills,  donations  and  other  dispositions,  made  and  to  be  made, 
by  persons  of  said  description,  of  the  said  household  goods  and 
earnings,  are  declared  valid.  His  said  Majesty  declares  that  the 
said  professed  Monks  or  Priests  and  Nuns  shall  not  succeed  to  any 
family  inheritance  directly  or  collaterally,  except,  only,  they  may 
take  possession  of  what  is  left  or  shall  be  left  to  them  by  will,  ex- 
cepting, always,  those  by  direct  and  collateral  succession :  as  for 
those  who  made  profession  before  the  age  stipulated  by  the  Ordi- 
nances of  Orleans  and  Blois,  the  tenor  of  said  Ordinances  shall  be 
obeyed,  each  for  the  time  of  its  being  binding. 

40^. — His  Majesty's  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  persons  of  the 
said  religion,  who  have  contracted  marriages  or  shall  contract  them, 
who  are  within  the  third  or  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity,  shall 
not  be  disturbed,  nor  the  validity  of  the  marriages  called  in  ques- 
tion :  in  like  manner,  there  shall  be  no  dispute  about  the  right  of 
succession  to  property  of  the  children  born,  or  who  shall  be  born 
from  such  marriages  :  and  as  for  such  marriages  as  shall  have  been 
already  contracted  between  those  of  the  second,  or  of  the  second 
and  third  degree,  making  appeal  to  the  King,  they  shall  be  furnish- 
ed with  such  grant  or  patent  as  shall  be  all-sufficient  to  protect 
them  from  molestation,  and  their  children  from  disputed  succession. 

4:1st. — In  order  to  judge  of  the  validity  of  marriages  made  and 
contracted  by  those  of  the  said  religion,  and  to  decide  upon  their 
legality,  if  the  defendant  be  of  the  said  religion,  the  Royal  Judge  shall 
have  cognizance  of  the  cause,  and  where  the  Catholic  is  defendant, 
the  cognizance  shall  belong  to  the  Ecclesiastical  Judge.  If  both 
parties  be  of  the  said  religion,  the  cognizance  shall  belong  to  the 
Eoyal  Judges.  His  said  Majesty's  will  is,  that  with  regard  to  said 
marriages  and  differences  growing  out  of  them,  the  Ecclesiastical 
and  the  Royal  Judges,  together  with  the  Chambers  established  by 
the  Edict,  shall  respectively  have  the  cognizance. 

4:2(1. — Gifts  and  legacies  made,  or  that  shall  be  made,  by  the 
last  will  of  the  dying,  or  the  disposition  of  the  living,  towards  the 
maintenance  of  Ministers,  Doctors,  Scholars  or  poor  persons  of  the 
said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  or  for  other  pious  purposes,  shall 

21* 


490  MKMOIRS   OF   A   HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

bo  valid  and  take  full  effect,  notwithstanding  any  Judgments  or  De- 
cree- to  the  contrary,  without  any  prejudice,  always  be  it  remem- 
bered, to  the  rights  of  His  Majesty  or  others  in  cases  where  the 
said  legacies  and  gifts  fall  in  mortmain.  All  actions  and  prosecu- 
tions necessary  for  the  recovery  of  said  legacies  and  other  rights, 
may  be  carried  on  by  a  Solicitor,  in  the  name  of  the  body  and  com- 
munity of  those  of  said  religion  who  arc  interested  therein,  and  if 
it  shall  be  found  that  the  said  gifts  and  legacies  have  been  other- 
wise disposed  of,  such  restitution  as  is  practicable  may  be  claimed. 

43(7. — His  said  Majesty  permits  those  of  the  said  religion  to  as- 
semble before  the  Royal  Judge,  and  by  his  authority  to  assess  a  tax 
upon  themselves  and  collect  the  same  in  sufficient  sum  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  their  Synods,  and  provide  for  the  support  of  those  who 
are  charged  with  the  exercise  of  their  said  religion,  of  which  they 
will  render  an  account  to  the  Royal  Judge :  the  copy  of  which  shall 
be  sent  every  six  months  to  His  Majesty  or  to  his  Chancellor.  The 
said  taxes  and  fines  shall  be  levied,  in  spite  of  opposition  or  appeal. 

44th  — Ministers  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  exempt  from  guard 
and  patrol,  or  lodging  soldiers  or  other  assessments  and  imposts, 
together  with  the  guardianship  of  property  seized  under  judicial 

authority. 

45^. — With  regard  to  interments  heretofore  made  in  Cemete- 
ries belonging  to  the  said  Catholics,  it  is  the  will  of  His  Majesty  that 
no  inquiry  whatever  shall  be  made,  and  this  he  enjoins  upon  his 
officers  to  observe.  With  regard  to  the  City  of  Paris,  in  addition 
to  the  two  Cemeteries  which  those  of  the  said  religion  now  have 
there,  that  is  to  say,  that  of  Trinity,  and  that  of  Saint  Germain,  a 
third  shall  be  given  to  them  in  a  place  convenient  for  the  said  in- 
terments, either  in  the  faubourg  St.  Honore  or  St.  Denis. 

4G^.— The  Catholic  Presidents  and  Councillors,  who  shall  serve 
in  the  Chamber  ordered  by  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  shall  be  chosen 
by  His  Majesty  from  the  list  of  officers  of  the  Parliament. 

4:7th.— The  Councillors  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion, 
who  shall  serve  in  said  Chamber,  shall  be  present,  if  it  seem  good 
to  them,  at  the  causes  which  are  decided  by  Commissioners,  and 
they  may  have  a  deliberative  voice,  without  having  any  part  of  the 
funds  deposited,  although  they  have  the  privilege  of  being  present. 

48^. — The  oldest  President  of  the  Mixed  Chambers  shall  pre- 
side in  the  meeting,  and  in  his  absence  the  second;  and  the  distri- 
bution of  the  causes  shall  be  made  by  the  two  Presidents  conjointly, 

alternately,  bj  the  month  or  \>\  the  week 


SECKET   ARTICLES.  491 

4:9  th. — In  case  of  vacancy  in  the  offices  to  be  filled,  by  those  of 
said  religion,  by  the  Chambers  of  the  Edict,  the  parties  applying 
shall  bring  a  certificate  from  the  Synod  or  Conference  to  which 
they  belong,  attesting  that  they  are  of  said  religion,  and  persons  of 
probity. 

bOth. — The  indemnity  granted  to  those  of  the  said  pretended 
Reformed  religion  by  the  74th  article  of  the  Edict,  shall  extend  to 
the  seizing  of  all  Royal  funds,  whether  by  breaking  into  the  chests 
or  otherwise,  even  including  those  which  were  taken  on  the  river 
Charante,  now,  that  they  had  been  appropriated  to  private  indi- 
viduals. 

5lst. — The  44th  article  of  the  secret  articles,  given  in  the  year 
1577,  touching  the  city  and  Archbishopric  of  Avignon,  and  earldom 
of  Yenise,  together  with  the  Treaty  concluded  at  Nimes,  shall  be 
observed  according  to  their  form  and  tenor  :  no  Letters  of  Marque 
shall  be  given  in  virtue  of  said  Articles  and  Treaty,  but  by  the  King 
himself,  sealed  with  his  great  seal.  Nevertheless,  those  who  desire 
to  obtain  them,  may,  in  virtue  of  this  present  article,  appear  before 
the  Royal  Judges,  who  shall  inform  themselves  fully  of  the  facts  of 
the  injustice  complained  of  by  those  who  desire  said  letters,  and 
then  send  the  information  sealed  to  His  Majesty,  who  will  take  such 
action  as  he  pleases  thereupon. 

52d. — It  is  the  will  and  pleasure  of  His  Majesty,  that  Master 
Nicolas  Grimoult  shall  be  restored  to  the  title  and  possession  of  the 
offices  of  Senior  Lieutenant-General,  both  Civil  and  Criminal,  in 
the  Bailiwick  of  Alen^on,  notwithstanding  the  resignation  made  by 
him  to  Master  John  Marguerit,  the  reception  of  it,  and  the  appoint- 
ment obtained  by  Master  William  Bernard  of  the  office  of  Lieuten- 
ant-General, Civil  and  Criminal,  at  the  sitting  of  Exmes ;  and  the 
decrees  given  against  the  said  Marguerit,  to  whom  it  was  re- 
signed during  the  troubles  in  the  Privy  Council,  in  the  years  1586, 
1587  and  1588,  by  which  Master  Nicolas  Barbier  is  maintained  in 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  Senior  Lieutenant-General  in  the  said 
Bailiwick ;  and  the  said  Bernard  in  the  said  office  at  Exmes,  the 
which  His  Majesty  has  reversed,  and  all  else  contrary  to  this.  Be- 
sides this,  His  Majesty,  for  certain  good  and  sufficient  reasons,  com- 
mands that  the  said  Grimoult  shall  repay,  within  three  months,  the 
said  Barbier,  the  sums  that  he  has  escheated  for  the  office  of  Lieu- 
tenant-General, Civil  and  Criminal,  in  the  Vicomte  of  Alenron, 
and  fifty  crowns  tor  the  expense  ;  empowering  fur  that  purpose  the 


402  MEMOIRS  OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Bailiff  of  Perche  or  his  Lieutenant  at  Mortaiiznc.  And  the  repay- 
ment made  or  offered,  though  tlie  said  Barbier  may  refuse  or  delay 
to  receive  it,  it  ia  His  Majesty'-  will  and  pleasure  that  the  Mid  liar- 
bier  and  the  said  Bernard  shall  not  intermeddle  any  more  with  the 
duties  of  the  said  offices,  under  pain  of  the  punishment  for  perjury  ; 
the  said  Grimoult  shall  be  placed  in  full  possession  of  these  offices, 
with  the  rights  and  privileges  appertaining  to  them  ;  and,  by  this 
article,  the  suit  pending  before  the  Privy  Council,  between  the  said 
Grimoult,  Barbier  and  Bernard  shall  be  terminated.  His  Majesty 
forbids  his  Parliament  to  take  any  further  cognizance,  and  also 
forbids  the  parties  themselves  to  agitate  it  again.  Besides,  His  said 
Majesty  has  taken  upon  himself  to  repay  the  said  Bernard  a  thou- 
sand crowns  escheated  for  his  office,  and  sixty  crowns  for  the  marc 
d'or*  and  expenses;  having  for  this  purpose  now  ordered  good  and 
sufficient  appropriations  to  be  made,  the  collecting  of  which  is  in- 
trusted to  the  diligence  of  the  said  Grimoult. 

53d.— His  Majesty  will  write  to  his  Ambassadors  to  solicit  for 
all  his  subjects,  even  for  those  of  the  said  pretended  Pweformed  reli- 
gion, that  they  may  not  be  forced  to  do  any  thing  against  conscience, 
nor  be  subject  to  the  Inquisition,  going,  coming,  travelling  and 
trading  in* foreign  countries,  the  allies  and  confederates  of  this 
Crown,  provided,  always,  that  they  do  not  offend  against  the  laws 
of  the  country  in  which  they  may  be. 

bUh.—It  is  the  will  and  pleasure  of  His  Majesty,  that  no  inqui- 
ries be  made  about  the  collection  of  the  taxes  levied  at  Pvoyan,  in 
virtue  of  the  contract  made  with  the  Sieur  de  Candelay,  and  others 
made  in  continuation  of  it.  The  said  contract  is  declared  valid  in 
all  its  items,  until  the  eighteenth  day  of  next  May. 

55^ — The  outrages  committed  on  the  person  of  Armand  Cour- 
tines,  in  the  town  of  Millaut,  in  the  year  1587,  and  of  John  Reines 
and  Peter  Seigneuret,  together  with  the  prosecutions  of  the  suits 
in  consequence,  by  the  Magistrates  of  the  said  Millaut,  shall  be 
(plashed  and  consigned  to  oblivion,  in  virtue  of  the  Edict,  without 
its  being  lawful  for  their  widows  or  heirs,  the  Attorneys-General 
of  His  Majesty,  or  their  Substitutes,  or  any  other  person  whatever, 
to  bring  forward  the  case ;  notwithstanding,  and  without  paying 
attention  to  the  Decree  made  in  the  Chamber  of  Castres  on 
the  tenth  of  last  March,  which  shall  be  null  and  void,  together 
with  all  proceedings  begun  on  either  side. 

*  A  sort  of  entrance  fee  pair!  to  the  King  before  being  installed  in  an  office.— Trans. 


SECRET   AKTICLE6.  493 

56th. — All  prosecutions,  suits,  sentences,  judgments  and  decrees 
given,  as  well  against  the  deceased  Sieur  de  la  Noue,  as  against  the 
Sieur  Odet  de  la  Noue,  his  son,  since  their  imprisonment  in  Flan- 
ders, which  occurred  in  the  month  of  May,  1580,  and  the  month 
of  November,  1584,  and  during  their  constant  occupation  in  the 
wars  and  service  of  His  Majesty,  shall  be  broken  and  annulled,  and 
all  else  consequent  upon  them,  and  the  defence  of  the  said  de  la 
Noue  shall  be  received,  and  they  shall  be  restored  to  the  same  state 
they  were  in  before  the  judgments  and  decrees ;  without  being 
obliged  to  defray  any  expenses,  or  deposit  any  fines,  if  any  have 
been  decreed,  nor  shall  any  non-suit,  or  proscription  made  during 
the  time,  be  brought  up  against  them. 

Executed  by  the  King,  in  Council  at  Nantes,  the  second  day  of 
May,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-eight. 

Signed, 

HENRI. 

And  below,  Foeget. 

Sealed  with  the  great  seal  with  yellow  wax. 

Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  to  our 
right  entirely  and  well-beloved  people,  holding  our  Court  of  Parlia- 
ment in  Paris,  greeting.  We  executed,  in  the  month  of  April  last, 
our  Edict,  for  the  establishment  of  peace  and  good  order  amongst 
our  Catholic  subjects,  and  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion. 
And  in  addition,  we  have  granted,  to  those  of  the  said  religion,  cer- 
tain secret  and  private  articles,  which  we  wish  to  have  equal  force 
and  virtue,  and  to  be  observed  and  accomplished  equally  with 
our  Edict.  For  this  cause,  we  wish,  desire,  and  most  expressly 
command,  by  these  presents,  that  the  said  articles,  signed  by  our 
own  hand,  and  attached  hereto,  under  the  counter  seal  of  our  Chan- 
cellor, be  registered  in  the  registers  of  our  said  Court ;  and  that 
what  is  herein  contained  be  maintained  and  observed  in  every 
point,  the  same  as  our  Edict:  ceasing,  and  causing  to  cease,  all 
troubles  and  hindrances.     For  such  is  our  pleasure. 

Given  at  Nantes,  the  second  day  of  May,  year  of  grace  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-eight;  and  of  our  reign  the 
ninth. 

Signed  for  the  King. 

Foeget. 

And  sealed  on  a  simple  label  with  yellow  wax. 


j;»l  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 


Writ  of  grant  from  Ilenry  the  Great,  to  his  subjects  of the  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  the  30th  April,  1598. 

This  day   being  the  third  of  April,  1598,  the  King  being  at 
Nantes,  wishing  to  gratify  his  subjects  of  the  pretended  Reformed 

religion,  and  to  help  them  to  meet  various  great  expenses  which 
they  have  incurred,  has  ordered  and  does  order,  that  for  the  future, 
to  commence  on  the  first  day  of  the  present  month,  there  shall  be 
put  into  the  hands  of  Monsieur  de  Vierse,  appointed  by  His  Majesty, 
by  his  Treasurers,  each  in  his  year,  assignments  for  the  sum  of  forty- 
five  thousand  crowns,  to  be  employed  in  certain  secret  affairs  which 
concern  them,  but  which  His  Majesty  does  not  choose  to  specify  or 
declare ;  which  sum  shall  be  assigned  from  the  general  Receipts  as 
follows:  that  is  to  say,  Paris,  six  thousand  crowns;  Caen,  three 
thousand    crowns;    Orleans,    four     thousand    crowns;     Poitiers, 
eight    thousand    crowns;  Limoges,    six    thousand    crowns;   Bor- 
deaux,   eight   thousand  crowns.      The   whole  amounting    to  the 
said    sum    of    forty-five    thousand    crowns;     payable     quarterly 
every  year,   out  of  the   first  and  most  available  of  the  general 
receipts,   and  no  deduction  shall  be  made  for  any  falling  short,  or 
any  other  cause.     "Which  sum  of  forty-five  thousand  crowns  shall 
be  furnished  in  ready  money,  which  shall  be  put  in  the  hands  of  the 
King's  Treasurer,  which  shall  serve  to  pay  the  whole  of  the  assign- 
ments.    And  whereas,  for  the  convenience  of  the  above-named,  it 
may  be  required  to  have  some  payments  made  from  certain  particu- 
lar receipts  ;  the  Treasurers  and  Pieceivers-General,  shall  be  ordered 
to  make  it,  taking  it  from  the  assignments  of  the  said  Pwoyal  Trea- 
surers ;  which  shall  afterwards  be  delivered  by  the  said  Sieur  de 
Vierse  to  those  persons  who  shall  have  been  named  to  him,  by 
those  of  said  religion,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  as  the  parties  to 
receive  and  dispense  the  funds  received  in  virtue  of  this;  of  which 
they  shall  return  a  true  account  at  the  end  of  the  year  to  the  Sieur 
de  Vierse,  with  the  receipts  of  the  parties  taking  it,  for  the  informa- 
tion of  His  Majesty  as  to  the  employment  of  the  money.     Neither 
the  Sieur  de  Vierse,  nor  those  appointed  to  receive,  by  the  authori- 
ties of  said  religion,  shall  be  called  to  any  account  in  any  Chamber. 
His  said  Majesty  has  commanded  all  necessary  letters  and  instruc- 
tions to  be  given,  and  to  him  the  account  is  to  be  rendered,  in  vir- 
tue of  this  present  writing,  which  he  has  signed  with  his  own  hand, 


GRANT  FROM  HENRY  THE  GREAT.         495 

and  had  it  countersigned  by  our  Chancellor,  in  the  Council  of  State 
and  Secretary  for  his  commands. 

Signed  HENRY. 

aDd  below,  De  Nettfville. 

This  day,  the  last  of  April,  1598,  the  King  being  at  Nantes, 
wishing  to  content  his  subjects  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion 
as  much  as  possible,  and  to  grant  all  their  requests  to  him,  for  such 
things  as  they  considered  to  be  essential  for  the  safety  of  their  per- 
sons, property,  and  estates.  And  for  the  confidence  that  His 
Majesty  reposes  in  their  fidelity,  and  their  sincere  affection,  with 
some  other  important  considerations  affecting  the  tranquillity  of  the 
state ;  His  said  Majesty,  in  addition  to  what  is  contained  in  the 
Edict  he  has  lately  resolved  upon,  and  which  ought  to  be  published, 
for  the  regulation  of  what  concerns  them,  has  granted,  and  promised 
to  them  that  all  places,  cities,  and  castles,  of  which  they  had  pos- 
session until  the  end  of  the  month  of  August  last,  in  which  they 
shall  have  garrisons,  the  list  shall  be  drawn  up  and  signed  by  His 
Majesty,  and  shall  remain  in  their  keeping,  under  the  authority  of 
His  Majesty,  for  the  space  of  eight  years,  to  count  from  the  day  of 
publication  of  the  Edict.  For  other  places  which  they  hold,  where 
they  shall  have  no  garrison,  there  shall  be  no  change  or  innovation. 
His  said  Majesty  does  not  mean  it  to  be  understood,  that  the  towns 
and  castles  of  Vendome  and  Pontorson  be  included  in  the  number 
of  said  places,  left  in  the  keeping  of  those  of  said  religion.  He  does 
not  mean  to  include  within  the  said  number,  the  City,  Castle  and 
Citadel  of  Aubenas,  of  which  he  wishes  to  have  the  free  disposal, 
without  its  being  of  any  consequence,  that  if  now  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  the  said  religion,  it  shall  afterwards  be  appropriated  to 
another  of  said  religion  as  in  other  cities  granted  to  them.  And  as 
for  Chauvigny,  it  shall  be  restored  to  the  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  Lord 
of  the  said  place,  and  the  new  fortifications  shall  be  razed  and  de- 
molished. And  for  the  support  of  the  said  garrisons,  which  are  to 
be  maintained  in  the  said  cities,  places  and  castles,  His  said  Majesty 
has  granted  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  crowns, 
without  including  those  in  the  Province  of  Dauphiny,  for  which 
there  shall  otherwise  be  provided  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  thousand  crowns  annually:  promising  and  assuring,  that  ap- 
propriations shall  be  made  of  the  most  available  and  undoubted 
nature,  where  the  said  garrisons  are  established.     And  if  these  shall 


496  MEMOIRS   CW   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

not  be  sufficient,  the  said  sum  shall  be  made  up  from  other  sources, 
and  shall  be  completely  paid.    His  Majesty  likewise  promisee  that 
when  he  makes  up  the  list,  or  establishment  for  the  said  garrisons, 
he  will  call  around  him  those  of  the  said  religion,  to  take  their 
opinion,  and  listen  to  their  complaints,  before  he  gives  his  orders, 
which  he  will  always  do  in  a  manner  to  be  as  satisfactory  to  them 
as  he  possibly  can.     And  if  during  the  eight  years,  it  shall  be  ne- 
cessary to  make  any  changes  in  the  said    establishment,  whether 
proceeding  from  His  Majesty's  judgment,  or  in  answer  to  petition, 
he  will  observe  the  same  plan  as  at  first,  in  deciding  upon  it.     And 
as  for  the  garrisons  of  Dauphiny,  His  Majesty,  in  drawing  out  the 
establishments  for  them,  will  take  the  opinion  of  the  Sieur  de  Les- 
diguieres.    And  in  case  of  the  occurrence  of  any  vacancies,  amongst 
the  Governors  and  Captains  of  the  said  places,  His  said  Majesty 
promises  and  agrees  to  appoint  none,  but  such  as  are  of  the  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion,  and  shall  bring  proof  of  being  so  from  the 
Conference  of  the  place  where  they  live,  and  also  the  attestation  to 
the  fact  of  their  being  respectable  men.     He  will  content  himself 
with  requiring  that  he,  for  whom  the  writ  has  been  made  out,  shall 
bring  the  certificate  of  the  Conference,  before  the  appointment  is 
concluded,  and  the  Conference  shall  be  required  to  make  their  report 
without  unnecessary  delay,  or  if  there  be  any  delay,  they  must  give 
their  reasons  for  the  same  to  His  Majesty.     And  this  term  of  eight 
years  expired,  although  His  Majesty's  promise  will  be  redeemed,  and 
the  places  restored  to  him,  yet  he  promises,  that  if  garrisons  shall  be 
continued  there,  and  Governors  remain  to  command  them,  he  will  not 
dispossess  those  who  shall  be  in  office  there,  to  appoint  any  others. 
He  likewise  declares   that  it  is  his  intention,  as  well  during  the 
said  eight  years,  as  after  them,  to  gratify  those  of  the  said  religion, 
and  to  give  them  a  share  of  the  offices,  governments  and  other 
honors  that  he  will  have  to  bestow  ;  and  to  distribute  them  without 
favor  or  partiality,  according  to  the  rank  and  merit  of  the  persons, 
aa  to  his  other  Catholic  subjects ;  without  however,  the  places  and 
cities  which  may  be  hereafter  intrusted  to  their  command,  besides 
those  they  now  have,  being  considered,  in  consequence  of  that,  to 
be  more  particularly  appropriated  to  those  of  the  said  religion. 
Also  his  said  Majesty  has  granted  to  them,  that  those  who  are  in 
charge  of  the  magazines,  munitions,  powder  and  cannon  of  these 
cities,  appointed  by  those  of  said  religion,  shall  remain  in  charge  of 
the  same,  upon  receiving  a  commission  from  the  Grand  Master  of 


GRANT  FROM  HENRY  THE  GREAT.         497 

the  Artillery,  and  the  Commissary  General.  Which  letters  shall 
be  executed  gratuitously,  putting  into  their  hands  the  list  signed 
in  due  form,  of  the  magazines,  munitions,  powder  and  cannon ; 
without  however  allowing  them,  by  virtue  of  these  commissions,  to 
lay  claim  to  any  immunity  or  privilege.  Their  salaries  shall  be 
paid  out  of  the  sums  already  appropriated  for  the  support  of  the 
garrisons,  without  being  chargeable  to  his  Majesty  for  any  other 
funds.  And,  inasmuch  as  those  of  the  said  religion  have  applied  to 
his  Majesty,  to  know  what  he  has  been  pleased  to  order,  with  re- 
gard to  the  exercise  of  said  religion,  in  the  town  of  Metz,  inasmuch 
as  it  is  not  clearly  expressed  in  the  Edict  or  Secret  Articles ;  his 
Majesty  declares  that  he  has  dispatched  Letters  Patent,  by  which 
it  is  directed,  that  the  Temple,  formerly  erected  in  the  said  town 
by  its  inhabitants,  shall  be  restored  to  them,  to  take  away  the  ma- 
terials, or  dispose  of  in  any  way  they  shall  see  fit ;  without  its  being 
lawful  however,  for  them  to  preach  or  have  any  religious  exercises ; 
nevertheless,  they  shall  be  furnished  with  a  convenient  place,  with- 
in the  walls  of  the  said  town,  where  they  may  have  public  exercise 
of  said  religion,  without  it  being  necessary  to  name  it  in  the  Edict. 
His  Majesty  also  grants,  that  notwithstanding  the  exercise  of  the  said 
religion  is  forbidden  within  his  court  and  suite,  yet  the  Dukes, 
Peers  of  France,  Officers  of  the  Crown,  Marquises,  Counts,  Gover- 
nors and  Lieutenants-General,  Marshals  of  the  Camp,  and  Captains 
of  the  Guards  of  his  said  Majesty,  who  shall  be  of  his  suite,  need 
not  fear  any  examination  into  what  they  do  in  their  own  homes, 
provided  that  it  be  only  in  their  own  private  family,  with  closed 
doors  and  without  singing  Psalms  aloud,  or  doing  any  thing  to  make 
it  known  that  there  is  a  public  exercise  of  the  said  religion;  and 
if  his  said  Majesty  shall  remain  over  three  days  in  any  city  or  place, 
where  the  exercise  is  permitted,  the  said  exercise  may  be  resumed 
after  that  time,  and  continued  just  as  it  was  before  his  arrival.  His 
Majesty  declares  that  in  the  present  posture  of  his  affairs,  he  has 
been  unable  to  include  his  territories  beyond  the  Alps,  Bresse,  and 
Barcellone,  in  Lhe  permission  given  for  the  exercise  of  the  said  pre 
tended  Reformed  religion.  His  Majesty,  nevertheless,  promises 
that  when  these  territories  shall  be  reduced  to  obedience,  he  will 
treat  his  subjects  there,  just  as  he  treats  those  here,  in  all  points 
granted  by  the  Edict  to  those  of  said  religion,  notwithstanding  any 
thing  to  the  contrary  in  the  Edict,  and  in  the  mean  time  they  shall 
remain  as  they  are.     His  Majesty  grants,  that  those  of  the  said  pre- 


498  MEMOIRS   OF   A   IITJGUENOT   FAMILY. 

tended  Reformed  religion,  who  should  be  installed  in  the  offices  of 
Presidents  and  Councillors,  to  serve  in  the  newly  created  Chambers 
ordered  by  the  Edict,  shall  be  installed  gratuitously,  and  without 
payment  for  the  first  time,  upon  the  list  which  shall  be  presented 
to  hifl  Majesty  by  the  Deputies  of  the  Assembly  of  Chitellerault : 
as  also  the  Attorneys  and  Solicitors-General,  appointed  by  the  same 
Edict,  in  the  Chamber  of  Bourdeaux :  and  in  case  of  the  incorpora- 
tion of  the  said  Chamber  of  Bourdeaux  and  that  of  Toulouse,  in  the 
Baid  Parliaments,  the  said  substitutes  shall  be  provided  with  the 
offices  of  Councillor  in  those,  also  gratuitously.     His  said  Majesty 
will  also  cause  Messire  Francois  Pitou  to  be  appointed  to  the  office 
of  Substitute  to  the  Attorney-General,  in  the  Court  of  Parliament 
of  Paris  ;  and  for  this  end  there  shall  be  a  new  office  created,  and 
after  the  decease  of  the  said  Pitou,  he  shall  be  succeeded  by  a  per- 
son of  the  said  pretended  Pteformed  religion.     And  in  case  of  any 
vacancy  occurring  from  the  death  of  the  Master  of  Requests,  in  the 
Hotel  of  the  King,  he  will  fill  the  first  vacancies  with  persons  of 
the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  whom  his  Majesty  will  see  to  be 
proper  and  suitable  for  the  service :  and  also  that  they  be  persons 
responsible  for  the  value  of  the  tax  of  the  escheats.     And,  in  the 
meantime,  it  shall  be  ordered  that  there  be  two  Masters  of  Requests 
appointed  in  each  quarter,  to  report  upon  the  petitions  of  those  of 
said  religion.     His  Majesty  also  permits  the  Deputies  of  the  said 
religion,  assembled  in  the  said  city  of  Chatellerault,  to  remain  to- 
gether, to  the  number  of  ten,  in  the  city  of  Saumur,  for  the  purpose 
of  urging  the  execution  of  his  Edict,  until  his  said  Edict  shall  be 
verified  in  the  Court  of  Parliament  of  Paris,  notwithstanding  that 
the  said  Edict  requires  them  to  disperse  immediately :  without  their 
being  allowed  however  to  make  any  fresh  demands,  nor  to  intermed- 
dle in  any  way  other  than  urging  the  said  execution,  and  completion 
by  the  Commissioners  who  shall  be  ordered  for  this  purpose.     And 
for  all  that  is  herein  given,  his  Majesty  pledges  his  word  and  faith 
by  this  present  writing,  which  he  will  sign  with  his  own  hand,  and 
have  countersigned  by  the  Secretaries  of  State,  wishing  it  to  have 
equal  force  and  value  with  what  is  contained  in  an  Edict,  verified 
in  his  Courts  of  Parliament ;  hoping  those  of  the  said  religion  will 
be  contented,  and  accommodate  themselves  to  existing  circum- 
stances, doing  their  best  for  the  service  of  the  king,  by  not  pressing 
to  have  this  ordinance  put  in  any  more  authentic  form,  having  such 
confidence,  in  the  word  and  the  kindness  of  his  Majesty,  as  to  believe 


louis  fourteenth's  proclamations.  499 

that  he  will  cause  them  to  enjoy  the  full  benefit  of  it.  Having  for 
this  purpose  commanded  that  all  the  expedition  and  dispatch  shall 
be  made  which  is  necessary  for  the  execution  of  the  above. 

Also  signed,        HENRI. 

And  below,         Fokget. 


The  King's  Proclamation,  forbidding  more  than  twelve  persons  to 
be  present  at  the  weddings  and  baptisms  of  persons  of  the  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion. 

It  having  been  represented  to  tke  King,  in  Council,  that  his 
having  regulated  the  number  of  persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed 
religion  who  may  attend  at  the  funerals  of  those  of  said  religion, 
they  have  made  it  a  pretext  for  doing  the  same  at  marriages  and 
baptisms,  marching  through  the  streets,  pretending  to  be  a  numer- 
ous body  going  to  their  temples,  contrary  to  all  former  usage,  and 
which  it  is  proper  to  provide  against.  The  King,  in  Council,  there- 
fore decrees  that  in  future  not  more  than  twelve  persons,  including 
the  parents,  shall  be  present  at  the  marriages  and  baptisms  of  those 
of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  and  no  more  shall  walk 
through  the  streets,  going  to  the  said  ceremonies,  under  penalty  of 
forfeiting  their  privileges,  &c,  &c,  &c. 

Given  in  Council,  at  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  the  ninth  day  of  No- 
vember, 1670. 

(  Signed ),  PHELYPE  AUX. 


Proclamation  of  the  Sieur  President  and  Lieutenant- General  of 
Sedan,  forbidding  persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion 
to  expose,  retail  or  sell  animal  food  or  game  on  days  when  the 
%ise  of  it  is  prohibited  by  the  Church. 

It  has  been  represented  to  us,  by  the  King's  Attorney-Genera], 
that  an  abusive  practice  prevails,  without  any  authority  but  the 
having  been  established  by  the  Ancient  Princes,  who  were  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion.  Butchers,  as  well  Catholic  as  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion,  undertake  to  keep  open  the  public 
butchers'  shambles,  and  to  expose  and  sell  meat  publicly,  during 
Lent,  and  other  days  of  fasting  and  abstinence  ordered  by  the 


500  MEMOIRS   OF   A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

Church,  which  proceeding  causes  scandalous  disorders  to  religion, 
and  is  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  is  contrary  to  public 
decorum ;  for,  as  the  said  shambles  are  in  the  Grand  Square,  and 
have  two  large  and  two  small  doors,  one  large  one  opening  upon 
the  said  Grand  Square,  on  the  road  between  the  two  streets  leading 
from  one  gate  of  the  city  to  the  other,  and  forming  the  main  en- 
trance and  exit  to  and  from  the  Kingdom,  the  other  large  door  of 
the  said  public  shambles  being  exactly  opposite  to  the  Church  of 
the  R.  P.  Jesuits,  strangers  passing  through  the  city  on  their  first 
arrival  in  the  Kingdom,  or  their  departure  from  it,  may  well  doubt 
if  it  be  a  Catholic  place  at  all,  perceiving  indications  like  these  of 
its  being  the  contrary,  which  causes  shame  to  decent  people,  and  by 
which  Catholics,  French  and  foreign,  are  struck  with  horror,  and 
the  zeal  and  piety  of  a  whole  community  is  extremely  scandalized, 
since  it  is  the  only  city  in  the  Kingdom  where  such  an  abuse  is  tol- 
erated. Besides  this,  the  inhabitants  being  part  of  them  of  the  one 
religion  and  part  of  the  other,  having  grown  up  together,  lived  and 
traded  with  one  another,  Catholics  are  to  be  found  whose  habits  and 
manners  partake  of  the  same  intermingling  as  their  interests  and 
their  commerce,  and  they  actually  go,  in  the  most  unscrupulous  man- 
ner, to  the  public  shambles,  they  buy  and  they  eat  animal  food  during 
Lent  and  upon  other  prohibited  days.  The  same  scandal  spreads  to 
the  Pork  butchers,  Poulterers,  Pastry  Cooks,  Tavern-keepers,  and 
others,  who  all  sell  meat,  poultry  and  game,  freely,  openly  and  with 
impunity,  in  their  shops  or  their  houses  at  all  times  and  to  all  sorts 
of  persons,  without  distinction :  which  disorders  having  been  pro- 
vided against  by  Proclamations  and  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  State 
which  supersede  the  general  laws  throughout  the  Kingdom,  and, 
in  consequence,  the  said  Attorney-General  has  applied  to  us  to  have 
them  kept,  observed,  and  executed  within  our  jurisdiction:  "We, 
therefore,  in  conformity  with  this  requisition,  expressly  forbid  all 
Piutchers,  Pastry  Cooks,  Pork  butchers,  Poulterers,  &c,  alike  Cath- 
olics or  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  to  expose,  retail  or  sell 
meat  or  game  of  any  kind  whatever,  either  in  the  said  public  sham- 
bles or  in  their  private  shops  during  Lent,  or  on  any  other  days 
when  the  use  of  meat  is  forbidden  by  the  Church,  making  a  reser- 
vation, only,  for  the  sale  of  it  privately  to  persons  of  the  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  with  the  express  understanding  that  they  shall 
not  be  permitted  to  furnish  or  give  ti*e  same  to  any  Catholic,  under 
any  circumstances  or  for  any  pretext  whatsoever.     IsTevertheless, 


PROCLAMATION    OF   THE   SIEUR   PRESIDENT.  501 

it  may  be  furnished,  in  the  same  private  way  to  sick  Catholics,  who 
shall  he  obliged  to  send  a  note  from  the  Sieur  Cure  of  this  city, 
every  time  they  make  a  purchase,  and  the  said  Butchers,  Pastry 
Cooks,  Pork  Butchers  and  others  are  forbidden  to  sell  meat,  pastry, 
poultry  or  game  in  any  other  way ;  and  we  command  that  they  keep 
the  Cure's  notes  very  carefully  during  the  week,  and  send  them  to 
us  every  Monday,  under  pain  of  forfeiting  their  stock  and  paying  a 
fine  of  two  hundred  livres,  one-third  of  which  shall  be  the  perqui- 
site of  the  informer.  Under  pain  of  the  above-named  punishment, 
we  forbid  all  Tavern  or  Hotel  keepers  to  sell  or  furnish  in  any  way 
whatever,  any  meat,  poultry  or  game  to  persons  who  on  the  for- 
bidden days  shall  eat,  drink  or  lodge  at  their  houses,  be  they  Cath- 
olics or  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  residents,  stran- 
gers or  foreigners.  "We  enjoin  it  upon  all  persons  who  shall  know 
of  any  infraction  of  our  present  Ordinance,  to  give  information 
within  twenty-four  hours,  under  pain  of  a  fine  of  twenty  livres, 
one-third  to  be  the  perquisite  of  the  informer.  This  proclamation 
shall  be  read,  published  and  posted  up  in  public  and  frequented  sit- 
uations, in  this  city  and  faubourgs,  also  upon  the  four  doors  of  the 
public  shambles,  &c,  &c,  &c.  Given  by  the  Honorable  Joseph  de 
Guillet  de  la  Minardiere,  Councillor  of  the  King,  Lieutenant-Gene- 
ral  and  President,  on  the  part  of  His  Majesty,  in  the  Sovereign  Court 
of  St.  Manges. 

ADAM 

la  Menardiere. 
2Uh  February,  1672. 


Copy  of  Memorandum  sent  oy  Mr.  Pelisson  to  various  Bislwps  in 
Languedoc,  dated  12th  June,  1677. 

Many  conversions  have  been  made  in  the  valleys  of  Pragelas 
through  the  instrumentality  of  Mi*,  de  Grenoble,  a  company  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Faith  aud  some  Jesuit  Missionaries,  so  that 
without  the  distribution  of  a  larger  sum  than  2000  crowns  in  all, 
sent  at  various  times,  a  certified  list  has  been  sent  in,  with  the  names 
of  from  700  to  800  persons  restored  to  the  church.  Several  Bishops 
have  done  me  the  honor  to  write  to  me,  and  have  said  that  they 
also  could  see  the  way  to  many  conversions  within  their  dioceses, 
if  the  money  could  only  be  sent  to  them.  I  replied,  by  order  of 
the  king,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  send  funds  to  so  many 


502  MKMOIKS    OF    A    II  l'< ;  I  IN«  >T    FAMILY. 

plaoee;  hut  that  each  one  in  his  own  sphere  should  work  as  beet  he 
couhl,  and  that  they  might  furnish  information  when  eonvermona 
W&n  likely  lobe  made  in  families  of  consideration,  in  order  that 
his  Majesty  might  think  it  over,  and  make  the  requisite  provision. 
At  the  same  time  they  should  by  no  means  neglect  the  opportunity 
of  making  conversions  amongst  the  families  of  the  people,  for  which 
very  little  would  he  required,  as  we  have  seen  in  these  valleys, 
where  for  two,  three,  four  or  five  pistoles,  numerous  families  have 
been  gained.  I  have  even  signified  to  them  that  they  may  go  as 
high  as  100  francs,  though  I  have  received  no  fresh  order  from  his 
Majesty  to  pay  the  bills  of  exchange  drawn  upon  me.  This  has 
been  attended  to  most  religiously  in  that  respect  by  those  to  whom 
I  had  written  of  it.  I  said  the  same  thing  to  Mr.  Potel,  Secretary 
to  the  Duke  of  Yerneuil,  who  was  going  to  the  States  of  Langue- 
doc,  in  order  that  he  might  be  prepared  with  information  to  give- 
the  Bishops  assembled  there,  and  I  have  confirmed  to  him  by  letter 
what  I  had  already  said,  and  that,  the  more  cheerfully,  because  the 
King,  animated  by  the  great  success,  has  just  made  a  fresh  appro- 
priation for  the  purpose,  of  one-third  of  the  funds  derived  from  the 
revenues  of  vacant  Bishoprics,  collected  or  to  be  collected  from  the 
month  of  December  last,  which  funds  are  to  be  regularly  laid  aside 
for  this  use.  It  will  only  begin  to  be  productive  next  year,  hut 
we  may  hope  from  that  time  to  draw  a  regular  supply  for  the 
future.  Things  remain  yet  in  the  state  they  were;  even  though 
the  funds  are  not  now  available,  means  will  be  forthcoming  to  pay 
bills  drawn  upon  me.  But  the  following  conditions  must  be  strictly 
observed : — 

1.  That  on  no  occasion  must  it  be  unknown,  or  little  known 
persons,  or  persons  without  character,  who  draw  upon  me. 

2.  That  each  draft  be  accompanied  by  an  abjuration,  certified 
by  the  Bishop  of  the  Diocese,  the  Intendant,  or  some  other  impor- 
tant official  personage,  and  also  a  receipt  to  be  given  to  the  Eccle- 
siastic appointed  by  his  Majesty  to  receive  the  temporalities  of  the 
Abbeys  of  Climy  and  St.  Germain  des  Prez,  together  with  the  thirds 
appropriated  for  the  new  conversions. 

Still  the  sum  of  100  francs  may  be  given,  though  it  is  not  in- 
tended to  give  as  much  on  all  occasions,  economy  being  most  essen- 
tial, first,  in  order  to  let  this  dew  water  as  large  a  surface  as  possi- 
ble, and  also  for  the  consideration  that  if  100  francs  be  given  to  insig- 
nificant individuals,  withont  families,  how  much  larger  would  be  the 


PROCLAMATION   OF  THE   KING.  503 

suras  expected  by  persons  in  a  higher  position,  and  able  to  draw 
large  families  after  them. 

Prelates  and  others  who  are  disposed  to  devote  themselves  to 
this  charitable  work,  may  rest  assured  that  in  no  way  can  they 
better  recommend  themselves  to  the  favor  of  the  King,  who  sees 
all  the  lists,  than  by  imitating  what  has  been  done  in  Grenoble, 
where  the  sum  of  100  francs  was  scarcely  ever  paid,  generally  very 
much  less. 

Nevertheless,  there  is  no  objection  to  giving  large  sums  to 
attain  great  objects,  but  the  said  large  sums  cannot  be  sent  with- 
out submitting  the  case  for  his  Majesty  to  decide  upon  himself. 


Proclamation  of  the  King  forbidding  those  of  the  pretended  Re- 
formed Religion  to  act  as  Accoucheurs  or  Nurses. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  to  all 
who  shall  see  these  presents,  greeting. 

We  have  been  informed  that  great  abuses  have  arisen,  in  this 
our  kingdom,  from  permitting  the  attendance  of  persons  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion  upon  women  in  childbirth,  because, 
according  to  the  principles  of  their  religion,  baptism  is  not  abso- 
lutely necessary,  and  besides  they  not  having  the  liberty  to  baptize, 
the  administration  of  baptism  being  reserved  to  their  ministers  and 
to  take  place  in  their  Temples,  it  happens  that  when  children  are 
dangerously  ill,  the  absence  of  the  minister,  or  distance  from  the 
Temple,  makes  it  impossible  to  have  them  baptized  before  death. 
Likewise,  when  persons  of  said  pretended  Reformed  religion  are 
employed  about  Catholic  women  they  do  not  give  timely  notice 
when  they  see  life  in  danger,  because  they  do  not  believe  in  the 
Sacraments  of  the  Church,  and  death  takes  place  without  the 
administration  of  said  sacraments.  We  wish  to  remedy  this  abuse, 
and  also  to  provide  against  illegitimate  children  of  Roman  Catholic 
parents,  whose  birth  is  concealed,  being  brought  up  in  the  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion,  as  they  often  are  from  the  nurture  and 
education  being  confided  to  those  who  attend  upon  the  mothers. 
For  these  and  other  causes,  by  the  advice  of  our  Council  and  of 
our  own  free  will,  full  power  and  royal  authority,  we  say  and  de- 
clare that  it  is  our  royal  will  and  pleasure,  that  henceforth  no  per- 
son of  either  sex,  making  profession  of  the  pretended  Reformed 


504:  MEMOIRS   OF    A    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

religion,  shall  bo  allowed  to  have  any  tiling  to  do  with  the  care 
of  either  Catholic  women  or  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed 
religion  in  childbirth,  under  penalty  of  being  fined  to  the  amount  of 
three  thousand  livres,  &c,  &c,  &c. 

Given  at  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  the  Twentieth  day  of  February, 
year  of  grace  1680,  and  the  thirty-seventh  of  our  reign. 

Signed,  Loos. 

[It  would  appear  that  the  employment  forbidden  to  Protestants 
by  the  above  proclamation  was  one  that  had  been  followed  by 
them  with  remarkable  success,  and  even  Roman  Catholic  women 
of  high  rank  had  more  confidence  in  them  than  in  those  of  their 
own  faith,  and  were  most  anxious  still  to  employ  them,  offering 
great  and  unusual  remuneration  for  the  risk  to  induce  them  still  to 
attend.  It  is  well  known  that  the  mind  has  much  influence  on  the 
body  at  such  times,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  above  proclama- 
tion caused  the  loss  of  many  lives,  not  so  much  from  want  of  skill 
in  those  assisting  as  in  fright  and  want  of  confidence  on  the  part  of 
the  patients.] 

Declaration  of  the  King  to  the  effect,  that  children  of  the  age  of 
seven  years  may  he  converted  from  the  Pretended  Reformed 
Religion,  &c. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  to  all 
who  see  these  letters,  greeting. 

The  great  success  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  give  to  the  spiri- 
tual stirring  up,  and  other  reasonable  means,  we  have  employed  for 
the  conversion  of  our  subjects  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  re- 
ligion, making  it  expedient  for  us  to  second  the  movement  that  God 
has  commenced  amongst  our  subjects,  discovering  to  them  the  errors 
in  which  they  were  born,  we  ought  to  have  resolved  to  annul  our 
Declaration,  of  the  first  day  of  February,  of  the  year  1669,  by  which 
children  of  said  religion  were  in  some  sort  excluded  from  con- 
version to  the  Catholic,  Apostolical  Roman  Church,  at  the  age  of 
seven,  when  they  are  competent  to  exercise  their  reason,  and  make 
a  choice  upon  a  subject  of  so  much  importance  as  their  own  salva- 
tion, until  the  ages  respectively  of  fourteen  for  males,  and  twelve  for 
females,  although  the  Edict  of  Nantes  contained  no  such  provision, 
which  should  have  been  required.     Moved  by  these  and  other  influ- 


DECLARATION    OF    THE    KING.  505 

ential  considerations,  we  have  said  and  declared,  and  we  do  say 
and  declare,  by  these  presents,  signed  with  our  own  hand,  that 
henceforth,  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  our  said  subjects  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion,  as  well  male  as  female,  having  at- 
tained the  age  of  seven  years,  may  lawfully  be  received  to  abjure 
the  said  pretended  Eeformed  religion,  without  permitting  their 
fathers,  mothers,  or  any  other  relation  to  put  any  impediment  in 
the  way,  under  any  pretext  whatsoever,  annulling,  for  this  purpose, 
as  much  as  may  be  necessary  of  our  said  Declaration  of  the  first 
day  of  February,  1669.  It  is  our  will  also,  that  the  newly  con- 
verted children,  of  the  age  of  seven  years,  shall  have  the  full  benefit 
of  our  Declaration  of  the  fourteenth  day  of  October,  1665,  and,  in 
conformity  with  that,  they  shall  have  free  choice,  after  then'  con- 
version, either  to  return  to  their  parents,  and  be  maintained  at 
home,  or  to  go  elsewhere,  and  require  from  them  an  allowance  for 
support,  proportioned  to  their  condition  and  means,  which  allow- 
ance the  said  fathers  and  mothers  shall  be  obliged  to  pay,  quarterly, 
to  their  children,  and  in  case  of  refusal,  they  shall  be  forced  to  do 
it,  by  all  suitable  and  reasonable  means.  Whereas  we  have  been 
informed,  that  several  of  our  subjects,  of  the  said  pretended  Re- 
formed religion,  have  sent  their  children  for  education  to  foreign 
countries,  where  they  may  imbibe  sentiments  contrary  to  the  fidelity 
due  to  us  and  to  the  State  from  their  birth  ;  we  enjoin  it  upon  them 
expressly  to  send  for  their  children  home  without  delay.  And  for 
those  who  are  possessed  of  real  property,  they  shall  forfeit  the  whole 
income  the  first  year,  and  half  of  it,  every  year  afterwards,  until 
they  recall  their  children.  Those  who  have  not  real  property,  shall 
be  fined  in  proportion  to  their  means,  and  the  said  penalties  of  in- 
come and  fine  shall  be  in  force  year  after  year,  until  the  children 
return  home.  We  prohibit  henceforth  any  of  our  subjects  of  said 
pretended  Reformed  religion,  from  sending  their  children  to  foreign 
countries,  for  education,  under  sixteen  years  of  age,  without  our  ex- 
press permission,  under  pain  of  the  punishments  above-named. 

This  command  is  given  to  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  Council- 
lors, «&c,  &c,  &c. 

Given  at  Versailles,  this  17th  day  of  June,  and  year  of  grace, 
1681,  and  of  our  reign  the  39th. 

Signed,  LOUIS. 

On  the  fold,  By  the  King.  Colbeet. 

Sealed  with  the  great  seal  with  yellow  wax. 
22 


506  MEMOIRS    OF    A    HUGUENOT    FAMILY. 

Decree  of  the  Council  of  State,  forbidding 2>rivate  Individual*  to  re- 
ceive the  sick  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  into  th>  Ir 
houses. 

The  King  being  notified,  that  various  private  individuals,  as  well 
in  the  good  City  of  Paris,  as  in  other  parts  of  his  kingdom,  have 
taken  upon  themselves,  under  the  pretext  of  charity,  to  receive  sick 
persons  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion  into  their  houses,  and 
that  in  some  places  such  accommodations  for  the  sick  have  been 
provided  by  the  Consistories,  and  the  intention  of  his  Majesty  being 
that  the  said  persons  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  taken  to  the  Hos- 
pitals, and  there  treated  like  the  Catholics,  and  that  those  willing 
to  be  converted,  may  avoid  the  danger  of  being  hindered  by  being 
in  the  said  private  houses,  in  the  hands  of  persons  of  the  said  re- 
ligion. His  Majesty  in  Council  expressly  forbids  all  private  in- 
dividuals, of  whatsoever  rank  or  condition,  from  receiving,  under 
pretext  of  charity,  the  sick  of  the  said  religion  into  their  houses,  but 
commands  that  they  be  taken  to  the  Hospitals,  to  be  there  treated 
like  the  sick  Catholics.  Under  penalty  to  a  private  individual,  who 
infringes  this  law,  of  paying  a  fine  of  500  livres,  and  forfeiting,  to 
the  Hospital  in  the  place,  all  the  furniture  and  other  articles  used 
about  the  sick  persons ;  and  to  the  Consistories  who  infringe  the 
law,  the  penalty  will  be  a  prohibition  of  all  religious  exercises  in 
the  places  where  they  have  houses  to  receive  sick  persons  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion. 

His  Majesty  enjoins  the  publication  of  this  Decree  upon  the  In- 
tendants,  Commissioners,  &c,  &c. 

Given  in  the  Council  of  State  of  the  King,  His  Majesty  being 
present,  held  at  Versailles,  the  4th  September,  1684. 

Signed,  Colbert. 


Edict  of  the  King,  which  revokes  that  of  Nantes,  and  all  consequent 
upon  it,  and  forbids  all  public  exercise  of  the  pretended  Reform- 
ed religion  in  the  Kingdom. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  France  and  Navarre :  to  all 
that  are  and  shall  be,  greeting. 

The  King  Henry  the  Great,  our  Grandsire  of  glorious  memory, 
desirous  that  the  peace  he  had  obtained  for  his  subjects,  after  the 


EDICT   OF   REVOCATION.  507 

sufferings  they  had  endured  through  a  long  period  of  domestic  and 
foreign  wars,  should  not  be  disturbed  on  account  of  the  pretended 
Eeformed  religion,  as  it  had  happened  during  the  reigns  of  the 
Kings  his  predecessors,  endeavored  by  his  Edict  given  at  Nantes 
in  the  month  of  April,  1598,  to  make  regulations  with  respect  to 
those  of  said  religion,  the  places  where  the  exercise  of  said  religion 
might  be  allowed  ;  He  also  appointed  Judges  Extraordinary  to  ad- 
minister justice  on  their  behalf,  and  at  length  he  even  provided 
secret  articles  containing  all  that  he  deemed  necessary  for  the 
maintenance  of  tranquillity  in  his  Kingdom  and  lessening  the  hatred 
existing  between  those  of  the  two  religions,  in  order  to  place  him- 
self in  a  more  advantageous  position  for  laboring,  as  he  had  resolv- 
ed he  would,  to  re-unite  to  the  Church  those  who  had  been  so  easily 
detached  from  it.  And,  as  the  intention  of  the  King  our  Grand- 
sire  could  not  be  carried  out  effectually  on  account  of  his  untimely 
death,  and  that  even  during  the  minority  of  the  deceased  "King, 
our  much  honored  Lord  and  Father,  of  glorious  memory,  the  exe- 
cution of  the  Edict  was  interrupted  by  new  enterprises  of  those 
of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  which  gave  occasion  to  deprive 
them  of  various  privileges  which  had  been  granted  by  the  said 
Edict :  nevertheless,  the  King,  our  said  deceased  Lord  and  Father, 
displaying  his  accustomed  clemency,  granted  them  yet  another 
Edict  at  Nimes,  in  the  month  of  July,  1629,  by  means  of  which, 
tranquillity  having  been  re-established  once  more,  the  said  King, 
animated  by  the  same  spirit  and  zeal  for  religion  that  had  filled  the 
breast  of  the  King,  our  said  Grandsire,  resolved  to  profit  by  this 
repose  and  try  to  put  his  pious  design  in  execution,  but  foreign 
Avar  broke  out  a  few  years  later,  so  that  from  the  year  1635  until 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  in  the  year  1684,  with  the  Princes  of 
Europe,  the  Kingdom  being  almost  always  in  a  state  of  agitation, 
it  was  impossible  for  him  to  do  any  thing  for  the  benefit  of  religion 
but  to  lessen  the  number  of  exercises  of  those  of  the  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  by  forbidding  whatever  he  found  established 
contrary  to  the  orders  of  the  Edicts,  and  by  dissolving  the  Mixed 
Chambers,  whose  establishment  had  only  been  provisional.  God 
Lav  in--  at  last  permitted  our  people  to  enjoy  perfect  peace,  and  re- 
lieved  us  from  the  care  of  protecting  them  against  foreign  enemies, 
profiting  by  thia  treaty,  we  are  enabled  to  give  our  entire  attention 
to  finding  the  best  mode  of  carrying  out  successfully  the  intention 
of  the  Kings,  our  said  Sire  and  Grandsire,  which  subject  has  occu" 


»8  MEMOIRS   "I-    ,\    III  Gl  I  BTOT    I  AMI!  , 

pied  "in-  thought-,  from  the  time  of  our  Buoceeding  i<>  i!,  wn. 

We  now  behold,  with  due  gratitude  i<>  God  for  it,  thai  our  exertions 
have  accomplished  what  we  proposed,  .since  the  greater  pari  of  our 
subjects  of  the  said  pretended   Reformed  religion  have  embraced 

the  Catholic,  and  inasmuch  a-  <»n  this  account  the  execution  of  the 
•t  ot*  Nantes,  and  every  thing  else  ordered  in  favor  of  the  pre- 
tended Reformed  religion  becomes  u  •  have  resolved  thai 
we  can  do  nothing  better,  with  the  view  of  destroying  all  mem* 

of  the  past  troubles,  confusion  and  evil-  caused  frj  the  pn  of 

this  false  religion  in  our  Kingdom,  which  gave  rise  to  this,  and 
many  other  preceding  and  subsequent  Edicts  and  Proclamations, 
than  to  revoke  entirely  the  said  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  the  secret 
articles  granted  after  it,  and  all  done  since  in  favor  of  said  religion. 

1.  Be  it  known,  that  for  these  causes,  and  others  by  which  we 
are  influenced,  of  our  own  certain  knowledge,  full  power  and  Royal 
authority,  we  have  by  this  perpetual  and  irrevocable  decree  repeal- 
ed and  revoked  and  we  do  repeal  and  revoke  the  Edict  of  the  King 
our  said  Grandsire,  given  at  Nantes  in  the  month  of  April,  1598, 
to  its  full  extent,  together  with  the  private  articles  issued  on  the  2d 
May  following,  and  the  Letters  Patent  executed  upon  them,  and  the 
Edict  given  at  Nhnes,  in  the  month  of  July,  1629.  AYe  declare 
them  all  null  and  void,  together  with  all  other  concessions  proceed- 
ing from  these  or  other  Edicts,  Proclamations  and  Decrees  to  the 
people  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  of  any  kind  whatsoever, 
which  shall  all  be  as  though  they  never  had  any  existence,  and 
consequently,  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure,  that  all  places  of  worship 
belonging  to  those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  situated 
within  onr  Kingdom,  Countries,  Lands  and  Manors  under  our  gov- 
ernment, be  demolished  forthwith. 

2.  "We  forbid  our  said  subjects  of  the  pretended  Reformed  reli- 
gion to  assemble  themselves  together  for  religious  exercises  in  any 
place  or  private  house,  under  any  pretext  whatsoever,  the  same  in 
bailiwicks  and  otherwise,  even  if  the  said  exercises  may  have  been 
sustained  by  decrees  of  our  Council. 

3.  TVe  likewise  forbid  all  Lords  of  the  Manor,  of  whatever 
rank  they  may  be,  to  hold  religions  exercises  in  their  houses  or  with- 
in their  fiefs,  be  the  fiefs  what  kind  they  may,  under  penalty  to  all 
our  said  subjects  who  take  part  in  said  exercises,  of  confiscation 
and  imprisonment. 

4.  We  enjoin  all  Ministers  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  re- 


EDICT    OF    REVOCATION.  509 

ligion,  who  are  not  willing  to  be  converted  and  to  embrace  the 

Apostolical  Roman  Catholic  religion,  to  depart  from  our  Kingdom 
and  Territories  within  fifteen  days  after  the  publication  of  our  pres- 
ent Edict,  without  being  permitted  to  remain  beyond  that  time,  nor 
daring  the  said  fifteen  days  can  they  be  allowed  to  preach,  exhort 
or  perform  other  functions,  under  penalty  of  the  galleys. 

5.  We  wish  those  of  said  Ministers  who  shall  be  converted,  to 
continue  in  the  enjoyment  for  life,  and  their  widows  after  them,  so 
long  as  they  remain  in  the  state  of  widowhood,  of  the  same  ex- 
emption  from  tax  and  the  quartering  upon  them  of  soldiers  that 
they  enjoyed  while  performing  the  functions  of  the  Ministry;  and 
besides  this,  we  shall  order  pensions  to  be  paid  to  the  said  Ministers 
for  life,  amounting  to  one-third  more  than  the  sum  they  received 
as  Ministers  ;  the  half  of  which  pension  shall  be  continued  to  their 
widows  after  their  death,  so  long  as  they  remain  widows. 

6.  If  anv  of  the  said  Ministers  desire  to  become  Advocates  or 
to  take  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws,  we  would  have  it  under- 
stood that  the  three  years  of  study  prescribed  by  our  Proclama- 
tions, shall  be  dispensed  with  in  their  case,  and  after  having  been 
submitted  to  examination  in  the  usual  way,  and  being  judged  com- 
petent, they  may  be  received  as  Doctors  upon  paying  only  half  the 
fees  that  are  usually  collected  on  such  occasions  in  each  University. 

7.  We  prohibit  private  schools  for  the  instruction  of  children 
of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion,  and  generally,  every  thing 
whatever  that  could  be  construed  as  a  concession,  in  any  sort  of 
way,  in  favor  of  the  said  religion. 

8.  With  regard  to  the  children  of  those  of  the  said  pretended 
Reformed  religion,  we  desire  that  henceforth  they  be  baptised  by 
the  Cure  of  the  Parish.  We  enjoin  the  fathers  and  mothers  to  send 
the  children  to  Church  for  the  purpose,  under  penalty  of  the  pay- 
ment of  a  fine  of  500  livres,  or  more  if  it  lapses ;  and  afterwards. 
the  children  shall  be  brought  up  in  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic 
religion.  We  desire  the  Magistrates  of  the  place  to  pay  particular 
attention  to  this  point. 

9.  And  to  evince  our  clemency  towards  those  of  said  pretended 
Reformed  religion  who  have  gone  out  of  our  Kingdom  and  Terri- 
tories before  the  publication  of  this,  our  Edict,  we  wish  to  have  it 
understood  that  in  case  they  come  back  within  four  months  from 
the  date  of  the  said  publication,  they  may,  and  it  is  quite  open  to 
them  to  resume  possession  of  their  property,  and  enjoy  it  as  entire- 


510  MEMOEBS   OF    a    HUGUENOT   FAMILY. 

ly  as  if  they  bad  always  remained  in  the  country.  On  the  contra- 
ry, with  respect  to  those  who  do  no1  return  within  the  tour  months 
to  onr  Kingdom,  their  property  shall  all  be  confiscated, in  conform- 
ity with  our  Proclamation  of  the  twentieth  of  last  Angc 

10.  We  make  express  and  reiterated  declarations,  that  none  of 
our  subjects  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion,  they,  their 
wives  or  children,  shall  he  permitted  to  take  away  with  them  from 
our  Kingdom  and  Territories  any  of  their  property  or  possessions 
under  penalty  of  the  galleys  for  men,  and  confiscation  and  im- 
prisonment for  women. 

ATe  wish  it  understood  that  proclamations  issued  against  those 
who  have  relapsed  shall  be  executed  according  to  their  form  and 
tenor. 

The  remainder  of  those  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion 
while  waiting  until  it  pleases  God  to  enlighten  them  as  he  has 
done  others,  may  remain  in  the  cities  and  places  within  our  king- 
dom and  territories,  and  continue  to  follow  commercial  pursuits 
there,  and  enjoy  their  property  in  peace  without  being  disturbed 
or  hindered  under  pretext  of  the  said  pretended  Reformed  religion 
on  condition  as  before  said,  that  they  have  no  religious  exercii 
no  assembling  for  prayer  or  worship  of  any  kind  according  to  said 
religion,  under  the  above-named  penalty  of  confiscation  and  im- 
prisonment. 

Therefore  we  command  our  right  trusty  and  entirely  beloved 
people  who  compose  our  Courts  of  Parliament,  Court  of  Exchequer, 
and  Courts  of  Aids,  Bailiffs,  Seneschals,  Provosts  and  other  Magis- 
trates  and  Officers,  whose  duty  it  may  he,  as  well  as  their  Lieuten- 
ant:-, to  cause  our  present  Edict  to  be  read,  published,  and  registered 
within  their  courts  and  jurisdiction,  even  in  the  time  of  vacation; 
and  they  must  maintain  it  and  cause  it  to  be  maintained,  kept  and 
observed  in  every  point  without  contravention,  and  they  must  not 
permit  it  to  be  contravened  in  any  way  whatever.  For  such  is  our 
will  and  pleasure,  and  in  order  that  the  thing  maybe  established 
and  inviolable  for  ever,  we  have  affixed  our  seal  to  these  presents. 

(nven  at  Fontainebleau,  in  the  month  of  October,  year  of  grace 
L685,  and  forty-third  of  our  reign. 

Signed,  LOUIS, 

And  on  the  fold  visa,  Lb  Telliee, 

And  at  the  side  by  the  King,         Colbert. 

And  sealed  with  the  Great  Seal  with  green  wax,  upon  red  and 
green  silk  cord  - 


CONFESSION    OF   FAITH.  511 


Confession  of  Faith  required  to  be  subscribed  to  by  converts  from  the 
Protestant  Church;  a  very  little  modified,  in  the  articles  up on 
.    Purgatory  and  the  Invocation  of  Saints,  from  that  which  was 
prepared  under  Pius  IV.  after  the  Council  of  Trent. 

I,  A.  B.,  believe  with  steadfast  faith,  and  acknowledge  all  and 
every  one  of  the  articles  contained  in  this  Creed  used  in  the  holy 
Roman  Church,  that  is  to  say —  *  *  *  * 

[Here  follows  the  Xicene  Creed.] 

I  believe  and  embrace  steadfastly  the  Traditions  of  the  Apostles 
and  of  the  Holy  Church,  with  all  its  constitutions  and  observances. 

I  admit  and  receive  the  Holy  Scriptures  according  to  and  in  the 
sense  that  the  Holy  Mother  holds  and  has  held,  to  whom  belongs 
the  right  understanding  and  interpretation  of  the  said  Scriptures, 
and  never  will  I  receive  or  expound  them  otherwise  than  according 
to  the  common  agreement  and  unanimous  consent  of  the  Fathers. 

I  confess  that  there  are  seven  Sacraments  truly  and  properly  so 
called  in  the  new  Law,  instituted  by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
necessary,  but  not  all  to  every  individual,  for  the  salvation  of 
mankind,  which  are  Baptism,  Confirmation,  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
Penance,  Extreme  Unction,  Ordination,  and  Marriage,  and  through 
these  the  grace  of  God  is  given  to  us  ;  and  that  of  them  Baptism, 
Confirmation  and  Ordination  cannot  be  repeated  without  sacrilege. 

I  believe  also  and  admit  the  ceremonies  adopted  by  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  made  use  of  in  the  solemn  administrations  of  the  said 
Sacraments. 

I  believe  also  and  embrace  every  thing  defined  and  determined 
by  the  Holy  Council  of  Trent  on  the  subject  of  original  sin  and 
justification. 

I  acknowledge  that  in  the  Holy  Mass  a  true,  fitting,  and  propitia- 
tory sacrifice  for  the  dead  and  the  living  is  offered  to  God,  and  that 
the  body  and  blood  with  the  spirit  of  the  Divinity  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  is  truly,  really,  and  substantially  in  the  very  Holy 
Sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  and  that  a  conversion  of  the  entire 
substance  of  the  entire  bread  into  the  body,  and  the  entire  sub- 
stance of  the  wine  into  the  blood,  takes  place  in  it,  which  conver- 
sion is  called  Transubstantiation  by  the  Catholic  Church. 

I  confess  also  that  we  take  and  receive  Jesus  Christ  whole  and 
entire  in  one  onlv  of  the  two  kinds  in  a  true" Sacrament. 


512  MEMonte  of   i  huguenot  family. 

I  confess  that  there  is  a  Purgatory  in  which  the  souls  that  are 
detained  may  be  benefited  by  the  good  works  and  prayers  of  the 
faithful. 

I  avow  that  we  ought  to  honor  and  invoke  the  blessed  Saints, 
male  and  female,  who  are  reigning  with  Jesus  Christ  and  offering 
their  prayers  for  us,  and  that  we  ought  to  venerate  their  holy 
rel  i 

As  also  that  we  ought  to  have  and  to  retain  images  of  Jesus 
Christ  and  of  his  blessed  and  always  Virgin  Mother,  and  the  other 
Saints,  male  and  female,  rendering  to  them  the  honor  and  reverence 
that  is  their  due. 

I  confess  that  Jesus  Christ  bequeathed  to  his  Church  the  power 
of  granting  Indulgences,  and  that  its  use  is  very  beneficial  to  Chris- 
tian people. 

I  recognize  the  Holy  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic  Church  as  the 
Mother  and  Head  of  all  Churches. 

I  promise  and  swear  true  obedience  to  the  Pope  and  Holy  Father 
of  Rome,  Successor  of  St.  Peter,  Chief  and  Prince  of  the  Apostles, 
and  Vicar  of  Jesus  Christ. 

I  approve  without  any  doubt,  and  I  make  profession  of  all  that 
has  been  decided,  determined  and  declared  by  the  Holy  Canons 
and  General  Councils,  and  especially  by  the  Holy  Council  of  Trent. 
and  I  reject,  condemn,  and  anathematize  all  that  is  contrary  to 
them,  and  all  heresies  condemned,  rejected,  and  anathematized  by 
the  Church. 

I,  A.  B.,  promise,  vow,  and  swear,  upon  the  Holy  Evangelists,  to 
persevere  entirely  and  inviolably  until  I  draw  my  latest  breath,  by 
the  aid  of  God's  grace,  in  maintaining  this  Catholic  Faith,  out  of 
which  there  is  no  salvation  and  no  one  can  be  saved,  and  which 
now  I  make  profession  of  without  any  constraint,  and,  as  far  as 
may  be  possible,  I  will  cause  to  be  held,  kept,  observed,  and  pro- 
fessed by  all  those  over  whom  I  have  charge  in  my  house  and 
my  station  of  life. 

Therefore,  God  and  the  Holy  Evangelists,  on  whom  I  swear  and 
make  oath,  helping  me,  giving  my  hand  to  N.,  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  undersigned  witnesses,  &c,  &c,  <fcc. 


THE   EXD. 


COLUMBIA    UNIVERSITY 

This  book  is 


or     '-> 


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W.    o       -« 


DATE  DUE 


92S  . 
F7291 


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